After that, all this army was arrayed and even ready to set forward whereof were chieftains and leaders, Jasper Duke of Bedford (age 61), and  John, Earl of Oxford (age 50) beside other the King (age 35) sent Christopher Urswick (age 44) almoner, and syr John Wriothesley knight to Maximilia (age 33), to certify him that the King (age 35) was all in a readiness, and would shortly arrive in the continent land, as soon as he were advertised that Maximilian (age 33) and his men, were ready and prepared to join with him. The Ambassadors sailed into Flanders, and after their message done, they sent two letters in all hast to King Henry (age 35), the which not only sore unquieted and vexed him, but also caused him to take more thought, care and study on him then he did before: for they declared that no prince could be more unprovided or more destitute of men and armure, no more lacking all things, appertaining to war than was Maximilian (age 33), and that he lay lurking in a corner, sore sick of the flux of the purse, so that he had neither men, horses, munitions, armour nor money, nevertheless his mind and will was good, if his power and ability had been correspondent and therefore there was no trust to be put in his aide or puissance. Their letters both appalled and made sorrowful the King of England (age 35), which like a prudent prince did well consider and ponder, that it were both jeopardous and costly, for him alone to enterprise so great a war. And on the other part, if he should desist and leave of his pretended purpose, all me might call him coward and recreant prince. Beside this, he thought that his own nation would not take his tarrying at home in good nor favourable part, considering that syth they had given so large money for the preparation of all things necessary and convenient for the same, they might conceive in their heads and imagine, that under colour and pretence of a dissimulated war he had exacted of the notable sums of money, and now the treasure was once paid, then the war was done, and his coffers well enriched, and the commons impoverished. So that at this time he doubted and cast perils on every side and part, and beside this he was not a little sorry that Maximilia (age 33) author of this war did absent himself and defraud him of his society and assistance. And while he studied and mused what counsel he should best take in such a doubtful and sudden case, he like a grave prince, remembering the saying of the wise man, work by counsel and thou shall not repent the, assembled together all his lords and other of his private counsel, by whose minds it was concluded and determined, that he should manfully and courageously persevere and precede in this broached and begun enterprise, recording well with themselves, and affirming plainly that all chivalry and martial prowess, the more difficult and heard that it is to attain to, the more renowned is the glory, and the fame more immortal of the vanquisher and obtainer. Therefore by this counsel of his friends and senate, he made Proclamation that every man should set forward into France, and yet not opening how Judasly Maximilian had deceived him, least that they knowing the whole fact, should not be so courageous to go toward that battle and precede forward on their journey. And therefore, to provide and force all perils and dangers that might accidentally ensue, he so strengthened, multiplied and augmented his army in such number before he took ship, that he with his own power might discourage and overcome the whole puissance of his adversaries.

In the mean season, although the French King was as well with courage replenished as with men furnished mete to try a battle, yet all this notwithstanding he made semblance, as though he desired nothing more than peace, being not ignorant that peace to be obtained was of normal value and price, and yet he determined to make more expense in getting of peace then in setting forth of war and hostility, and regarded so much the less the treasure to be dispensed for the acquiring of unity and concord, for as much as he was afraid that he being diligent to resist the invasion of the Englishmen, that the Britons whereof the most part bare the yoke of his subjection contrary to their hearts and minds, would suddenly rebel and set themselves at liberty, and pluck out their heads out of his colour, and set up another duke and governor. And at the same very time he was invited and desired of Louis Sforcia duke of Milan to war against Ferdinand King of Naples, at whose desire he was pressed and joyous, thinking that he had that occasion sent to him from God, for the which he long before thirsted and sore wished. The which Kingdome he pretended to be due to him by succession and intended long before to acquire and conquer it by force of arms, as his very right and inheritance. For when Rene Duke of Angou last King of Sicily, departed without any heir male of his wife lawfully begotten, he did adopt to his heir of all his realms and dominions, Lewes the eleventh father to the third King Charles, to the intent that he should deliver Queen Margaret his daughter, out of the hands of King Edward the Third as you have well before perceived, wrongfully and without cause disinheriting his cousin, Godson, and heir, Rene duke of Lorraine and Barre. For the which cause he did the more busily procure and labour for the amity, favour friendship of his neighbours around about him, that when all things were appeased and set in good; stay at home he might the better employ his whole force and puissance on his war in Italy. Wherefore being much desirous to have all things pacified and set in a perfect concord and security, he sent Philip Creueceur lord Cordes his chief counsellor and diligent officer to entreat, move and persuade the King of England to be reconciled made again as a new friend to the French King. He not forgetting his message, sent letters to King Henry before he passed the sea, and arrived in the firm land, by the which he notified to him that he of his bound duty and observance which he ought to the King his master, and to the profit of his realm would take pain to invent and excogitate some mean way, that his highness King Charles his master being dissevered in amity, and made extreme enemies, only for the cause of Maximilian newly elected King of Romanes, should be reduced and brought again into their pristine estate consuete [usual] familiarity, doubting not to bring his ship to the port desired, if it might stand with his pleasure to send some of his counsellors to the confines and borders of the English pale, adjoining to France, there to hear what reasonable offers, should be demonstrated and proffered: which conditions of peace should be so reasonable and so ample that he doubted not, but that he might with his great honour break up his camp, and retire his army back again into his own seignory and dominion.

While the commissioners were thus consulting on the marches of France, the King of England (age 35), as you have heard, was arrived at Calais [Map], where he prepared all things necessary for such a journey. And from thence he removed in four battles, near to the town of Boulogne  [Map], and there pitched his tents before the town, in a place propitious and convenient and determined to gene a great assault to the town. In the which fortress was such a garrison of warlike soldiers, that valiantly defended the town, and the same so replenished with artillery, and munitions of war, that the loss of the Englishmen assaulting the toun, should be greater damage to the realm of England, then the conquering and gaining of the same should be emolument or profit. Howbeit the King’s daily shot, razed and defaced the walls of the said town: but when every man was pressed and ready to give the assault, a sudden rumour rose in the army, that a peace was by the commissioners taken and concluded, which brute as it was pleasant and mellifluous to the Frenchmen, so it was to the English nation bitter, sore and dolorous because they were pressed and ready at all times to set on their enemies, and refused never to attempt any enterprise, which might seem either to be for their laud or profit: they were in great fumes, angry and evil content, railing and murmuring amongst themselves, that the occasion of so glorious a victory to them manifestly offered, was by certain conditions to no man, nor yet to the King commodious or profitable, refused, put by and shamefully slacked: But above all other diverse lords and captains, encouraged with desire of fame and honour, trusting in this journey to have won their spurs, which for to set themselves and their band the more gorgeously forward had mutuate [borrowed], and borrowed diverse and sundry sums of money, and for the repayment of the same, had mortgaged and impignorated [pawned] their lands and possessions, sore grudged and lamented this sudden peace, and return of them unthought of, and spoke largely against the Kinge’s doings, saying and affirming, that he as a man fearing and dreading the force and puissance of his enemies, had concluded an inconvenient peace without cause or reason: But the King as a wise man and most prudent prince, to assuage the indignation and pacify the murmur of the people, declared what damage and detriment, what loss and perdition of many noble Captains and strong soldiers must of necessity happen and ensue at the assault of a town, and especially when it is so well fortified with men and munitions, as the town of Boulogne at that present time was: protesting farther, that he might be justly accused and condemned of iniquity and untruth, except he did prefer the safeguard of their lives, before his own wealth, health and advantage.

In this war and tumultuous business in Italy, which was the most terrible and sorest plague, that any man can remember of that nation, there was no person, no place, no private house, no noble family, no captain or prince, but he was oppressed either with the heaps of the dead carcasses, or with the blood of his friends or subjects, or else sutired some affliction injury or detriment. And in some wise at one time or another, every man did taste and suffer all the mischiefs that appertained to the victory gotten by their enemies. The which defacing and blotting of the beauty of that country, sometime called the Queen of the Earth, and flower of the world, chanced not of her own self of hearing cause or desert, but the Italians her own sucking children opened the gap, and made the way of her destruction. For at that time thus it chanced, that when the potentates and seignories of Italy perceived, that all things under them succeeded, even as they would desire and wish, to their great exultation and rejoicing by reason whereof they sat still at home like sloggardes (as women be accustomed to do) scolding and brawling, exercising and practising privy displeasure and malice, not against their enemies as they were accustomed, but among themselves one against another, casting out of memory drowning their ancient renown, glory and honour with desire of rule and appetite to be revenged, and so destroyed the common weal, and subverted the olde monuments and acts of their forefathers and predecessors. And because some of them, thinking themselves, not of force and puissance sufficient enough to bring their purpose to effect, and to revenge their quarrel, they enticed, stirred and procured with gifts, rewards and promises, strangers and foreign nations to their aide and assistance. The other seeing them so desirous to have their help, partly moved with their gifts, partly with desire of rule, spoils, prayes, gathered together a great company and entered into Italy, and there destroyed, spoiled and possessed the better part of it. And so the Italians, as men out of their wit, where as they thought one to noye and hurt another with hateful warring, they destroyed their native country, being of nature enclosed and munyte with high hills and the main sea round about, and opened the way to strangers to their utter ignominy and final destruction, which they might have kept out of all danger, if they had bene their own friends, and loved their own wealth and commodity. Therefore, I may say: O progeny, as well wicked as ungodly, hath discord and dissention pleased the so much that thou wouldest utterly extinguish and confound the glory and honour of thy native country? And in conclusion, thou thyself art come to the deepest pit of wretchedness, because that thou perceiving the ruin that thou hast caused and procured, thou art more repentant for the beginning of it, then glad to desist and cause it, and so according to thy desert thou hast thy penance and guardon. The grand captain and beginner of this mischief was Sforcia, which at that time ruled at his will the duchy of Milan under Duke John Galeas his nephew: but for a truth this Louis ruled all, and the Duke did nothing. Wherefore Alphons Duke of Calabria, and after King of Naples, grudging that this Duke John his son in law, should be defrauded of his superiority and dominance, threatened sore this Louis Sforcia. Where he fearing to be put from his authority, solicited and by great entreaty procured Charles the French King to invade the realm of Naples. By reason of which procurement, Alphonse duke of Calabre, which succeeded his father Ferdinand in the Kingdom of Naples (which also as you have heard, was made Knight of the Garter) was first deprived of his Kingdom by the said King Charles, and shortly after of his life. But Louis’ force had no long joy after the death of his enemy, for he was betrayed and taken by the Swytzers which warred under King Louis the twelfth, then being French King, and carried into France, where he in the Castell of Loches miserably finished his life, according to the saying of the Gospel, woo be to him by whom a slander begins. Thys mischief began at that time when Charles came thither, and continued yet, which is the yere of our Lord MDXLIII for an example to other, the strangers invited to a prosperous country be loath to depart from the sweet savour once thereof tasted.

By reason whereof, the nobility of Flanders were to him diligent, and with due reverence did him all the pleasure that lay in their power or offices. And to be short, the more that, this poetical and feigned invention was shadowed with the pretence of sincere verity, the more faith and undoubted credence was adhibited to it. In so much that many one thought him to be preserved, only by the will and mighty power of Almighty God, and to be conveyed at the first danger by some faithful friend of King Edward his father into some strange country, and so escaped the violent tyranny of his uncle King Rychard, which indubitably, hereafter should recover his father’s possessions and Kingdom. The same and brute of this juggled miracle was almost in one moment blown over all the country of Flanders, and the territories thereabouts. But in England it was biased in every place sooner than a man could think or devise it. In which country more than in other places it was received for an infallible verity and most sure truth, and that not only of the common people, but also of diverse noble and worshipful men of no small estimation, which are affirmed it to be true, and no comment or fable fantastically imagined. After this divulgation the Richard son to King Edward was yet living, had in great honour amongst the Flemings, there began sedition to springe on every side, none otherwise than in the pleasant time of year, trees are wont to bud or blossom. For not only they that were in sanctuaries, for great and heinous offences by them committed, but also many other that were fallen in debt, and doubting to be brought to captivity and bondage, assembled together in a company, and were passed over the sea into Flanders, to their counterfeit Richard son to King Edward, otherwise named Perkyn Warbeck. After this many of the noble men conspired together some through rashness and temerity induced thereunto, some being so earnestly persuaded in their own conceit, as though they knew perfectly that this Perkyn was the undoubted son of King Edward the Fourth solicited, slurred and allured to their opinion all such as were friends and favourites of the House of Yorke. Other through indignation, ennui and avarice, ever grudging and thinking they were not condignly rewarded for their pains and parts taken in the King’s behalf and quarrel. Other whom it grieved and vexed to see the world stand still in one stay, and all men to live in peace and tranquillity, desirous of some change, ran headlong into that fury, madness and seditious conjuration.

This rumour and vain fable of this twice borne duke Richard, divided all England and drew the realm into partakings and several factions, so that the minds of all men were vexed either with hope of gain and preferment, or with fear of loss and confusion. For no man was quiet in his own mind, but his brains and senses daily laboured and bet about this great and weighty matter, every man according to their intelligence, pondering and weighing in equal balance, the incommodity and danger that might hereof ensue, and the gain and commodity that by the same might be obtained and got. Albeit the King, and his counsel and other his faithful friends, not a little marvelled that any person (being in his right wit) could induce in his mind or find in his heart falsely to think and fraudulently too imagine, such a pernicious fable and fiction, being not only strange and marvellous, but also prodigious and unnatural, to feign a dead man to be renated and newly borne again. By the which open fallacy and untrue surmise set forth and palliated with the vesture and garment of a professed verity. Many of the noble men (as he well then perceived) took and reputed it, which was foolishly and maliciously set forth to unquiet perturb him and his realm, to be a thing true, just and unfeigned. So that he then saw as far as lynce [?] with his bright eyes, that this new invented comment and poetical painted fable, would make some broil and discord in his realm. Except it were manifestly published and openly declared to be a feigned fable, a seditious fraud and a crafty imagined mischief. Other persons, to whom war, sedition, and strife, were as pleasant as delicate viand or epicures living, were very joyous of these new, and believing no fraud nor deceit to be hid or cloaked under this golden tale. But whatsoever the fame was and the voice that ran abroad, that they reputed, sincere, true, and as an open plain thing, thinking that to redound both to their advantage, commodity and high preferment and honour, which thing did greatly animate and encourage them to set up the sails, and launch forth the oar of their pernicious and detestable entreprise. And because the matter was weighty and required great aide and assistance. Therefore they determined to send messengers to the Lady Margaret, to know when Richard Duke of Yorke might come conveniently into England to the intent that they being thereof certified might be in a readiness to help and succour him at his first arrivall.