Warkworth's Chronicle 1469. 26 Jul 1469And Robyne of Riddesdale came uppone the Walschemenne in a playne byyonde Banbury toune¹, and ther thei faughthe strongly togedere, and ther was the Erle of Penbroke takene, and his brother withe hym, and two M^l, Walschmenne slayne, and so the Walschmen loste the felde the xxvj, day of Juylle the same yere. The names of the gentylmen that were slayne² of Walsche party in the same batelle, -Sere Rogere Vaghan, knyght, Herry Organ sonne and heyre³, Thomas Aprossehere Vaghan, squyere, William Harbarde of Breknoke, squyere, Watkyn Thomas, sonne to Rogere Vaghan, Yvan ap Jhon of Merwyke, Davy ap Jankyn of Lymmeryke, Harry Done ap Pikton, John Done of Kydwelle, Ryse ap Morgon ap Ulston, Jankyn Perot ap Scottesburght, John Eneand of Penbrokeschire, and Jhon Contour of Herforde, And of the north party ther was slayne Sere Herry Latymere (age 32)⁴, sonne and heyre to the Lorde Latymere, Sere Rogere Pygot, knyghte, James Conya[r]s (age 36)⁵, sonne and heyre to Sere Jhon Conya[r]s (age 58), knyght, Olivere Audley⁶, squyere, Thomas Wakes sonne and heyre, William Mallerye, squyere, and many othere comyners, &c.

Note 1. A playne byyonde Banbury toune. Danesmoor is in the parish of Edgecote, near three hills of unequal size, and in their relative position approaching a triangle;" the spot now called Danesmoor is a small plantation of a few acres, but the name at this period had doubtless a much more extended application." - Baker's Northamptonshire, I. 500. This battle is commemorated in "Marwnad Thomas ab Rhosser, arglwydd Herast" of Lewis Glyn Cothi. Three things ought to be remarked, viz. that Herbert, who was beheaded, only made a codicil to his will, and not a new one, as commonly stated; that the battle took place on the Monday:

"Dyw Llun y bu waed a lladd:"

and that Herbert and his fellow captives were executed on the Wednesday-

"Marchog a las ddyw Merclur,"

as Gutto Glyn remarks in his poetical language. Cf. MS. Cotton. Otho, B. XIV. fol. 221, vo, where an erroneous date is given to the battle, - in quo cœsi multa milia [in which many thousands were slain]. In MS. Tann. Bodl. 2, fol. 104, vo. we find the field called "prelium ad Hegecote, seu Danysmore, prope Banburiam, dictam Banbery-Feld, seu Hegecote-Fyld [The battle at Hedgecote, or Danesmoor, near Banbury, called Banbury Field, or Hedgecote Field]." Hearne's fragment informs us that the land on which the battle was fought belonged to a person named Clarell. In the valuable collection of manuscripts at the seat of W. Ormsby Gore, Esq. are some verses in the Welsh language on this battle; see Sir Thomas Phillipps's Catalogue of these Manuscripts, p. 1.

Note 2. The names of the gentylmen that were slayne. See another and more extensive list in Itinerarium Willelmi de Worcestre, p. 120.1, although the major part of this catalogue differs from his. Worcester says that at least 168 of the nobility and gentry of Wales fell in this battle, and 1500 men on the English side.

Note 3. Herry Organ. sonne and heyre, i.e. the son and heir of Henry Organ.

Note 4. Sere Herry Latymere. Rather Sir Henry Neville (age 32), paternally a cousin-german of the great Earl of Warwick, and whose mother was Lady Elizabeth Beauchamp (age 52), half-sister to the heiress Anne (age 43), whom the Earl of Warwick married. Leland, in describing the Beauchamp Chapel at Warwick, says: "There lyeth buried (as some saye) in the west end of our Lady Chapell one of the Nevilles L. Latemer, slayne at Edgcote field by Banbury (as some suppose), but there is neither tombe nor scripture seene. This was Sir Hen. Neville, sonne and heire of George Neville, Lord Latemer. But he was never Lord, for he dyed before his father. This Henry Neville was grandfather to the Lord Latemer now livinge." The fact of Sir Henry Neville, and of his brother-in-law John Dudley (age 42), also slain in the same battle, having been buried in the Beauchamp Chapel, is proved by the will of his mother Lady Latimer, who on the field of Edgcote lost her only son and the husband of her daughter. Before the close of the same year, (on the 30th Dec.) her husband died insane, Nichols's Beauchamp Monuments, 4to. p. 40. - J.G.N.

Note 5. Sir John Conyers of Hornby (age 36), com. Ebor. Kt.

Note 6. Olivere Audley, squyere. For Audley read Dudley. He was a son of John Lord Dudley, K.G. and brother of that John who was grandfather of John Duke of Northumberland. Beauchamp Monuments, p. 39.-J.G.N.

Warkworth's Chronicle 1470. Feb 1470. And in the x. yere¹ of Kynge Edwardes regne, in the moneth of Marche, the Lorde Willowby (age 42), the Lorde Welles his sonne², Thomas Delalond knyght, and Sere Thomas Dymmoke (age 42) knyght, the Kynges Champyon, droff oute of Lyncolneschyre Sere Thomas à Burghe, a knyght of the Kynges howse, and pullede downe his place, and toke alle his goodes and cataylle that thei myghte fynde, and thei gaderid alle the comons of the schyre to the nowmbre of xxx. M¹., and cryed "Kynge Herry," and refused Kynge Edwarde. And the Duke of Clarence and the Erle of Warwyke (age 41) causede alle this, lyke as thei dyde Robyne of Riddesdale to ryse afore that at Banbury felde. And whenne Kynge Edwarde herde hereof, he made oute his commyssyons, and gaderyd a grete peple of menne, and sent his pardone to the Lorde Wyllowby (age 42), and a commaundement that thei schuld come to hym, and so he dyd. And whenne the Kynge was sure of hym, he and alle his oste went towarde Lyncolneschyre, the Lord Welles, and alle the othere peple were gaderd togedere, and commawndede Lorde Wyllowby (age 42) to sende a lettere to hys sonne and to alle the peple that he gaderyde, that thei schulde yelde them to hym as to ther sovereyne Lorde, or ellys he made a woue³ that the Lorde Willowby (age 42) schuld lese his hede; and he wrote and sent his lettere forthe, but therfor they wulde noʒt ceysse; wherfor the Kynge comawndyde the Lorde Wyllowhby hede for to be smytene of, notwithstondynge his pardone.

And so the Kynge toke his oste and went towarde his enemyes, and losyde his gonnys of his ordynaunce uppone them, and faught with them, and anone the comons fledde away; but ther was many manne slayne of Lyncolneschyre, and the Lorde Wellys, Sere Thomas Delalonde, and Sere Thomas Dymmoke, knyghtys, takene and beheddede.

Note 1. And in the x. yere. It may be remarked that the regnal years of Edward IV. commence on the fourth of March, “quo die Rex Edwardus iiij^tus. incepit regnare [On that day King Edward IV began to reign];" -MS. Magnus Rotulus Pipa, 1 Edw. IV, com. Cornub. Cf. MS. Bib. Geo. III. Mus. Brit. 52. fol. 33, rº.

Note 2. The Lorde Welles his sonne. See the Excerpta Historica, p. 282, for the confession of Sir Robert Welles, which throws very considerable light on this history. It appears that the Duke of Clarence (age 20) took a much more active part in the conspiracy than is generally supposed; that the motive which actuated the multitude was chiefly the fear of the King's vengeance; that a servant of Clarence's was in the battle, and afforded Welles considerable assisttance; that when Lord Welles went to London pursuant to the King's commands, he desired his son, in the event of his hearing that he was in danger, to hasten to his assistance with as many followers as possible; that the real object of the rebellion was to place the crown on Clarence's head; and that both Clarence and Warwick had, for some time, been urging Lord Welles, and his son, to continue firm to their cause.

The following documents are given from the Close Rolls of 10 Edw. IV. (m. 8. dorso.) and are valuable illustrations of the history of this insurrection.

"De proclamationibus faciendis. - Rex vicecomiti Warr' et Leicestr' salutem. Præcipimus tibi firmiter injungentes, quod statim, post receptionem præsentium, in singulis locis infra ballivam, tuam tam infra libertates quam extra, ubi magis expediens videris, ex parte nostra publicas proclamationes fieri facias, in hæc verba [Of making proclamations. - The King to the Sheriff of Warwick and Leicester, greetings. We strictly command you, that immediately upon the receipt hereof, in all places within your bailiwick, as well within liberties as without, where you deem it most expedient, you cause public proclamations to be made on our behalf, in these words]:

"For as moche as hit hath plesyd God, of his godeness and grace, to send to our soveraigne Lord the victorye of his Rebelles and Traitours of his shire of Lincolne, late assembled in grete nombre, leveyng werre ayenst his Highness, contrary to their ligeaunce and duete; Oure said Soveraigne Lord, therefore, not willing his subgettis, other than such as now attend upon his most Royall Person, to be putte to charge, labour, and businesse, by vertue of his commissions of array, and other writing, late addressed to dyvers shires, citees, and townes, for the resistens of the malicious and traiterous purpose of the said Rebelles, wolle, and in the most straitest wise chargeth, that noon of his subgettes presume, ne take uppon hym, to ryse, ne make any assemble or gadering, by reason of any of the seid commissions or writings, ne be moeving, steryng, writing, or commaundement ´made, or hereafter to be made, by any persone or persones of what estate, degree, or condition sooever he be of, lesse than hit bee by the Kinges commission, Prive Seal, or writyng under his signet, of new to be made aftir this the xiij. day of Marche. And if any persone or persones presume, or take uppon theym or hym, to doe the contrary hereof, Our Said Soveraigne Lord woll repute and take hym and them soo doyng as his ennemyes and Rebelles, and wool procede to their lawfull Punycion in the most streitest wise, according to his Lawes and Statutes in such case ordeyned.

"Et hoc nullatenus omittas. Teste Rege apud Stamford xiij °. die Martii.

"Per Ipsum Regem [By the King Himself]"

(Here follow the names of counties.)

"De proclamationibus faciendis. - Rex vicecomiti Eborum salutem. Præcipimus tibi, quod statim post receptionem presentium, in singulis locis infra ballivam tuam, tam infra libertates quam extra, ubi magis expediens videris, ex parte nostra publicas proclamationes fieri facias in hæc verba [Of making proclamations. - The King to the Sheriff of York, greetings. We command you that immediately upon the receipt of these presents, in all places within your bailiwick, as well within liberties as without, where you deem it most expedient, you cause public proclamations to be made on our behalf in these words]:

"Howbeit that the King our Soveraine Lord graunted unto Georg Duc of Clarence, and Richard Erle of Warwyk, his pardon generall of all offences committed and doon ayenst him, afore the fest of Christmasse last passed, trusting thereby to have caused theym to have shewed unto him their naturall love, ligeaunce, and duetie, and to have assisted his Highness, as well in subdueing insurrections and rebellions late made ayenst him in the countie of Lincolne, as in all other things concerning the suertie of his persone; and, in trust that they soo wold have done according to their promisses to hym made, his said Highness auctorized theym by his commission undre his grete seal to assemble his subgetts in certain shires, and theym to have brought to his said Highnes, to the entent aforesaid; yet the said Duc and Erle, unnaturally, unkindly, and untruly intending his destruction and the subversion of his reaume, and the commonwele of the same, and to make the said Duke King of this his said Reaume, ayenst Gods law, mannes law, and all reason and conscience, dissimiled with his seid Highness, and, under colour thereof, falsly and traiterously provoked and stured, as well by their writings as otherwise, Sir Robert Welles, late calling himselfe Great Capitayne of the Commons of the seid shire of Lincolne, to continue the said insurrections and rebellions, and to levee warre ayenst hym, as they, by the same, soe dyd with banners displayed, avauncing theymselfe in plain bataylle, unto the time his said Highnesse, by the help of God, put them to flight; wherein the said Duc and Erle promitted to the said Sir Robert and Commons to have yeven them their assistences to the uttermost of their powers, and soo wolde have done, if God ne had yeven unto hym the said victorie, as the same Sir Robert Welles, Sir Thomas de la Laund, Richard Wareyn, and other have openly confessed and shewed before his seid Highnes, the Lordes of his blood, and the multitude of his subgettis attending upon hym in his host at this tyme; which Sir Robert Welles, and the said other pety capitaynes, affirmed to be true at their dethes, uncompelled, unstirred, or undesired soo to doo; and as by the confession of the said Robert Welles, made under his writing and signe manuell, it apperith. And after that the said Duc and Erle, understanding and seing that this ther seid labours wold not serve to the perfourmyng of their fals and traiterous purpose afore declared, laboured by their writings and messages sent into Yorkeshire into divers persons there, theym straitly charging to doo make open proclamations in their owne names, without making mention of his seid Highnes, that all maner men upon peyn of deth shuld come unto theym, and yeve theym their assistences in resisting of hym; whereupon his seid Highnes sent unto the said Duc and Erle, by Garter King of Armes, summonicion and warnyng of their said accusations undir his prive seal, straitly charging theym to come unto his said Highnes, resonably accompanyed according to their astates and degrees, to answer unto their said accusations; which to doo they presumptuously refused, and withdrew themselfe, and fled with their felaship into Lancashire; soo as his said Highness with his host for lak of vitaill might not follow them, to the intent that they might gadre his subgettes in gretter nombre, and to be able to performe their said fals and traiterous purpose and entent; for the which causes they have deserved to be published as fals traitours and rebelles, and to have the uttermost punition of the law; yet, nathelesse, our said Soveraigne Lord considering the nighness of blood that they be of unto him, and the tendre love which he hath afore time borne to theym, were therefore loth to lese theym, if they wold submitt theym to his grace, and put hym in suertie of their good demeaning hereafter.

"Wherefore our said Sovereigne Lord woll, and in the most straitest wyse chargeth, the said Duc and Erle, that they, in their persones, come in humble and obeysant wyse, and appier afore his Highnes the xxviij. day of this present month of March, Wednesday next, or afore, wheresoever he than shall be, to answer unto the said accusations; which if they woll soo doo, and come declare theymselfe nat guilty, his Highness woll be thereof right glad, and have hem in his grace and favour; and if they refuse thus to doo, then our said Soveraigne Lord reputeth, taketh, and declareth thaym as his rebelles and traitoures, willing and straitly charging all his subgetts to doo the same, and that noon of his subgetts from that time forth receive theym, ne eyther of theym ayd, favour, or assist with mete, drink, ne money, or otherwise, ne noon other persone which, after the said Duc and Erle have refused to come to our said Soverain Lord as is aforesaid, abydeth with theym, or aydeth theym, or assisteth in any wise; but that every of the King's subgetts putte hem in effectuell devir to take the said Duc and Erle, and all other soo abyding with theym, or aiding or assisting theym, as is abovesaid, and theym suerly bring to his Highnes uppon peyn of deth; And he that taketh and bringeth the said Duc or Erle shall have for his reward, to hym and his heires, an C. li. worth of his lond of yerely value, or M¹. li. in redy money, at his election; and for a knyght xx.li. worth of his lond, or C. marc in money; and for a squyer x. li. worth of his lond, or xl. li. in money; and over that cause our said soveraigne Lord to have hym and theym soo doing in the more tendre favour of his good grace at all tymes hereafter.

"Et hoc sub periculo incumbenti nullatenus omittas. Teste Rege apud Eborum xxiiijo die Martii [And under the penalty incumbent, do not omit in any way. Witnessed by the King at York on the twenty-third day of March].

"Per Ipsum Regem [By the King Himself]".

"Consimilia brevia diriguntur vicecomitibus in Com' subscriptis sub data predicta, videlicet, Majori et vicecomitibus Civitatis London''." (&c.)

"Rex Vicecomiti Eborum Salutem. Præcipimus tibi firmiter injungentes, quod, statim post receptionem præsentium, in singulis locis infra ballivam tuam, tam infra libertates quam extra, ubi magis expediens videris, ex parte nostra publicas proclamationes fieri facias, in hæc verba-

"Howbeit that the King our Soveraigne Lord graunted unto Georg Duke of Clarence, and Richard Earl of Warrewyk, his pardon generall of all offences committed and doone ayenst him, afore the fest of Cristemasse last past; trusting thereby to have caused theym to have shewed unto hym theyr naturall love, ligeaunce, and duetee, and to have assisted his Highnesse, as well in subdueing insurrections and rebellyons late made ayenst him in the Counte of Lincolne, as in all other things concerning the suertee of his persone; and in trust that they wold soo have done according to their promisses to hym made, his said Highnesse auctorised theym, by his commission under his great seall, to assemble his subgietts in certain shires, and them to have brought unto his said Highnesse, to th'entent aforesaid; yet the said Duke and Erle unnaturally, unkindely, and untruly entending his destruction, and the subversion of his reaume, and the commonwele of the same, and to make the seid Duke King of this his said Reaume, ayenst God's lawe, mannes lawe, all reason and conscience, dissimiled with his said Highness; and under colour thereof, falsly and traiterously provoked, laboured, and stured, as well by their writings as otherwise, Sir Robert Welles, late calling himselfe Grete Capitayne of the commons of the said Shire of Lincolne, to continue the said insurrections and rebellions, and to levee werre ayenst him, as they by the same soo did, with banners displayed, avauncing theymselfe in pleyn bataille, unto the time his said Highness, by the help of God, put theym to flyght; wherein the said Duke and Erle promytted to the said Sir Robert and Commons to have yeven theym their assistences to the uttermost of their powers, and soo wold have doone, yf God ne had yeven unto hym the said victorye, as the same Sir Robert Welles, Sir Thomas de la Laund, Richard Waryng, and other, have openly confessed and shewed before his said Highness, the Lordes of his blode, and the multitude of his subgietts attending upon him in his host at this time; which Sir Robert Welles, and the other pety Captaynes, affermed to be true at their dethes, uncompelled, unstured, or undesired soo to doe; and as by the confession of the said Sir Robert Wells, made under his writyng and sign manuell, it appereth; and after that the said Duke and Erle, understanding and seing that this ther said labours wold not serve in the performing of their fals and traiterous purpose, afore declared, laboured, by their writings and messages sent into Yorkeshire to dyvers persones there, theym streitly charging to doo make open proclamations in their owne names, without mention makeing of his said Highness, that all manner men, uppon peyn of deth, should come unto theym, and yeve theym their assistence in resisting of him; whereupon his said Highnesse sent unto the said Duke and Erle, by Garter Kyng of Armes, summonition and warnyng of their said accusations undre his privie seal, straitly charging theym to come unto his said Highness resonably accompanyed, according to their astates and degrees, to answere to their said accusations; which to doo they presumptuously refused, and withdrewe themselfe, and fled with their felaship into Lancashire, soo as his said Highness with his host, for lake of vitayl, might not follow theym, to th'entent that they might gather his subgetts in greter noumbre, and to be hable to perfourme their said fals and trayterous purpose and entent; ffor which causes they have deserved to be published as fals traitours and rebells, and to have the uttermost punytion of the lawe. Yet nathelesse our said soveraigne Lord considered the nyghnesse of of blode which they be of unto him, and the tender love which he hath afore time borne to theym, therefore was loth to have lost theym, yf they would have submitted theym to his grace, and to have put hym in suertee of their good beryng hereafter; wherefore he sent his writts of proclamation unto dyvers open places, straitly charging theym to have come and appered in their persones afore his Highness in humble and obeysaunt wyse, the xxviijth, day of this present month of Marche or before, to have aunswered unto the said accusations, shewing by the same that yf they soo would have done, and could have declared theymselfe not guilty, his Highness would have be therewith right gladd, and have had theym in his grace and favour, and that, though they soo cowde not have doon, yet his Highness would not have forgeten their seid nighness of blode, ne the love and favour that he aforetime bare to theym, but wold have ministred to theym ryghtwyssely his lawes with favour and pitee shewyng; which they did not, but obstinately refused soo to doo, and dayly aftir withdrew theymself more and more from his Highness; and after the said proclamations, made as before, it hath be evidently shewed by open confessions made at his citee of Yorke, afore our said Soveraigne and his Lordes than there being with hym, by dyvers persones of grete reputation, that the seid Duke and Erle intended the finall destruction of his most royall persone, and the subversion of this his reaume, and the commonwele of the same, which confessions the said persones have affirmed by their solempne othes, made upon the receyving of the blessed sacrament, to bee faithfull and true; wherefore, the præmisses considered, and the grete obstinacy which they shewed hemself to be of, and yet doo contrarye to their ligeaunce, faith, and duetee, our said soveraigne Lord, to the example of all other like offenders, reputeth, taketh, and declareth the said Duke and Erle as his Rebelles and Traytours, willing and straitly charging all his subgetts to doo the same; and that noon of his said subgetts from hensforth receyve theym, ne eyther of theym, ayd, favour, or assist with mete, drynke, or money, or otherwise; nor noo other persone beyng with, or adhering to them, or either of theym, but that every of his said subgetts putt hem in effectuell devoyr to take the said Duke and Erle, and the seid persones soe being with hem, or adhering to theym, or either of theym, and hem surely bring to the King, upon peyn of deth, and forfaiture of all that they may forfait; and he that soo doth shall have for his reward of either of theym C. li. worth of land by yere to him, and to his heires, or a M^l li. in redy money at his election.

"Et hoc nullatenus omittas. Teste meipso apud Notingham xxxj °. die Martii.

"Per Ipsum Regem [By the King Himself]".

(Here follow the names of counties.)

(From Madox's transcripts in the British Museum. MS. Add. 4614.)

Note 3. Woue. So in MS. for vowe.

Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3 Chapter V. 13 Sep 1470. Upon the Earl of Warwick's landing¹, great numbers came in to him; and King Edward when he heard it, was much alarmed; and (when very late) he began to look about him, and sent to the Duke of Burgundy to desire that his fleet might be ready at sea to intercept the Earl of Warwick on his return to France, for on land he knew how to deal with him. The Duke of Burgundy was not well pleased with these words, for he looked upon it as a greater piece of policy to have hindered the earl from landing, than to be forced to run the hazard of a battle, to drive him out again. The Earl of Warwick had not been landed above five or six days before the whole country came in to him, and he encamped within three leagues of the king, whose army was superior to the earl's (had they been all true to his interest), and waited on purpose to give him battle: the king was possessed of a fortified village or house¹, to which (as he told me himself) there was no access but by one bridge, which proved of great service to him; the rest of his forces were quartered in the neighbouring villages. As he sate at dinner, news was suddenly brought him that the Marquis of Montague, the Earl of Warwick's brother, and several other persons of quality, were mounted on horseback, and had caused their soldiers to cry, "God bless King Henry." At first King Edward would give no credit to it, but despatched other messengers to inquire, and in the meantime armed himself, and posted guards to defend the bridge in case of any assault. There was with him at that time a very prudent gentleman called the Lord Hastings², High Chamberlain of England, in great authority with the king; and he deserved it, for though his wife was the Earl of Warwick's sister, he continued loyal to his king, and was then in his service (as he told me afterwards) with a body of 3000 horse. There was likewise with him the Lord Scales³ (brother to King Edward's queen) besides several good knights and gentlemen who began to think that all was not well, for the messengers confirmed what had been told the king before, and that the enemy was marching boldly on, with a design to surprise him in his quarters.

Note 1. Rapin states that Edward was at Lynn at this time.

Note 2. William, Lord Hastings, son of Richard Hastings, and Alice, daughter of Lord Camoys. He married Catherine, daughter of Richard Neville, last Earl of Salisbury; and was beheaded by order of Richard III on the 13th of June, 1483.

Note 3. Anthony Woodville, Lord Scales and Earl Rivers, was the son of Richard Woodville and Jacquetta of Luxembourg. He married 1. Elizabeth, daughter of Lord Scales, and 2. Mary, daughter of Henry Fitz Lewes. He was beheaded in 1483,

Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3 Chapter V. 02 Oct 1470. And thus King Edward made his escape in the year 1470, by the assistance of a small vessel of his own and two Dutch merchantmen, attended only by 700 or 800 men, without any clothes but what they were to have fought in, no money in their pockets, and not one of them knew whither they were going. It was very surprising to see this poor king (for so he might justly be called) run avay in this manner, and be pursued by his own servants. He had indulged himself in ease and pleasures for twelve or thirteen years together, and enjoyed a larger share of them than any prince in his time. His thoughts were wholly employed upon the ladies (and far more than was reasonable), hunting, and adorning his person. In his summer-hunting, his custom was to have several tents set up for the ladies, where he treated them after a magnificent manner; and indeed his person was as well turned for love-intrigues as any man I ever saw in my life: for he was young, and the most handsome man of his time; I mean when he was in this adversity, for afterwards he grew very corpulent. But see now how, on a sudden, he is fallen into the calamities of the world! He sailed directly for Holland. At that time the Easterlinjzs¹ were at war both with the English and French; they had many ships at sea, and were dreaded by the English, and upon good grounds; for they were good soldiers, had done them much prejudice that year already, and bad taken several of their ships. The Easterlings at a great distance descried the ships which were with the king, and about seven or eight of them began to give them chase; but being far before them, he gained the coast of Holland, or rather some thing lower, for he put into Friesland, not far from a little town called Alquemare², where he came to an anchor, and, it being low water, the king could not get into the harbour, but ran himself as near the town as he could. The Easterlings came as near him as they could possibly make, and dropt their anchors, intending to board him the next tide.

Note 1. Easterlings, in French Ostrelins, was the name given to the merchants of the Hanseatic League,

Note 2. Alkmaar, tlie capital of North Holland, distant about twenty miles from Amsterdam.

Warkworth's Chronicle 1470. 14 Mar 1471. And in the secunde weke of Marche, the xlix. yere of the regne of Kynge Herry the vj^te, and in the x. yere of the regne of Kynge Edwarde the iiij^te, the same Kynge Edwarde toke his schippynge in Flaunders, and hade withe hym the Lorde Hastynges and the Lorde Say, and ix. c. of Englismenne and three hundred of Flemmynges with hande-gonnes, and sailed toward Englonde, and hade grete troble uppon the see with stormys, and lost a schyppe withe horse; and purpost to have londede in Northfolke, and one of the Erle [of] Oxenfordes brother withe the comons of the cuntre arose up togedere, and put hym abake to the see ageyne. And after that, at he was so trobled in the see, that he was fayne to londe in Yorkeschyre at Ravenys-spore [Map]¹; and there rose ageyns hym alle the cuntre of Holdernes, whose capteyne was a preste, and a persone in the same cuntre called Sere Jhon Westerdale, whiche aftyrwarde for his abused disposycion was casten in presone in the Marchalse at Londone by the same Kynge Edwarde: for the same preste mett Kynge Edwarde and askede the cause of his landynge; and he answeryde that he came thedere by the Erle of Northumberlondes avyse, and schewede the Erles lettere y-send to hym, &c. undere his seale; and also he came for to clayme the Duchery of Yorke, the whiche was his inherytaunce of ryght, and so passed forthe to the cite of Yorke, where Thomas Clyfford lete hym inne, and ther he was examynede ayenne; and he seyde to the mayre and aldermenne and to alle the comons of the cite, in likewyse as he was afore in Holdernes at his landyng: that was to sey, that [he] nevere wulde clayme no title², ne take uppone honde to be Kynge of Englonde, nor wulde have do afore that tyme, but be excitynge and sturing of the Erle of Warwyke (age 42); and therto afore alle peple, he cryed "A! Kynge Herry! A! Kynge and Prynce Edwarde! " and wered ane estryche feder, Prynce Edwardes lyvery. And after this he was sufferd to passe the cite, and so helde his wey southwarde, and no man lettyd hym ne hurtyde hym.

Note 1. At Ravenyspore. See Mr. Jones's Essay on the Rival Roses, p. xxv.

Note 2. Nevere wulde clayme no title. He took a solemn oath to that effect; Cf. MS. Sloan. 3479, and MS. Harl. 2408.

Historie of the Arrival of Edward IV Part II. 14 Mar 1471.The same night followinge, upon the morne, Wenesday, and Thursday the xiiij. daye of Marche, fell great stormes, wynds and tempests upon the sea, so that the sayde xiiij. day, in great torment, he came to Humbrehede, where the othar shipps were dissevered from hym, and every from other, so that, of neccessitye, they were dryven to land, every fere from other. The Kynge, with his shippe aloone, wherein was the Lord Hastings, his Chambarlayne, and other to the nombar of v^c well chosen men, landed within Humber, on Holdernes syde, at a place callyd Ravenersporne, even in the same place where sometime the Usurpowr Henry of Derby, aftar called Kynge Henry IV. landed, aftar his exile, contrary and to the dissobeysance of his sovereigne lord, Kynge Richard the II. whome, aftar that, he wrongfully distressed, and put from his reigne and regalie, and usurped it falsely to hymselfe and to his isswe, from whome was linially descended Kynge Henry, at this tyme usinge and usurpinge the coronoe, as sonne to his eldest sonne, somtyme callyd Kynge Henry the V. The Kynge's brothar Richard, Duke of Glowcestar, and, in his company iij^c men, landyd at an othar place iiij myle from thens. The Earle Rivers, and the felowshipe beinge in his companye, to the nombar of ij^c, landyd at a place called Powle, xiiij myle from there the Kynge landyd, and the reminaunt of the felowshipe wher they myght best get land. That night the Kynge was lodgyd at a power village, ij myle from his landynge, with a few with hym; but that nyght, and in the morninge, the resydewe that were comen in his shipe, the rage of the tempest somewhate appeasyd, landyd and alwaye drewe towards the Kynge. And on the morne, the xv. day of Marche, from every landynge place the felowshipe came hoole toward hym. As to the folks of the countrye there came but right few to hym, or almost none, for, by the scuringe⁸ of suche persons as for that cawse were, by his said rebells, sent afore into thos partes for to move them to be agains his highnes, the people were sore endwsed to be contrary to hym, and not to receyve, ne accepe hym, as for theyr Kynge; natwithstondynge, for the love and favour before they had borne to the prince of fulnoble memorye, his father, Duke of Yorke, the people bare hym right great favowr to be also Duke of Yorke, and to have that of right apartayned unto hym, by the right of the sayde noble prince his fathar. And, upon this opinion, the people of the countrie, whiche in greate nombar, and in dyvars placis, were gatheryd, and in harnes, redye to resiste hym in chalenginge of the Royme and the crowne, were disposyd to content them selfe, and in noo wyse to annoy hym, ne his felowshipe, they affirmynge that to such entent were [they] comen, and none othar. Whereupon, the hoole felowshipe of the Kynges comen and assembled togethar, he toke advise what was best to doo, and concludyd brifely, that, albe it his enemies and chefe rebells were in the sowthe partes, at London and ther about, and that the next way towards them had to be by Lyncolneshire, yet, in asmooche as, yf they shulde have taken that waye, they must have gon eft sones to the watar agayne, and passyd ovar Humbar, whiche they abhoryd for to doo; and also, for that, yf they so dyd it would have be thowght that they had withdrawn them for feare, which note of sklaundar they wer right lothe to suffar; for thes, and othar goode considerations, they determined in themselves not to goo agayne to the watar, but to holde the right waye to his City of Yorke. The Kynge determined also, that, for as longe as he shuld be in passynge thrughe and by the contrye, and to the tyme that he myght, by th'assistaunce of his trew servaunts, subiects and lovars, whiche he trustyd veryly in his progres shuld come unto hym, be of suche myght and puissaunce as that were lykly to make a sufficient party, he and all thos of his felowshipe, shuld noyse, and say openly, where so evar they came, that his entent and purpos was only to clame to be Duke of Yorke, and to have and enjoy th'enheritaunce that he was borne unto, by the right of the full noble prince his fathar, and none othar. Thrwghe whiche noysynge the people of the contrye that were gatheryd and assembled in dyvars placis, to the number of vi or vij thowsand men, by the ledinge and gwydynge of a priste⁹ the vycar of-------, in one place, and a gentleman of the same contrye, callyd Martyn of the See¹⁰, to th'entent to have resisted and lettyd hym his passage, by the stiringe of his rebells, theyr complices, and adherents, toke occasyon to owe and beare hym favowre in that qwarell, not discoveringe, ne rememberinge, that his sayd fathar, bisydes that he was rightfully Duke of Yorke, he was also verrey trew and rightwise enheritoure to the roylme and corone of England &c. so he was declared by [the] iij astates of the land¹¹, at a parliament holden at Westmynster, unto this day never repelled, ne revoked. And, under this manar, he kepinge furthe his purpos with all his felowshipe, toke the right way to a gode towne, called Beverley, being in his high way towards Yorke. He sent to an othar gode towne, walled, but vj myle thens, called Kyngstown upon Hull, desyringe th'enhabitants to have openyd it unto hym, but they refused so to doo, by the meanes and stirings of his rebells, whiche aforne had sent thethar, and to all the contrye, strict commendements willing, and also charginge, them, at all their powers, to withstonde the Kynge, in caase he there aryved. And, therefore, levinge that towne, he kept his way forthe streight to Yorke. And nere this way were also assembled great compaignies in divars places, muche people of the contrie, as it was reported, but they cam not in syght, but all they suffred hym to pas forthe by the contrye; eythar, for that he had all his felowshipe pretended by any manar langage none othar qwarell but for the right that was his fathars, the Duke of Yorke; or ells, for that, thowghe they were in nombar mo than he, yet they durst not take upon them to make hym any manifest warre, knowynge well the great curage and hardines that he was of, with the parfete asswrance of the felowshipe that was with hym; or ells, paradventure, for that certayne of theyr captaines and garders¹² were some whate enduced to be the more benivolent for money that the Kynge gave them; wherfore the Kynge, keping furthe his way, cam beforn Yorke, Monday the xviij. day of the same monithe. Trewthe is that aforne the Kynge came at the citie, by iij myles, came unto him one callyd Thomas Coniers, Recordar of the citie, whiche had not bene afore that named trwe to the Kynges partie. He tolde hym that it was not good for hym to come to the citie, for eyther he shuld not be suffred to enter, or els, in caas he enteryd, he was lost, and undone, and all his. The Kynge, seeing so ferforthly he was in his ionrey that in no wyse he might goo backe with that he had begone, and that no good myght folowe but only of hardies¹³ , decreed in hymselfe constantly to purswe that he had begon, and rathar to abyde what God and good fortune would gyve hym, thwoghe it were to hym uncertayne, rathar than by laches, or defaulte of curage, to susteyne reprooche, that of lyklihode shulde have ensued; And so, therfore, notwithstondinge the discoraginge words of the Recordar, which had be afore suspecte to hym and his partie, he kept boldely forthe his ionrey, streyght towards the citie. And, within a while, came to hym, owt of the citie, Robart Clifford and Richard Burghe, whiche gave hym and his felowshipe bettar comforte, affirmynge, that in the qwarell aforesayde of his fathar the Duke of Yorke, he shuld be receyvyd and sufferyd to passe; whereby, better somewhate encoragyd, he kepte his waye; natheles efte sonnes cam the sayde Coniers, and put hym in lyke discomforte as afore. And so, sometyme comfortyd and sometyme discomfortyd, he came to the gates of the citie¹⁴, where his felashipe made a stoppe, and himself and xvj or xvij persons, in the ledings of the sayde Clifford and Richard Burgh passed even in at the gates, came to the worshipfull folks whiche were assembled a little within the gates, and shwed them th'entent and purpos of his comming, in suche forme, and with such maner langage, that the people contentyd htem therwithe, and so receyvyd hym, and all his felawshipe, that night, when he and all his feloshipe abode and were refreshed well to they had dyned on the morne, and than departed out of the citie to Tadcastar, a towne of th'Erls of Northumbarland, x mile sowthwards. And, on the morrow after that, he toke his waye towards Wakefielde and Sendall, a grete lorshipe appartayninge to the Duke of Yorke, leving the Castell of Pomfrete on his lefte hand, wher abode, and was, the Marqwes Montagwe, that in no wyse trowbled hym, ne none of his fellowshipe, but sufferyd hym to passe in peasceable wyse, were it with good will or noo, men may juge at theyr pleaswre; I deme ye¹⁵, but trouth it is,that he ne had nat, ne cowthe not have gatheryd, ne made, a felashipe of nombar sufficient to have openly resistyd hym in hys qwarell, ne in Kynge Henries qwarell; and one great caws was, for great partie of the people in thos partis lovyd the Kyngs person well, and cowthe nat be encoragyd directly to doo agayne hym in that qwarell of the Duke of Yorke, which in almannar langage of all his fellawshipe was covertly pretendyd, and none othar. An othar grete cawse, for grete partye of [the] noble men and comons in thos parties were towards th'Erle of Northumbarland, and would not stire with any lorde or noble man other than with the sayde Earle¹⁶, or at leaste by his commandement. And, for soo muche as he sat still, in suche wise that yf the Marques wolde have done his besines to have assembled them in any manier qwarell, neithar for his love, whiche they bare hym none, ne for any commandement of higher autoritie, they ne wolde in no cawse, ne qwarell, have assisted hym. Wherein it may right well appere, that the said Erle, in this behalfe, dyd the Kynge right gode and notable service, and, as it is deemed in the conceipts of many men, he cowthe nat hav done hym any beter service, ne not thowghe he had openly declared hym selfe extremly parte-taker with the Kynge in his rightwys qwarell, and, for that entent, have gatheryd and assemblyd all the people that he might have made; for, how be it he loved the Kynge trewly and parfectly, as the Kynge thereof had certayne knowledge, and wolde, as of himselfe and all his power, have served hym trewly, yet it was demyd, and lykly it was trewe, that many gentlemen, and othar, whiche would have be araysed by him, woulde not so fully and extremly have determyned them selfe in the Kyng's right and qwarell as th'Erle wolde have done hymselfe; havynge in theyr freshe remembraunce how that the Kynge, at the first entrie-winning of his right to the Royme and Crowne of England , had¹⁷ and won a great battaile in those same parties¹⁸, where theyr Maistar, th'Erll's fathar, was slayne, many of theyr fathars, theyr sonns, theyr britherne, and kynsemen, and othar many of theyr neighbowrs; wherefore, and nat without cawse, it was thowght that they cowthe nat have borne verrey good will, and done theyr best service, to the Kynge, at this tyme, and in this quarell. And so it may be resonably judged that this was a notable good service, and politiquely done, by th'Erle. For his sittynge still caused the citie of Yorke to do as they dyd, and no werse, and every man in all thos northe partes to sit still also, and suffre the Kynge to passe as he dyd, nat with standynge many were right evill disposed of them selfe agaynes the Kynge, and, in especiall, in his qwarell. Wherefore the Kynge may say as Julius Cesar sayde, he that is nat agaynst me is with me. And othar right greate cause why the Marqwes made nat a felawshippe agaynst hym for to have trowbled hym [was], for thwoghe all the Kynges [felowshipe] at that season were nat many in nombar, yet they were so habiled, and so well piked men, and, in theyr werke they hadd on hand, so willed, that it had bene right hard to right-a-great felashipe, moche greatar than they, or gretar than the Marquis, or his friends, at that tyme, cowthe have made, or assembled, to have put the Kynge and his sayde felowshipe to any distresse. And nothar cawse [was], where as he cam thrwghe the cuntre there, the people toke an opinion, that yf the peoples of the contries wherethrwghe he had passed aforne, had owght him any mannar of malice, or evill will, they would some what have shewed it whan he was amongs them, but, inasmoche as no man had so don aforne, it was a declaration and evidence to all thos by whome he passyd after, that in all othar contries wer none but his good lovars; and greate foly it had bene to the lattar cuntries to have attempted that the former cuntries would not, thinkynge verilie that, in suche case, they, as his lovars, would rathar have ayded hym thann he shulde have bene distressed; wherefore he passed with moche bettar will.

Note 8. scurynge, i.e. assuring.

Note 9. by the ledinge and gwydynge of a priste. -- This appears to have been one John Westerdale, who was afterwards thrown into Marshalsea prison, probably for his interference upon this occasion. (Leland's Coll. II. 503.)

Note 10. Martyn of the See. -- i.e. Martin de le Mere.

Note 11. declared by the iij. astates of the land. -- The parliamentary recognition of the right of Richard, Duke of York, here referred to, took place A.D. 1460. (Vide Rot. Parl. V. 377.)

Note 12. gadrers, gadres, in MS.

Note 13. only of hardies. -- hardies and, in MS.

Note 14. he came to the gates afore the citie. -- Polydore Vergil here introduces a long account of the parleying of the citizens with Edward IV. from their walls during the whole of one day, and their ultimately insisting upon his taking an oath to be faithful to Henry VI. before they would permit him to enter; which oath he took the following morning at the gate of the City. Vergil adds that Edward's perjury in this instance was probably the occasion of the punishment which fell upon his family in the murder of his sons. (P. 524) The Historian probably thought that the excellence of the moral was a sufficient justifiation for the invention of the incident, or, at any event, for its amplification from Fabyan, who says, Edward confirmed with an oath his deceptive declaration that he came merely to claim his father's rights. (P. 660.) Fabyan is a poor authority for an incident which took place at York.

Note 15. I deme ye, i.e. yea. -- Although the Marquis Montague subsequently appeared in arms in the party of his brother, the Earl of Warwick (age 42), there is reason to believe that the present writer was correct in supposing that he was secretly favorable to Edward IV. (Vide Leland's Coll. II. 505; Polydore Vergil, 527.)

Note 16. gret partye of the noble men and comons in thos parties, were towards th'Erle of Northumberland, and would not stire any lorde or noble man other than with the sayde Earle. -- The Chronicler in Leland's Collectanea asserts that "as Edward passid the Countery he shewid the Erle of Northumbrelande's lettre and seale that sent for hym," (II. 503.) -- a stratagem quite in character but which is not mentioned by any other authority. The feudal authority of the Earl of Northumberland is exemplified in other passages, at p. 7, and p. 32 [original Camden text]. The same power is attributed in the West to the Duke of Somerset and the Earl of Devonshire, as "the old enheritors of that contrie." (P. 23 [original Camden text])

Note 17. England had -- England and had, in MS.

Note 18. a great battaile in those same parties. -- The battle of Towton, fought 29th March, 1461.

Warkworth's Chronicle 1471. 14 Apr 1471. But it happenede that he withe his oste were enterede into the toune of Barnet, before the Erle of Warwyke (age 42) and his host. And so the Erle of Warwyke (age 42) and his host lay witheoute the towne alle nyght, and eche of them loosede gonnes at othere, alle the nyght. And on Ester day in the mornynge, the xiiij. day of Apryl, ryght erly, eche of them came uppone othere; and ther was suche a grete myste, that nether of them myght see othere perfitely; ther thei faughte, from iiij. of clokke in the mornynge unto x. of clokke the fore-none. And dyverse tymes the Erle of Warwyke (age 42) party hade the victory, and supposede that thei hade wonne the felde. But it hapenede so, that the Erle of Oxenfordes men hade uppon them ther lordes lyvery, bothe before and behynde, which was a sterre withe stremys, wiche [was] myche lyke Kynge Edwardes lyvery, the sunne with stremys¹; and the myste was so thycke, that a manne myghte not profytely juge one thynge from anothere; so the Erle of Warwikes menne schott and faughte ayens the Erle of Oxenfordes menne, wetynge and supposynge that thei hade bene Kynge Edwardes menne; and anone the Erle of Oxenforde and his menne cryed " treasoune! treasoune! " and fledde awaye from the felde withe viij. c. menne. The Lorde Markes Montagu (age 40) was agreyde and apoyntede with Kynge Edwarde, and put uppone hym Kynge Edwardes lyvery; and a manne of the Erles of Warwyke sawe that, and felle uppone hyme, and kyllede hym. And whenne the Erle of Warwyke (age 42) sawe his brothere dede, and the Erle of Oxenforde fledde, he lepte one horse-backe, and flede to a wode by the felde of Barnett, where was no waye forthe; and one of Kynge Edwardes menne hade espyede hyme, and one came uppone hym and kylled hym, and dispolede hyme nakede. And so Kynge Edwarde gate that felde.

And ther was slayne² of the Erle of Warwyke (age 42)s party, the Erle hym self, Markes Montagu (age 40), Sere William Tyrelle, knyghte, and many other. The Duke of Excetre (age 40) faugth manly ther that day, and was gretely despolede and woundede, and lefte nakede for dede in the felde, and so lay ther from vij. of clokke tille iiij. after none; whiche was take up and brought to a house by a manne of his owne; and a leche brought to hym, and so afterwarde brought in to sancuarij at Westmynster.

And one Kynge Edwardes party was slayne the Lorde Crowmwelle (age 40), sonne and heyre to the Erle of Essex (age 67), Lord Barnes (age 55) sonne and heyre (age 36)³, Lorde Say (age 43)⁴, and dyverse other, to the nombre (of bothe partys) iiij. M^l menne. And, after that the felde was don, Kynge Edwarde commaundyd bothe the Erle of Warwikes body and the Lord Markes (age 40) body to be putt in a carte, and returned hym with alle his oste ageyne to Londone; and there commaundede the seide ij. bodyes to be layede in the chyrche of Paulis, one the pavement, that every manne myghte see them; and so they lay iij. or iiij. days, and afterwarde where buryede. And Kynge Herry, beynge in the forwarde durynge the bataylle, was not hurt; but he was broughte ageyne to the Toure of Londone, ther to be kept.

Note 1. The sunne with stremys. The crest of the Kynaston coat is supposed to have been assumed from this time, and in allusion to this event.

Note 2. And ther was slayne. A very comprehensive list is given in MS. Arundel, Mus. Brit. 28, fol. 25, vº. The brass matrix of the seal of the Earl of Warwick, taken from him when he was slain, is in the British Museum; an impression may be seen among the charters, xxxiv. 33.

Note 3. Lord Barnes sonne and heyre. Sir Humphrey Bourchier (age 36). His gravestone remains in Westminster Abbey, denuded of his figure in brass plate, but retaining an epitaph of fourteen Latin hexameters, commemorative of his prowess and the scene of his death. They commence:

Hic pugil ecce jacens, Bernett fera bella cupiscens, [Here lies a fighter, Bernett, desiring fierce wars]

Certat ut Eacides, &c. &c. [Striving like Achilles.]

See engravings in Gough's Sepulchral Monuments, vol. II. pl. LXXXVI; Harding's Antiquities in Westminster Abbey, pl. VIII. It may be remarked that the word in the eighth line read parvulus by Gough, &c. is really pimulus, i. e. primulus, used instead of primus for the sake of the metre. - J.G.N.

Note 4. Lord Say. This nobleman [William Fiennes 2nd Baron Saye and Sele (age 43)] was formerly on the Lancastrian side, but received Edward's pardon on the 5th of May, 1462; Chart. Antiq. Mus. Brit. VIII. 13.

Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3 Chapter VII. 14 Apr 1471. He stayed but two days in the town, for on Easter-eve he marched with all the forces he could collect to give the Earl of Warwick battle: the next day, being Easterday, they met¹, and as they were drawn up, and stood in order of battle one against the other, the Duke of Clarence went over to his brother King Edward, and carried with him near 12,000 men, which was a great discouragement to the Earl of Warwick, and a mighty strengthening to King Edward, who before was but weak.

You have already heard how the negotiation with the Duke of Clarence was managed; yet, for all this, the battle was sharp and bloody: both sides fought on foot; and the king's vanguard suffered extremely in this action, and the earls main battle advanced against his, and so near, that the king himself was engaged in person, and behaved himself as bravely as any man in either army. The Earl of Warwick's custom was never to fight on foot, but when he had once led his men to the charge, he mounted on horseback iiimself, and if he found victory inclined to his side, he charged boldly among them; if otherwise, he took care of himself in time, and provided for his escape. But now at the importunity of his brother, the Marquis of Montague (who was a person of great courage), he fought on foot, and sent away his horses. The conclusion of all was, that the earl, the Marquis of Montague, and many other brave officers, were killed, for the slaughter was very great. King Edward had resolved, at his departure from Flanders, to call out no more to spare the common soldiers, and kill only the gentlemen, as he had formerly done; for he had conceived a mortal hatred against the commons of England, for having favoured the Earl of Warwick so much, and for other reasons besides, so that he spared none of them at that time. This battle was bravely fought, and on the king's side there were killed 1500 men.

Note 1. The battle was fought upon a plain near Barnet, between London and St. Albaas, known by the name of Gladsmore Heath,

Historie of the Arrival of Edward IV Part III. 14 Apr 1471. On the morow, betymes, The Kynge, undarstandinge that the day approched nere, betwyxt four and five of the cloke, nawithstandynge there was a greate myste³³ and letted the syght of eithar othar, yet he commytted his cawse and qwarell to Allmyghty God, avancyd bannars, dyd blowe up trumpets, and set upon them, firste with shotte, and, than and sone, they³⁴ joyned and came to hand-strokes, wherein his enemies manly and coragiously receyved them, as well in shotte as in hand-stroks, whan they ioyned; whiche ioynynge of theyr bothe batteyls was nat directly frount to frount, as they so shulde have ioyned ne had be the myste, whiche suffred neythar party to se othar, but for a litle space, and that of lyklyhod cawsed the bataile to be the more crewell and mortall; for, so it was, that the one ende of theyr batayle ovarrechyd th'end of the Kyngs battayle, and so, at that end, they were myche myghtyar than was the Kyngs bataile at the same [end] that ioyned with them, whiche was the west ende, and, therefore, upon that party of the Kyngs battayle, they had a gretar distres upon the Kyngs party, wherefore many flede towards Barnet, and so forthe to London, or evar they lafte; and they fell in the chace of them, and dyd moche harme. But the other parties, and the residewe of neithar bataile, might se that distrese, ne the fleinge, ne the chace, by cawse of [the] great myste that was, whiche wolde nat suffre no man to se but a litle from hym; and so the Kyngs battayle, which saw none of all that, was therby in nothing discoragyd, for, save only a fewe that were nere unto them, no man wiste thereof; also the othar party by the same distres, flyght or chace, were therefore nevar the gretlyar coragyd. And, in lykewise, at the est end, the Kyngs batayle, whan they cam to ioyninge, ovarrechyd theyr batayle, and so distresyd them theyr gretly, and soo drwe nere towards the Kynge, who was abowt the myddest of the battayle, and susteygned all the myght and weight thereof. Netheles upon the same litle distresse at the west end anon ranne to Westmynstar, and to London, and so forthe furthar to othar contries, that the Kynge was distressed, and his fielde loste, but, the lawde be to Almyghty God! it was otharwyse; for the Kynge, trusing verely in God's helpe, owr blessyd ladyes, and Seynt George, toke to hym great haries and corage for to supprese the falcehode of all them that so falcely and so traytorowsly had conspired agaynst hym, wherethrwghe, with the faythefull, wellbelovyd, and myghty assystaunce of his felawshipe, that in great nombar deseveryd nat from his parson, and were as well asswred unto hym, as to them was possyble, he mannly, vigorowsly, and valliantly assayled them, in the mydst and strongest of theyr battaile, where he, with great violence, bett and bare down afore hym all that stode in hys way, and, than, turned to the range, first on that one hand, and than on that othar hand, in lengthe, and so bet and bare them downe, so that nothing myght stande in the syght of hym and the welle asswred felowshipe that attendyd trewly upon hym; so that, blessed be God! he wan the filde there, the perfite victory remayned unto hym, and to his rebells the discomfiture of xxx^m men, s they nombrid them selves.

Note 33. there was a great miste. -- Fabyan writes in the following very prudent manner respecting this mist. "Of the mystes and other impedimentes which fell upon the lordes partye by reason of the incantacyons wrought by fryer Bungey, as the fame went, me lyst nat to wryte." (P.661)

Note 34. sone they, sone ther, in MS.

Historie of the Arrival of Edward IV Part 4. 04 May 1471. Upon the morow followynge, Saterday, the iiij. day of May, [the Kynge] apparailed hymselfe, and all his hoost set in good array; ordeined three wards;displayed his bannars; dyd blowe up the trompets; sommytted his caws and qwarell to Almyghty God, to owr most blessyd lady his mothar, Vyrgyn Mary, the glroious martyr, Seint George, and all the sayts; and avaunced, directly upon his enemyes; approchinge to theyr filde, whiche was strongly in a marvaylows grownd pyght, full difficult to be assayled. Netheles the Kyngs ordinaunce was so conveniently layde afore them, and his vawarde so sore oppressyd them, with shott of arrows, that they gave them right-a-ahrpe shwre. Also they dyd agayne-ward to them, bothe with shot of arrows and gonnes, whereof noethes they ne had not so great plenty as had the Kynge. In front of theyr field were so evell lanes, and depe dykes, so many hedges, trees, and busshes, that it was right hard to approche them nere, and come to hands; but Edmond, called Duke of Somarset, having that day the vawarde, withar it were for that he and his fellowshipe were sore annoyed in the place where they were, as well with gonnes-shott, as with shot of arrows, which they ne wowld not durst abyde, or els, of great harte and corage, knyghtly and manly avauncyd hymselfe, with his fellowshipe, womewhat asyde-hande the Kyngs vawarde, and, by certayne pathes and wayes therefore afore purveyed, and to the Kyngs party unknowne, he departyd out of the field, passyd a lane, and came to a fayre place, or cloos, even afore the Kynge where he was enbatteled and, from the hill that was in that one of⁴² the closes, he set right fiercely upon th'end of the Kyngs battayle. The Kynge, full manly, set forthe even upon them, enteryd and wann the dyke, and hedge, upon them, into the cloose, and, with great violence, put them upe towards the hyll, and, so also, the Kyng's vaward, being in the rule of the Duke of Gloucestar.

Note 42. one of; on in, in MS.

Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3 Chapter VII. 04 May 1471. As soon as King Edward had obtained this victory, he marched against the Prince of Wales, and there he had another great battle¹; for though the Prince of Wales's army was more numerous than the king's, yet King Edward got the victory; and the Prince of Wales², several other great lords, and a great number of common soldiers, were killed upon the spot, and the Duke of Somerset, being taken, was beheaded the next day. In eleven days the Earl of Warwick had gained the whole kingdom of England, or at least reduced it to his obedience. In twenty-one days King Edward recovered it again, but it cost him two great and desperate battles to regain it. And thus you have an account of the revolutions of England. King Edward caused numbers of persons to be put to death in many places, especially those that were guilty of any confederacy against him. Of all nations in the world, the English are most inclined to such battles. After this fight. King Edward enjoyed continual peace till his death, yet not without some troubles and afflictions of mind; but I shall forbear saying any more about English affairs, till I can do it more conveniently in another place.

Note 1. This battle was fought near Tewkesbury, in Gloucestershire, on the 4th of May, 1471.

Note 2. "Queen Margaret and her son," says Hume, " were taken prisoners, and brought to the king, who asked the prince, in an insulting manner, how he dared to invade his dominions? The young prince, more mindful of his high birth than of his present fortune, replied that he came thither to claim his just inheritance. The ungenerous Edward, insensible to pity, struck him on the face with his gauntlet: and the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, Lord Hastings, and Sir Thomas Gray, taking the blow as a signal for further violence, hurried the prince into the next apartment, and there despatched him with their daggers." Commines says erroneously that he fell on the field.

Warkworth's Chronicle 1471. 04 May 1471? And when the Kynge herd that thei were landede, and hade gaderede so myche peple, he toke alle his hoste, and went oute of Londone the wennysday in Ester weke, and manly toke his waye towarde them; and Prynce Edwarde herd therof; he hastede hym self and alle his oste towarde the towne of Glouceter, but he enteryd noʒt into the towne, but held forthe his wey to the towne of Teukesbury, and ther he made a felde¹ noʒt ferre from the ryver of Saverne; and Kynge Edwarde and his oste came uppone hym, the saturday the fourth day of Maij, the yere aforeseide of oure Lorde a M^l. cccclxxj., and the xj yere of Kynge Edwarde. And Edmunde Duke of Somersett, and Sere Hugh Curteneye, went oute of the felde, by the whiche the felde was broken; and the moste parte of the peple fledde awaye from the Prynce, by the whiche the feld was loste in hire party. ²And ther was slayne in the felde, Prynce Edward³, whiche cryede for socoure to his brother-in-lawe the Duke of Clarence. Also ther was slayne, Curteney the Erle of Devynschyre, the Lorde Jhon of Somersett, the Lorde Wenloke, Sere Edmunde Hampden, Sere Robart Whytyngham, Sere William Vaus, Sere Nicholas Hervy, Sere Jhon Delvis, Sere William Feldynge, Sere Thomas Fiztharry, Sere Jhon Leukenore, knyghtes; and these were taken and behedede afterwarde, where the Kynge hade pardoned them in the abbey cherche of Teukesbury, by a prest that turnyd oute at his messe and the sacrament in his handys, whanne Kynge Edwarde came with his swerde into the chirche, requyrede hyme by the vertu of the sacrament that he schulde pardone alle tho whos names here folowe; the Duke of Somersett, the Lorde of Seynt Jhones, Sere Humfrey Audeley, Sere Gervis of Clyftone, Sere William Gremyby, Sere William Cary, Sere Thomas Tresham, Sere William Newbrugh, knyghtes, Herry Tresham, Walter Curtenay, Jhon Florey, Lowes Myles, Robart Jacksone, James Gowere, James Delvis, sonne and heire to Sere Jhon Delvis; whiche, uppone trust of the Kynges pardone yevene in the same chirche the saturday, abode ther stille, where thei myght have gone and savyd ther lyves; whiche one monday aftere were behedede⁴, noʒtwhitstondynge the Kynges pardone⁵. And afterward these ladyes were takene, -Quene Margaret, Prynce Edwardes wyf, the secunde dowghtere of the Erle of Warwyke (deceased)s, the Countasse of Devynschire, Dame Kateryne Vaus. And these were taken, and noʒt slayne; Sere Jhon Fortescu, Sere Jhon Sentlow, Sire Herry Roos, Thomas Ormonde, Doctour Makerell, Edward Fulforde, Jhon Parkere, Jhon Bassett, Jhon Wallys, Jhon Thromere Throgmertone, and dyverse other men. And there was takene grete good, and many good horse that were brought frome beyond the see.

Note 1. And ther he made a felde. The place where the battle of Tewkesbury was fought is now called Glaston Meadow. - Rudder's History of Gloucestershire, p. 736. I have been further assured that this field is now called the Bloody-Field by the common people living near the spot.

Note 2. Cf. Memoires Olivier de la Marche. Edit. Brux. 1616, p. 502.

Note 3. And there was slayne in the felde Prynce Edward.- "[Slain at Tewkesbury by King Edward the Fourth.]. ”Rot. Harl. C. 7, Memb. 5.

Note 4. The prior of St. John's in Smithfield was among them.-MS. Arund. Coll. Arm. 5, fol. 171, vº.

Note 5. Noʒtwithstondynge the Kynges pardon. Edward's policy was despotic in the extreme; he told De Comines that it was his object to spare the common people, but cut off the gentry. The destruction of these noblemen and gentlemen was an awful example of his barbarity, as well as his deficiency of common honesty.

Archaeologia Volume 21 Section III Chapter IV. Here follow the Names of those who were hilled at the last Battle [Battle of Tewkesbury] which took place at Tewksbury, the 14th of May 1471.

First;

Edward, called Prince of Wales,

Sir John of Somerset,

The Lord of Weneloch,

Sir Edmund Hampden,

Sir John Wellenor,

Sir William Roos,

Sir John Delues,

Sir William de Vauby,

Sir William Fildind,

Sir Robert Wininguem,

Sir Nycolas Herby, and several others, making a thousand.

Here follow the Names of those who were beheaded. First

The Duke of Somerset,

Sir William Votary,

The Prior of St. John, called Sir John Longhenstod,

Sir Gervase Clifton,

Henry Tresham,

John Delues,

Walter Courtnay,

Loys Mills,

John Flory,

Robert Jackson,

John Sowen,

Sir Thomas Tresham,

Sir William Webingh,

Sir Hunerefry,

William Grynnsby, judged to death, and pardoned.

Warkworth's Chronicle 1471. 21 May 1470. And the same nyghte that Kynge Edwarde came to Londone, Kynge Herry, beynge inwarde in presone in the Toure of Londone, was putt to dethe¹, the xxj. day of Maij, on a tywesday nyght, betwyx xj. and xij. of the cloke, beynge thenne at the Toure the Duke of Gloucetre, brothere to Kynge Edwarde, and many other; and one the morwe he was chestyde and brought to Paulys, and his face was opyne that every manne myghte see hyme; and in hys lyinge he bledde one the pament ther; and afterward at the Blake Fryres was broughte, and ther he blede new and fresche; and from thens he was caryed to Chyrchesey abbey in a bote², and buryed there in oure Lady chapelle. On the morwe that the Kynge was come to Londone, for the goode servyse that Londone hade done to hym, he made knyghtes of the Aldermenne³, Sere Jhon Stokstone, Sire Rauf Verney, Sere Richard Lee, Sere Jhon Yonge, Sere William Tayliour, Sere George Irlande, Sere Jhon Stokere, Sere Mathew Philyppe, Sere William Hamptone, Sere Thomas Stalbroke, Sere Jhon Crosby, Sere Thomas Urswike, Recordere of Londone.

Note 1. Was putt to dethe. "He dyid put to silence in the Tour of London, the xxj. day of May, aº. 1471, buryid first at Chertesey and after at Wyndesore." - Rot. Lansd. Mus. Brit. 6. In the old ballad of the "Wandering Jew's Chronicle" this event is thus versified:

"I saw the white and red rose fight,

"And Warwick gret in armour bright,

"In the Sixth Henries reign;

"And present was that very hour,

"When Henry was in London Tower,

"By Crookt-backt Richard slain.”

But this subject has been so much before the reader that I refrain from adding more. I give, however, a few references, from my miscellaneous notes, which may assist any future inquirer who desires to investigate more at length into various matters connected with the popular opinion of Henry VI. after his death, his burial places, & c.: Widmore's History of Westminster Abbey, pp. 118-120; Ash- mole's History of the Order of the Garter, p. 136; MS. Cotton. Cleop. E. III; Monast. I. 277; British Topographer, II. 112, n; Gent. Mag. LVI.; MS. Cole Collect. XLII. 378; ib. XIII; Hormanni Vulgaria, Lond. 1519, fol. 3, rº; Barrington on the Statutes, p. 253; Parker Antig. Brit. Eccl. 229, edit. Drake, p. 447; Fuller's Church History, IV. 153; Wilkins's Concil. IV. 635; Spelman, II. 720; Walpole's Fugitive Pieces; MS. Sloan. 1441.

Note 2. Caryed to Chyrchesey Abbey in a bote. Henry's body was protected by soldiers from Calais, and, rather singularly, for the possession of that city had been a hard point of contention between the rival parties. The extreme anxiety of Queen Margaret to possess it, may be seen from a very curious document now preserved in the Royal Archives of France, and the title of which is given in MS. Addit. Mus. Brit. 9346, fol. 116, rº.

In the Issue Rolls of the Exchequer, we find money paid to Hugh Brice on the 24th of June for the expenses of Henry's funeral, for conveying his body from the Tower to St. Paul's, and from thence to Chertsey. From these and several other statements of expences in the same rolls, it fully appears that every respect was paid to the corpse; but Mr. Devon has attempted to draw from this an argument for the natural death of the King, not taking into consideration that the very fact of much attention having been paid to his funeral obsequies would render it more than probable that it was done to conceal the appearance of any hostile feeling: had Henry died a natural death, it appears to me that the haste of Edward's departure into Kent, and the length of time necessarily elapsing before he could have become acquainted with the news, would have almost rendered any definite orders for his funeral next to impossible. Many writers have committed the error of affirming that Henry was buried without honours. - Camden's Britannia, edit. Gough, I. 167.

Note 3. The names of these aldermen are given by Stowe, Edit. 1755, Survey of London, II. 222.

Warkworth's Chronicle Introduction. Before I proceed further, I will place before the reader a few of the unpublished evidences I have collected relative to this transaction:

1. "Obitus Regis Henrici Sexti, qui obiit inter vicesimum primum diem Maii et xxij^m. diem Maii."["The death of King Henry the Sixth, who died between the twenty-first day of May and the twenty-second."] MS. Bib. Reg. 2 B. xv. fol. 1, rº.

2 "Rex Henricus Sextus in arce London ferro transfigitur et occiditur [King Henry the Sixth is stabbed and killed in the Tower of London.".] MS. Cotton. Otho, B. xiv. fol. 221, v.

3. "Et Henricus, nuper Rex, reponitur in Turrim London, et, in vigilia Ascenscionis dormiente, ibidem feliciter moriens, per Tamisiam navicula usque ad Abbathiam de Cheltosye deductus, ibi sepultus est." ["And Henry, recently King, is laid to rest in the Tower of London, and, sleeping on the eve of the Ascension, there happily dying, he is then transported by boat across the Thames to the Abbey of Chertsey, where he is buried."] MS. Arundel, (College of Arms) No. 5, fol. 171, vº.

4. "Et in vigilia ascensionis moriebatur Rex Henricus Sextus in turri Londoniarum, qui quidem sepultus erat apud Chersey, et postea translatus per Regem Ricardum usque Wynsowerem." ["And on the eve of the Ascension, King Henry the Sixth died in the Tower of London, who indeed was buried at Chertsey, and later transferred by King Richard to Windsor."] MS. Laud, 674. (B. 23) fol. 11, rº.

5. There is a Latin prophecy (written perhaps after the fulfilment of the predicted event) in MS. Digb. 196, that King Henry the Sixth shall die a violent death.

6. "Also upon ascencion evyn, Kyng Henry was brought from the tower thrugh Chepe unto Powlys upon a bere, and abowte the beere more glevys and stavys than torches; who was slayne, as it was said, by the Duke of Glowcetir; but howe he was deed [nobody knewe, but] thedir he was brought deed; and in the chirch the corps stode all nyght, and on the morue he was conveyed to Chertsey, where he was buryed." MS. London Chronicle. Bibl. Cotton. Vitell. A. xvI. fol. 133, rº.

7. The following is taken from a metrical history of the reign of Edward the Fourth, by John Herd, M.D., of which is in MS. Cotton. Jul. C. II.

"Interea Henricus Sextus, spoliatus avito [Meanwhile Henry VI, stripped of his ancestral]

Qui fuit imperio, vita spoliatur, in arce [power, is stripped of life, in the fortress]

In Thamesis ripa vitreas que prospicit undas. [on the banks of the Thames, overlooking the glassy waves.]

Illum fama refert rigidum jugulasse Richardum, [fame reports that his throat was cut by Richard, ]

Gloucestrensis erat qui dux, vir sevus et audax, [Duke of Gloucester, a stern and bold man,]

Post cujus codem sic insultasse refertur; — [after which, it is reported he insulted him thus:]

'Masculus, en! hæres Edverdo a rege creatus, ['Behold, a male heir, created by King Edward,]

Tertius illius qui vixit nominis olim, [The third of that name who once lived,]

Preter nos hodie respirat nemo superstes— [Except for us, today no one survives—]

Nos, Eboracensis quos gloria stirpis honorat!' [We, of York, whom the glory of our lineage honors!']

Henrici corpus Pauli transfertur in ædem, [Henry's body is transferred to St. Paul's cathedral,]

Et jacet in feretro, vulgi ut videatur ocellis. [And lies in a coffin, visible to the eyes of the common people.]

Parvulus est vicus, Chersei nomine notus, [There is a small village known as Chertsey,]

In quo coenobium, sacer Erchenwalde, locabas, [In which you, holy Erkenwald, once placed a monastery,]

Londini fueras qui clarus episcopus olim; [You who were once a famous bishop in London;]

Huc delatus erat tumuloque Henricus opertus; [Thither was Henry brought and covered by the tomb;]

Post Vindessoram translatus, conditur æde [After he was transferred and laid to rest at Windsor]

Que sacrata tibi celebratur, dive Georgi! [In the sacred building dedicated to you, blessed George!]

Octo et ter denos Henricus præfuit annos; [Henry ruled for eight and thirty years;]

Sex etiam menses post sceptra recepta regebat; [Even after reclaiming the scepter, he ruled for six months;]

Vitæ annos binos et quinquaginta peregit: [He lived for two and fifty years:]

Edverdus princeps gnatus fuit unicus illi." [Edward, the prince, was his only begotten son.]

Fol. 170 v^o - 171 r^o

8. "Eodem die [mensis Maij xxj^o.] decessit Henricus Sextus, olim dictus Rex Anglie, apud Turrim London, et sepultus est in monasterio de Chertesey juxta Tamisiam Winton dioces'. Et sic nemo relinquitur in humanis qui ex illo stirpite coronam petat." ["On the same day [21st of May], Henry the Sixth, formerly known as the King of England, passed away at the Tower of London, and was buried in the monastery of Chertsey near the Thames in the diocese of Winchester. And thus, no one is left among humans who seeks the crown from that lineage."] MS. Arundel, Mus. Brit. 28, fol. 25, vº.