Biography of Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham 1454-1483
Paternal Family Tree: Stafford
Maternal Family Tree: Margaret Pipard Baroness Lisle 1323-1375
1465 Marriage of John Woodville and Catherine Neville
1467 Tournament Bastard of Burgundy
1469 Execution of the Yorkists
1474 Creation of Garter Knights
1478 Attainder of George Duke of Clarence
1478 Execution of George Duke of Clarence
1483 Execution of William Hastings by Richard III
1483 Richard of Shrewsbury Removed from Sanctuary
On 27 Mar 1450 John Strange 8th Baron Strange Knockin 4th Baron Mohun Dunster (age 6) and [his future sister-in-law] Jacquetta Woodville Baroness Strange and Mohun (age 5) were married. She the daughter of Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 45) and Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford (age 35).
On 04 Sep 1454 Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham was born to Humphrey Stafford (age 29) and Margaret Beaufort (age 17). He a great x 3 grandson of King Edward III of England. Coefficient of inbreeding 3.30%. 
After 1455 [his step-father] Richard Darell (age 26) and [his mother] Margaret Beaufort (age 18) were married. She the daughter of Edmund Beaufort 1st or 2nd Duke Somerset (age 49) and Eleanor Beauchamp Duchess Somerset (age 46). She a great x 2 granddaughter of King Edward III of England. 
Around 22 May 1458 [his father] Humphrey Stafford (age 33) died.
On 10 Jul 1460 the Yorkist army led by the future King Edward IV of England (age 18) and including Richard "Kingmaker" Neville Earl Warwick, 6th Earl Salisbury (age 31), Archbishop George Neville (age 28), William Neville 1st Earl Kent (age 55), Edward Brooke 6th Baron Cobham (age 45) and John Scrope 5th Baron Scrope of Bolton (age 22) defeated the Lancastrian army at the 1460 Battle of Northampton.
Edmund Grey 1st Earl Kent (age 43) had started the day as part of the Lancastrian army but did nothing to prevent the Yorkist army attacking.
King Henry VI of England and II of France (age 38) was captured.
[his grandfather] Humphrey Stafford 1st Duke of Buckingham (age 57) was killed. His grandson Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 5) succeeded 2nd Duke of Buckingham, 7th Earl Stafford, 8th Baron Stafford.
John Talbot 2nd Earl of Shrewsbury (age 42) was killed. His son John Talbot 3rd Earl of Shrewsbury (age 11) succeeded 3rd Earl of Shrewsbury, 3rd Earl Waterford, 8th Baron Furnivall, 12th Baron Strange Blackmere, 9th Baron Talbot.
Thomas Percy 1st Baron Egremont (age 37) was killed.
John Beaumont 1st Viscount Beaumont (age 50) was killed. His son William Beaumont 2nd Viscount Beaumont (age 22) succeeded 2nd Viscount Beaumont, 7th Baron Beaumont.
William Lucy (age 56) was killed apparently by a member of the Stafford family who wanted his wife Margaret Fitzlewis (age 21).
Thomas Tresham (age 40) fought.
William Beaumont 2nd Viscount Beaumont (age 22) and William Norreys (age 19) were knighted.
Thomas "Bastard of Exeter" Holland was executed following the battle.
The battle was fought south of the River Nene [Map] in the grounds of Delapré Abbey.
In 1465 [his future brother-in-law] John Woodville (age 20) was created Knight of the Bath.
In Jan 1465 [his future brother-in-law] John Woodville (age 20) and Katherine Neville Duchess Norfolk (age 65) were married. Described as a 'Diabolical Marriage' by opponents of the Woodvilles. He being nineteen, she sixty-five. His first wife, her fourth husband. Regarded as an example of the Woodville family increasing their wealth and power. See Woodville Marriages The difference in their ages was 45 years; she, unusually, being older than him. She the daughter of Ralph Neville 1st Earl of Westmoreland and Joan Beaufort Countess of Westmoreland. He the son of Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 60) and Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford (age 50). She a great granddaughter of King Edward III of England.
In 1466 Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 11) and Catherine Woodville Duchess Buckingham Duchess Bedford (age 8) were married. She by marriage Duchess of Buckingham. See Woodville Marriages. She the daughter of Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 61) and Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford (age 51). He a great x 3 grandson of King Edward III of England.
On 29 May 1467 King Edward IV of England (age 25) and Antoine "Bastard of Burgundy" (age 46) met at Chelsea. William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 36), Henry Bourchier 2nd Count Eu 1st Earl Essex (age 63), Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 12), [his brother-in-law] Anthony Woodville 2nd Earl Rivers (age 27), James Douglas 9th Earl Douglas 3rd Earl Avondale (age 41) and Thomas Montgomery accompanied Edward.
On or before 15 Aug 1467 William Bourchier Viscount Bourchier (age 37) and [his sister-in-law] Anne Woodville Viscountess Bourchier (age 29) were married. An example of a Woodville marriage to a wealthy family which antagonised the nobilty - see Woodville Marriages. William Bourchier Viscount Bourchier (age 37) was heir to his father Henry Bourchier 2nd Count Eu 1st Earl Essex (age 63). She the daughter of Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 62) and Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford (age 52). He the son of Henry Bourchier 2nd Count Eu 1st Earl Essex (age 63) and Isabel York Countess Eu and Essex (age 58). He a great x 2 grandson of King Edward III of England. 
On 12 Aug 1469 Woodvilles father and son were beheaded at Kenilworth Castle [Map] by supporters of Richard "Kingmaker" Neville Earl Warwick, 6th Earl Salisbury (age 40).
[his father-in-law] Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 64) was beheaded. His son [his brother-in-law] Anthony Woodville 2nd Earl Rivers (age 29) succeeded 2nd Earl Rivers. Elizabeth Scales Countess Rivers by marriage Countess Rivers.
[his brother-in-law] John Woodville (age 24) was beheaded.
In 1474 [his mother] Margaret Beaufort (age 37) died.
In 1474 King Edward IV of England (age 31) appointed new Garter Knights:
209th Thomas Fitzalan 17th Earl Arundel (age 24).
210th William Parr (age 40).
211th Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 19).
212th Federico Montefeltro (age 51).
213th Henry Percy 4th Earl of Northumberland (age 25).
In 1475 [his brother-in-law] Edward Woodville Lord Scales (age 19) was created Knight of the Bath.
After 16 Jan 1478 and before 07 Feb 1478. The original act doesn't contain a date. Parliament opened on 16 Jan 1478. On 07 Feb 1478 Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 23) was appointed Steward of England for the purpose of effecting the exection. George York 1st Duke of Clarence (age 28) was attainted by Parliament. The wording of the attainder as follows:
The Kyng (age 35), oure Sovereigne Lorde, hath called to his Remembraunce the manyfold grete Conspiracies, malicious and heynous Ttresons, that hertofore hath be compassed by dyverse persones his unnaturall Subgetts, Rebelles and Traytoures, wherby Commocions and Insurrections have been made within this his Royaulme, for entent and purpose to have destroyed his moost Roiall persone, and with that to have subverted the state, wele publique and politic of all his said Royaulme; ne had so been, that by th'elp of Almyghty God, with the grete laboures and diligences and uttermost explette of his persone by Chevalrye and Werr, he had mightly and graciously repressed the same. Wherthrogh grete nowmbre of the said his Rebelles and Traytours he hath at dyverse tymes punysshed, as well by swerd as other punysshments, in exemple to others to have been ware of suche attempting hereafter. And yet as a benigne and a gracious Prince moeved unto pitie, after his grete Victories sent hym by God, not oonly he hath spared the multitudes in theire feldes and assembles overcomen, but thaym and certeyn other, the grete movers, sturters and executours of suche haynous Tresons, at the reverence of God, he hath taken to his mercy and clerly pardoned, as may not be unknowen to all the Worlde.
This notwithstondyng, it is comen nowe of late to his knowlage, howe that agaynst his mooste Royall persone, and agaynst the persones of the blessed Princesse oure alther soveraigne and Liege Lady the Quene, of my Lorde the Prince theire son and Heire, and of all the other of thaire moost noble issue, and also against the grete parte of the Noble of this Lande, the good rule, politike and wele publique of the same, hath been conspired, compassed and purposed a moch higher, moch more malicious, more unnaturall and lothely Treason than atte eny tyme hertoforn hath been compassed, purposed and conspired, from the Kyng's first Reigne hiderto; which Treason is, and must be called, so moche and more henyous, unnaturell and lothely, for that not oonly it hath proceded of the moost extreme purpensed malice, incomparably excedyng eny other that hath been aforn, but also for that it hath been contryved, imagined and conspired, by the persone that of all erthely creatures, beside the dutie of ligeaunce, by nature, by benefette, by gratitude, and by yeftes and grauntes of Goodes and Possessions, hath been moost bounden and behalden to have dradde, loved, honoured, and evere thanked the kyng more largely, than evere was eny other bounden or beholden, whom to name it gretely aggruggeth the hert of oure said Sovereigne Lorde, sauf oonly that he is of necessite compelled, for the suertie, wele and tranquillite of hym and all this Royaulme, which were full neer the poynt of perdicion, ne were the help and grace of Almyghty God:
He sheweth you therefore, that all this hath been entended by his Brother, George, the Duke of Clarence (age 28). Wherein it is to be remembered that the Kynges Highnesse, of tendre youthe unto now of late, hath evere loved and cherysshed hym, as tenderly and as kynderly, as eny creature myght his naturell Brother, as well it may be declared, by that that he beyng right yonge, not borne to have eny lifelode, butt oonly of the Kynges grace he yave hym soo large porcion of Possessions that noo memorie is of, or seldom hath been seen, that eny Kyng of Englande hertoforn within his Royaulme yave soo largely to eny his Brothers. And not oonly that, butt above that, he furnyssed hym plenteously of all manere stuff, that to a right grete Prynce myght well suffice; so that aftre the Kynges, his lifelode and richesse notably exceded any other within his Lande at thatt tyme.
And yet the kyng, not herewith content, butt beyng ryght desirous to make hym of myght and puissance excedyng others, caused the greate parte of all the Nobles of this Lande to be assured unto hym next his Highnesse; trustyng that not oonly by the bond of nature, butt also by the bondes of soo grete benefitt, he shulde be more than others loving, helping, assisting and obeissaunt to all the Kyngs good pleasures and commaundments, and to all that myght be to the politik wele of his Lande.
All this notwithstondyng, it is to remember, the large grace and foryevnesse that he yave hym uppon, and for that at dyverse tyme sith he gretely offended the Kyng, as in jupartyng the Kyngs Royall estate, persone and life, in straite warde, puttyng hym thereby from all his libertie, aftre procuryng grete Commocions, and sith the voydaunce oute of his Royaulme, assistyng yevyng to his enemies mortall, the usurpers, laboryng also by Parlement to exclude hym and all his from the Regalie, and enabling hymself to the same, and by dyverse weyes otherwyse attemptyng; which all the Kyng, by nature and love moeved, utterly foryave, entendyng to have putte all in perpetuell oblivion.
The said Duke, nathelesse for all this, noo love encreasyng, but growyng daily in more and more malice, hath not left to consedre and conspire newe Treasons, more haynous and lothely than ever aforn, how that the said Duke falsly and traitrously entended, and puposed fermely, th'extreme distruction and disherityng of the Kyng and his Issue, and to subverte all the polityk rule of this Royaulme, by myght to be goten as well outewarde as inward, which false purpose the rather to brynge aboute, he cast and compassed the moyans to enduce the Kynges naturell Subgetts to withdrawe theire herts, loves and affections from the Kyng, theire naturell Sovereigne Lorde, by many subtill, contryved weyes, as in causyng dyverse his Servauntes, suche as he coude imagyne moste apte to sowe sedicion and aggrugge amonge the People, to goo into diverse parties of this Royaulme, and to laboure to enforme the People largely in every place where they shulde come, that Thomas Burdett, his Servaunte, which was lawefully and truly atteynted of Treason, was wrongefully putte to Deth; to some his Servauntes of suche like disposicion, he yave large Money, Veneson, therewith to assemble the Kynges Subgects to Feste theym and chere theym, and by theire policies and resonyng, enduce hem to beleve that the said Burdett was wrongfully executed, and so to putte it in noyse and herts of the People;
he saide and laboured also to be noysed by such his Servauntez apte for that werk, that the Kyng, oure Sovereigne Lorde, wroght by Nygromancye, and used Crafte to poyson his Subgettes, suche as hym pleased; to th'entent to desclaundre the Kyng in the moost haynous wyse he couth in the sight and conceipt of his Subgetts, and thefore to encorage theym to hate, despice and aggrugge theire herts agaynst hym, thynkyng that he ne lived ne dealid with his Subgettes as a Christien Prynce.
And overe this, the said duke beyng in full purpose to exalte hymself and his Heires to the Regallye and Corone of Englande, and clerely in opinion to putte aside from the same for ever the said Corone from the Kyng and his Heirez, uppon oon the falsest and moost unnaturall coloured pretense that man myght imagine, falsely and untruely noysed, published and saide, that the Kyng oure Sovereigne Lorde was a Bastard, and not begottone to reigne uppon us; and to contynue and procede ferther in this his moost malicious and traytorous purpose, after this lothely, false and sedicious langage shewed and declared amonge the People, he enduced dyverse of the Kynges naturall Subgetts to be sworne uppon the blessed Sacrament to be true to hym and his heires, noon exception reserved of theire liegeaunce; and after the same Othe soo made, he shewed to many other, and to certayn persones, that suche Othe had made, that the Kyng had taken his lifelode from hym and his men, and disheryed theym, and he wolde utterly endevoire hym to gete hem theire enheritaunce as he wolde doo for his owen.
He shewed also that the Kyng entended to consume hym in like wyse as a Candell consumeth in brennyng, wherof he wolde in brief tyme quyte hym. And overe this, the said Duke continuyng ín his false purpose, opteyned and gate an exemplificacion undre the Grete Seall of Herry the Sexte, late in dede and not in right Kyng of this Lande, wherin were conteyned alle suche appoyntements as late was made betwene the said Duke and Margaret, callyng herself Quene of this Lande, and other; amonges whiche it was conteyned, that if the said Herry, and Edward, his first begoton Son, died withoute Issue Male of theire Bodye, that the seid Duke and his Heires shulde be Kyng of this Lande; which exemplificacion the said Duke hath kepyd with hymself secrete, not doyng the Kyng to have eny knowlegge therof, therby to have abused the Kynges true Subgetts for the rather execucion of his said false purpose.
And also, the same Duke purposyng to accomplisse his said false and untrue entent, and to inquiete and trouble the Kynge, oure said Sovereigne Lorde, his Leige People and this his Royaulme, nowe of late willed and desired the Abbot of Tweybury, Mayster John Tapton, Clerk, and Roger Harewell Esquier, to cause a straunge childe to have be brought into his Castell of Warwyk, and there to have beputte and kept in likelinesse of his Sonne and Heire, and that they shulde have conveyed and sent his said Sonne and Heire into Ireland, or into Flaundres, oute of this Lande, whereby he myght have goten hym assistaunce and favoure agaynst oure said Sovereigne Lorde; and for the execucion of the same, sent oon John Taylour, his Servaunte, to have had delyveraunce of his said Sonne and Heire, for to have conveyed hym; the whiche Mayster John Tapton and Roger Harewell denyed the delyveraunce of the said Childe, and soo by Goddes grace his said false and untrue entent was lette and undoon.
And also, the same Duke purposyng to accomplisse his said false and untrue entent, and to inquiete and trouble the Kynge, oure said Sovereigne Lorde, his Leige People and this his Royaulme, nowe of late willed and desired the Abbot of Tweybury, Mayster John Tapton, Clerk, and Roger Harewell Esquier, to cause a straunge childe to have be brought into his Castell of Warwyk, and there to have beputte and kept in likelinesse of his Sonne and Heire, and that they shulde have conveyed and sent his said Sonne and Heire into Ireland, or into Flaundres, oute of this Lande, whereby he myght have goten hym assistaunce and favoure agaynst oure said Sovereigne Lorde; and for the execucion of the same, sent oon John Taylour, his Servaunte, to have had delyveraunce of his said Sonne and Heire, for to have conveyed hym; the whiche Mayster John Tapton and Roger Harewell denyed the delyveraunce of the said Childe, and soo by Goddes grace his said false and untrue entent was lette and undoon.
The Kyng, remembryng over, that to side the neernesse of Blode, howe be nature he myght be kynde to his Brother; the tendre love also, whiche of youthe he bare unto hym, couthe have founden in his hert, uppon due submission, to have yet foryeven hym estsones, ne were, furst that his said Brother by his former dedes, and nowe by this conspiracye, sheweth hymself to be incorrigible, and in noo wyse reducible to that by bonde of nature, and of the grete benefices aforn reherced, he were moost soveraynly beholden of all Creature: Secondly, ne were the grete juparty of effusion of Christien blode, which most likkely shulde therof ensue: And thridenly and principally, the bond of his Conscience, wherby and by solempne Othe, he is bounden anenst God, uppon the peryll of everlastyng dampnacion, to provyde and defende, first the suertie of hymself and his moste Royall Issue, secondly, the tranquilite of Goddes Churche within this, his Royaulme, and after that, the wele publique, peas and tranquilite of all his Lordez, Noblemen, Comens and others of every degree and condicion, whiche all shulde necessarily stande in extreme jupartie, yf Justice and due punyshement of soo lothely offencez shulde be pardoned; in pernicious example to all mysdoers, theves, traytours, rebelles and all other suche as lightly wolde therby bee encoraged and enbolded to spare noo manner of wikkednesse.
Wherfore thof all [sic]11 the Kynges Highnesse be right sory to determyne hymself to the contrarie, yet consideryng that Justice is a vertue excellently pleasyng Almyghty God, wherby Reaulmes stande, Kynges and Pryncez reign and governe, all goode rule, polyce and publique wele is mayteigned; and that this vertue standeth not oonly in retribucion and rewarde for goode dedes, butt also in correccion and punysshement of evil doers, after the qualitees of theire mysdoyngs. For whiche premissez and causez the Kyng, by the avyse and assent of his Lordes Speretuell and Temporell, and by the Commons, in this present parliament assembled, and by the auctorite of the same, ordeyneth, enacteth and establith that the said George, Duke of Clarence, be convicte and atteyntit of Heigh Treason commyttet and doon agaynst the Kynges moost Royall persone; and that the same Duke, by the said auctorite, forfett from hym and his heyres for ever the Honoure, Estate, Dignite and name of Duke1. And also that the same Duke, by the said auctorite, forfett from hym and his heyres for ever, all Castelles, Honoures, Maners, Landes, Tenements, Rents, Advousons, Hereditaments and Possessions that the same Duke nowe hath by eny of the Kynges Lettrez Patents to his owen use, or that any other persone nowe hath to the use of the same Duke by eny of the Kynges Letterez Patents, or that passed to hym fro the Kyng by the same: And that all Lettrez Patents made by the kyng to the said Duke bee from henseforthe utterly voyde and of noon effecte.
And that it be also ordeigned by the same auctorite that noo Castelles, Honoures, Maners, Landez, Tenementz, Rents, Advousons, Hereditaments or Possessions that the same duke nowe hath joyntly with other, or sole to hymself, to the use of eny other persone, be forfett, nor conteyned by or in this present Acte; but that by the said auctoritee, every other persone to whose use the said Duke is sole seised in eny Castelles, Honoures, Maners, Landez, Tenements, Rents, Advousons, Hereditaments and Possessions, otherwyse than by the Kyngs Lettres Patents, have power and auctorite by this present Acte lawefully to entre into theym, and theym to have and holde after the entent and trust that the said Duke nowe hath theryn. And also where the same Duke is joyntly seased with any other persone in any Castells, Maners, Landez, Tenementz, Rents, Hereditaments or Possessions to the use of eny other persone, otherwyse than by the Kyngs Lettrez Patents: that by the said auctorite, the said joynt feffez stonde and be feoffez to the same use and entent as they nowe arre and be; and that suche right, interest and title as the same Duke nowe hath with theym in the same premyssez, by the said auctorite, be in his cofeffez to the same entent as the same Duke nowe ys: Savyng to every of the Kynges Liege people, other than the said Duke and his Heyrez, and all other persone and persones that clayme or have eny tytell of interest in eny of the premyssez by the same Duke, suche right, tytle and interest as they owe or shulde have in eny of the premyssez, as if this Acte had never been made.
A cest Bille les Comunez sont assentuz.
Le Roy le voet.
Note 1. It is interesting that he forfeits the title of Duke rather than the usual attainted in the blood which may have debarred his children from inheriting the crown.
On 03 Feb 1478 [his son] Edward Stafford 3rd Duke of Buckingham was born to Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 23) and [his wife] Catherine Woodville Duchess Buckingham Duchess Bedford (age 20) at Brecon Castle.
Calendars. 07 Feb 1478. Appointment of the king's kinsman Henry, duke of Buckingham (age 23), to the Parliament office of steward of England for the execution of the judgment on George, duke of Clarence (age 28), attainted of high treason by authority of Parliament. By K.
Calendars. 15 Feb 1478. Charter to the king's nephew Edward Plantagenet (age 4), first-born son of the said duke (age 25), creating him earl of Salisbury, with remainder to the heirs of his body, and granting to him and his said heirs £20 yearly from the issues of the county of Wilts. Witnesses: Th. cardinal archbishop of Canterbury (age 60), L. archbishop of York (age 58), Th. Bishop of Lincoln (age 54), the chancellor, J. Bishop of Rochester, keeper of the privy seal, Richard, duke of Gloucester (age 25), Henry, duke of Buckingham (age 23), Henry, Earl of Essex (age 74), treasurer of England, [his brother-in-law] Anthony Earl of Ryvers (age 38), chief butler of England, and Thomas Stanley of Stanley (age 43), steward of the household, and William Hastynges of Hastynges (age 47), chamberlain of the household, knights. By p.s.
Croyland Chronicle 1478. The circumstances that happened in the ensuing Parliament my mind quite shudders to enlarge upon, for then was to be witnessed a sad strife carried on before these two brethren of such high estate.29 For not a single person uttered a word against the duke (age 28), except the king (age 35); not one individual made answer to the king except the duke (age 28). Some parties were introduced, however, as to whom it was greatly doubted by many, whether they filled the office of accusers rather, or of witnesses: these two offices not being exactly suited to the same person in the same cause. The duke met all the charges made against him with a denial, and offered, if he could only obtain a hearing, to defend his cause with his own hand. But why delay in using many words? Parliament, being of opinion that the informations which they had heard were established, passed sentence upon him of condemnation, the same being pronounced by the mouth of Henry, duke of Buckingham (age 23), who was appointed Seneschal of England for the occasion. After this, execution was delayed for a considerable time; until the Speaker of the Commons, coming to the upper house with his fellows, made a fresh request that the matter might be brought to a conclusion. In consequence of this, in a few days after, the execution, whatever its nature may have been, took place, (and would that it had ended these troubles!) in the Tower of London [Map], it being the year of our Lord, 1478, and the eighteenth of the reign of king Edward.
Note 29. One would think that "tantae himanitatis," can hardly mean "of such humanity," when applied to such persons as Edward the Fourth and his brother Clarence.
Around 1479 [his daughter] Elizabeth Stafford Countess Sussex 1479-1532 was born to Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 24) and [his wife] Catherine Woodville Duchess Buckingham Duchess Bedford (age 21).
Around 1479 [his son] Henry Stafford 1st Earl Wiltshire was born to Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 24) and [his wife] Catherine Woodville Duchess Buckingham Duchess Bedford (age 21).
Before 1481 George Grey 2nd Earl Kent (age 27) and [his sister-in-law] Anne Woodville Viscountess Bourchier (age 42) were married. See Woodville Marriages. She the daughter of Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers and Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford. He the son of Edmund Grey 1st Earl Kent (age 64) and Katherine Percy. He a great x 3 grandson of King Edward III of England.
Around 1483 [his daughter] Anne Stafford Countess Huntingdon was born to Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 28) and [his wife] Catherine Woodville Duchess Buckingham Duchess Bedford (age 25).
The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. But then, by and by, the lords assembled together at London. To ward which meeting, the Archbishop of York (age 59), fearing that it would be ascribed (as it was indeed) to his overmuch lightness that he so suddenly had yielded up the Great Seal to the Queen-to whom the custody thereof nothing pertained without special commandment of the King-secretly sent for the Seal again and brought it with him after the customary manner. And at this meeting, the Duke of Buckingham, whose loyalty toward the King no man doubted nor needed to doubt, persuaded the lords to believe that the Duke of Gloucester (age 30) was sure and fastly faithful to his Prince and that the [his brother-in-law] Lord Rivers (age 43) and Lord Richard (age 26) with the other knights were, for matters attempted by them against the Dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham, put under arrest for the dukes' safety not for the King's jeopardy and that they were also in safeguard and should remain there no longer till the matter were, not by the dukes only but also by all the other lords of the King's Council indifferently examined and by other discretions ordered, and either judged or appeased. But one thing he advised them beware, that they judged not the matter too far forth before they knew the truth-for by turning their private grudges into the common hurt, irritating and provoking men unto anger, and disturbing the King's coronation, toward which the dukes were coming up, they might perhaps bring the matter so far out of joint, that it should never be brought in frame again. This strife, if it should happen to come to battle, as it was likely, though both parties were in all things equal, yet should the authority be on that side where the King is himself.
With these arguments of the Duke of Buckingham - part of which he believed; part, he knew the contrary - these commotions were somewhat appeased, but especially because the Dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham (age 28) were so near, and came so quickly on with the King, in none other manner, with none other voice or semblance, than to his coronation, causing the story to be blown about that those lords and knights who were taken had contrived the destruction of the Dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham (age 28) and of other noble blood of the realm, to the end that they themselves would alone manage and govern the King at their pleasure. And for the false proof thereof, some of the dukes' servants rode with the carts of the stuff that were taken (among such stuff, no marvel, but that some of it were armor, which, at the breaking up of that household, must needs either be brought away or cast away), and they showed it unto the people all the way as they went: "Lo, here be the barrels of armor that these traitors had privately conveyed in their carriage to destroy the noble lords withal." This device, although it made the matter to wise men more unlikely, who well perceived that, if the intenders meant war, they would rather have had their armor on their backs than to have bound them up in barrels, yet much part of the common people were therewith very well satisfied, and said it were like giving alms to hang them.
When the King approached near to the city, Edmund Shaa (age 47), goldsmith then mayor, with William White and John Mathew, sheriffs, and all the other aldermen in scarlet, with five hundred horse of the citizens in violet, received him reverently at Hornsey, and riding from thence, accompanied him in to the city, which he entered the fourth day of May, the first and last year of his reign.
But the Duke of Gloucester bore himself in open sight so reverently to the Prince, with all semblance of lowliness, that from the great obloquy in which he was so late before, he was suddenly fallen in so great trust, that at the Council next assembled, he was the only man chosen and thought most suitable to be Protector (age 30) of the King and his realm, so that-were it destiny or were it folly-the lamb was given to the wolf to keep. At which Council also the Archbishop of York (age 59), Chancellor of England, who had delivered up the Great Seal to the [his sister-in-law] Queen (age 46), was thereof greatly reproved, and the Seal taken from him and delivered to Doctor Russell, Bishop of Lincoln, a wise man and good and of much experience, and one of the best learned men undoubtedly that England had in his time. Diverse lords and knights were appointed unto diverse offices. The Lord Chamberlain and some others kept still their offices that they had before.
Now all was such that the Protector (age 30) so sore thirsted for the finishing of what he had begun-though he thought every day a year till it were achieved-yet he dared no further attempt as long as he had but half his prey in hand, well knowing that if he deposed the one brother, all the realm would fall to the other, if he either remained in sanctuary or should by chance be shortly conveyed farther away to his liberty.
Wherefore straight away at the next meeting of the lords at the Council, he proposed unto them that it was a heinous deed of the Queen (age 46), and proceeding from great malice toward the King's counselors, that she should keep in sanctuary the King's brother from him, whose special pleasure and comfort were to have his brother with him. And that by her such was done to no other intent, but to bring all the lords in obloquy and murmur of the people, as though they were not to be trusted with the King's brother-they who were, by the assent of the nobles of the land, appointed as the King's nearest friends for the protection of his own royal person.
"The prosperity whereof stands," said he, "not all in keeping from enemies or ill viands, [poison?] but partly also in recreation and moderate pleasure, which he cannot in this tender youth take in the company of elder persons, but in the familiar conversation of those who be neither far under nor far above his age, and nevertheless of state appropriate to accompany his noble majesty. Wherefore with whom rather than with his own brother? And if any man think this consideration light (which I think no man thinks who loves the King), let him consider that sometimes without small things, greater cannot stand. And verily it redounds greatly to the dishonor both of the King's Highness and of all us that have been about his Grace, to have it run in every man's mouth, not in this realm only, but also in other lands (as evil words walk far), that the King's brother should be glad to keep sanctuary. For every man will suppose that no man will so do for nothing. And such evil opinion, once fastened in men's hearts, hard it is to wrest out, and may grow to more grief than any man here can divine.
"Wherefore I think it were not worst to send unto the Queen (age 46) for the redress of this matter some honorable trusty man, such as both values the King's welfare and the honor of his Council, and is also in favor and credible with her. For all which considerations, none seems to me more suitable than our reverent father here present, my Lord Cardinal (age 65), who may in this matter do most good of any man, if it please him to take the pain. Which I doubt not of his goodness he will not refuse, for the King's sake and ours, and the well being of the young Duke himself, the King's most honorable brother, and after my Sovereign Lord himself, my most dear nephew, considering that thereby shall be ceased the slanderous rumor and obloquy now going about, and the hurts avoided that thereof might ensue, and much rest and quiet grow to all the realm.
"And if she be perchance so obstinate, and so precisely set upon her own will that neither his wise and faithful instruction can move her, nor any man's reason content her, then shall we, by mine advice, by the King's authority, fetch him out of that prison, and bring him to his noble presence, in whose continual company he shall be so well cherished and so honorably treated that all the world shall to our honor, and her reproach, perceive that it was only malice, audacity, or folly, that caused her to keep him there. This is my mind in this matter for this time, except any of your lordships anything perceive to the contrary. For never shall I by God's grace so wed myself to mine own will, but that I shall be ready to change it upon your better advice."
When the Protector (age 30) had spoken, all the Council affirmed that the motion was good and reasonable, and to the King and the Duke his brother, honorable, and a thing that should cease great murmur in the realm, if the mother might be by good means induced to deliver him. Such a thing the Archbishop of Canterbury (age 65), whom they all agreed also to be thereto most appropriate, took upon himself to move her, and therein to give his uttermost best effort. However, if she could be in no way entreated with her good will to deliver him, then thought he and such others as were of the clergy present that it were not in any way to be attempted to take him out against her will. For it would be a thing that should turn to the great grudge of all men, and high displeasure of God, if the privilege of the holy place should now be broken, which had so many years been kept, and which both king and popes so good had granted, so many had confirmed, and which holy ground was more than five hundred years ago by Saint Peter, his own person come in spirit by night, accompanied with great multitude of angels, so specially hallowed and dedicated it to God (for the proof whereof they have yet in the Abbey Saint Peter's cloak to show) that from that time forward was there never so undevout a king who dared that sacred place to violate, or so holy a bishop that dared presume to consecrate.
"And therefore," said the Archbishop of Canterbury, "God forbid that any man should for any earthly enterprise break the immunity and liberty of that sacred sanctuary that has been the safeguard of so many a good man's life. And I trust," said he, "with God's grace, we shall not need it. But for any manner need, I would not we should do it. I trust that she shall be with reason contented, and all things in good manner obtained. And if it happen that I bring it not so to pass, yet shall I toward it so far forth do my best, that you shall all well perceive that no lack of my dutiful efforts, but the mother's dread and womanish fear, shall be the impediment."
"Womanish fear, nay womanish perversity," said the Duke of Buckingham. "For I dare take it upon my soul, she well knows she needs no such thing to fear, either for her son or for herself. For as for her, here is no man that will be at war with women. Would God some of the men of her kin were women too, and then should all be soon at rest. However, there is none of her kin the less loved for that they be her kin, but for their own evil deserving. And nevertheless, if we loved neither her nor her kin, yet were there no cause to think that we should hate the King's noble brother, to whose Grace we ourself be of kin. Whose honor, if she as much desired as our dishonor and as much regard took to his well being as to her own will, she would be as loath to suffer him from the King as any of us be. "For if she have any wit (as would God she had as good will as she has shrewd wit), she reckons herself no wiser than she thinks some that be here, of whose faithful mind, she nothing doubts, but verily believes and knows that they would be as sorry of his harm as herself, and yet would have him from her if she abide there. And we all, I think, are satisfied that both be with her, if she come thence and abide in such place where they may with their honor be.
"Now then, if she refuse in the deliverance of him, to follow the counsel of them whose wisdom she knows, whose truth she well trusts, it is easy to perceive that perversity hinders her, and not fear. But go to, suppose that she fear (as who may let her to fear her own shadow), the more she fears to deliver him, the more ought we fear to leave him in her hands. For if she cast such fond doubts that she fear his hurt, then will she fear that he shall be fetched thence. For she will soon think that if men were set (which God forbid) upon so great a mischief, the sanctuary would little impede them, for good men might, as I think, without sin somewhat less regard it than they do.
"Now then, if she doubt lest he might be fetched from her, is it not likely enough that she shall send him somewhere out of the realm? Verily, I look for none other. And I doubt not but she now thinks with great exertion on it, even as we consider the hindrance of sanctuary. And if she might happen to bring that to pass (as it were no great accomplishment, we letting her alone), all the world would say that we were a wise sort of counselors about a King-we that let his brother be cast away under our noses. And therefore I assure you faithfully for my mind, I will rather defy her plans, fetch him away, than leave him there, till her perversity or fond fear convey him away. "And yet will I break no sanctuary therefore. For verily since the privileges of that place and other like have been of long continued, I am not he that would be about to break them. And in good faith if they were now to begin, I would not be he that should be about to make them. Yet will I not say nay, but that it is a deed of pity that such men of the sea or their evil debtors have brought in poverty, should have some place of liberty, to keep their bodies out of the danger from their cruel creditors. And also if the Crown happen (as it has done) to come in question, while either part takes the other as traitors, I will well there be some places of refuge for both. But as for thieves, of which these places be full, and which never fall from the craft after they once fall thereto, it is pity the sanctuary should serve them. And much more murderers whom God bade to take from the altar and kill them, if their murder were willful. And where it is otherwise there need we not the sanctuaries that God appointed in the old law. For if either necessity, his own defense or misfortune draw him to that deed, a pardon serves which either the law grants of course, or the King of pity may.
"Then look me now how few sanctuary men there be whom any favorable necessity compelled to go thither. And then see on the other side what a sort there be commonly therein, of them whom willful prodigality has brought to nought. What a rabble of thieves, murderers, and malicious, heinous traitors, and that in two places specially: the one at the elbow of the city, the other in the very bowels. I dare well avow it. Weigh the good that they do with the hurt that comes of them, and you shall find it much better to lack both, than have both. And this I say, although they were not abused as they now be, and so long have been, that I fear me ever they will be while men be afraid to set their hands to the amendment: as though God and Saint Peter were the patrons of ungracious living.
"Now prodigals riot and run in debt upon the boldness of these places; yea, and rich men run thither with poor men's goods; there they build, there they spend and bid their creditors go whistle them. Men's wives run thither with their husbands' money, and say they dare not abide with their husbands for beating. Thieves bring thither their stolen goods, and there live thereon. There devise they new robberies; nightly they steal out, they rob and pillage and kill, and come in again as though those places gave them not only a safeguard for the harm they have done, but a license also to do more. However, much of this mischief, if wise men would set their hands to it, might be amended with great thanks to God and no breach of the privilege. The residue, since so long ago I knew never what pope and what prince more piteous than prudent has granted it, and other men because of a certain religious fear have not broken it, let us take a pain therewith, and let it in God's name stand in force, as far forth as reason will. Which is not fully so far forth as may serve to prevent us from fetching forth this noble man to his honor and wealth, out of that place in which he neither is nor can be a sanctuary man.
"A sanctuary serves always to defend the body of that man that stands in danger abroad, not of great hurt only, but also of lawful hurt. For against unlawful harms, never pope nor king intended to privilege any one place. For that privilege has every place. Know you any man any place wherein it is lawful for one man to do another wrong? That no man unlawfully take hurt, that liberty, the King, the law, and very nature forbid in every place and make to that regard for every man a sanctuary every place. But where a man is by lawful means in peril, there needs he the protection of some special privilege, which is the only ground and cause of all sanctuaries. From which necessity this noble prince is far. His love to his King, nature and kindred prove, whose innocence to all the world his tender youth proves. And so sanctuary as for him, neither none he needs, nor also none can have.
"Men come not to sanctuary as they come to baptism, to require it by their godfathers. He must ask it himself that must have it. And what reason-since no man has cause to have it but whose conscience of his own fault makes him feign need to require it-what reason then will yonder babe have? which, even if he had discretion to require it, if need were, I dare say would now be right angry with them that keep him there. And I would think without any scruple of conscience, without any breach of privilege, to be somewhat more homely with them that be there sanctuary men indeed. For if one go to sanctuary with another man's goods, why should not the King, leaving his body at liberty, satisfy the part of his goods even within the sanctuary? For neither king nor pope can give any place such a privilege that it shall discharge a man of his debts, being able to pay."
And that diversity of the clergy that were present, whether they said it for his pleasure or, as they thought, agreed plainly that by the law of God and of the church the goods of a sanctuary man should be delivered in payment of his debts, and stolen goods to the owner, and only liberty reserved him to get his living with the labor of his hands.
"Verily," said the Duke, "I think you say very truth. And what if a man's wife will take sanctuary because she wishes to run from her husband? I would think if she can allege none other cause, he may lawfully-without any displeasure to Saint Peter-take her out of Saint Peter's church by the arm. And if nobody may be taken out of sanctuary that says he will abide there, then if a child will take sanctuary because he fears to go to school, his master must let him alone. And as simple as that example is, yet is there less reason in our case than in that. For therein, though it be a childish fear, yet is there at the leastwise some fear. And herein is there none at all. And verily I have often heard of sanctuary men. But I never heard before of sanctuary children. And therefore, as for the conclusion of my mind, whosoever may have deserved to need it, if they think it for their safety, let them keep it. But he can be no sanctuary man that neither has wisdom to desire it nor malice to deserve it, whose life or liberty can by no lawful process stand in jeopardy. And he that takes one out of sanctuary to do him good, I say plainly that he breaks no sanctuary."
When the Duke had done, the laymen entire and a good part of the clergy also, thinking no earthly hurt was meant toward the young babe, agreed in effect that, if he were not delivered, he should be fetched. However, they all thought it best, in the avoiding of all manner of rumor, that the Lord Cardinal should first attempt to get him with her good will. And thereupon all the Council came unto the Star Chamber at Westminster. And the Lord Cardinal, leaving the Protector (age 30) with the Council in the Star Chamber, departed into the sanctuary to the Queen (age 46) with diverse other lords with him-were it for the respect of his honor, or that she should by presence of so many perceive that this errand was not one man's mind, or were it for that the Protector (age 30) intended not in this matter to trust any one man alone, or else, if she finally were determined to keep him, some of that company had perhaps secret instruction immediately, despite her mind, to take him and to leave her no chance to take him away, which she was likely to plan after this matter was revealed to her, if her time would in any way serve her.
When the Queen (age 46) and these lords were come together in presence, the Lord Cardinal showed unto her that it was thought by the Protector (age 30) and the whole Council that her keeping of the King's brother in that place was the thing which highly sounded, not only to the great rumor of the people and their obloquy, but also to the unbearable grief and displeasure of the King's royal majesty; to whose Grace it were as singular comfort to have his natural brother in company, as it was to both their dishonor and all theirs and hers also, to suffer him in sanctuary-as though the one brother stood in danger and peril of the other. And he showed her that the Council therefore had sent him unto her to require her the delivery of him that he might be brought unto the King's presence at his liberty, out of that place that they reckoned as a prison. And there should he be treated according to his estate. And she in this doing should both do great good to the realm, pleasure to the Council and profit to herself, assistance to her friends that were in distress, and over that (which he knew well she specially valued), not only great comfort and honor to the King, but also to the young Duke himself, for both of them great wealth it were to be together, as well for many greater causes, as also for their both entertainment and recreation; which thing the lords esteemed not slight, though it seem light, well pondering that their youth without recreation and play cannot endure, nor find any stranger according to the propriety of both their ages and estates so suitable in that point for any of them as either of them for the other.
"My lord," said the Queen (age 46), "I say not nay, but that it were very appropriate that this gentleman whom you require were in the company of the King his brother. And in good faith I think it were as great advantage to them both, as for yet a while, to be in the custody of their mother, the tender age considered of the elder of them both, but especially the younger, who besides his infancy that also needs good looking to, has awhile been so sore diseased, vexed with sickness, and is so newly rather a little amended than well recovered, that I dare put no earthly person in trust with his keeping but myself alone, considering, that there is, as physicians say, and as we also find, double the peril in the relapse that was in the first sickness, with which disease-nature being forelabored, forewearied and weakened-grows the less able to bear out a new excess of the illness. And although there might be found another who would by chance do their best unto him, yet is there none that either knows better how to order him than I that so long have kept him; or is more tenderly like to cherish him than his own mother that bore him."
"No man denies, good Madam," said the Cardinal, "but that your Grace were of all folk most necessary about your children, and so would all the Council not only be content but also glad that you were, if it might stand with your pleasure to be in such place as might stand with their honor. But if you appoint yourself to tarry here, then think they yet more apt that the Duke of York were at his liberty honorably with the King-to the comfort of them both than here as a sanctuary man to both their dishonor and obloquy. Since there is not always so great necessity to have the child be with the mother, but that occasion may sometime be such that it should be more expedient to keep him elsewhere. Which in this well appears that, at such time as your dearest son, then Prince and now King, should for his honor and good order of the country, keep household in Wales far out of your company, your Grace was well content therewith yourself."
"Not very well content," said the Queen (age 46), "and yet the case is not like: for the one was then in health, and the other is now sick. In which case I marvel greatly that my Lord Protector (age 30) is so desirous to have him in his keeping, where if the child in his sickness miscarried by nature, yet might he run into slander and suspicion of fraud. And where they call it a thing so sore against my child's honor and theirs also that he abides in this place, it is all their honors there to suffer him abide where no man doubts he shall be best kept. And that is here, while I am here, which as yet I intend not to come forth and jeopardize myself after the fashion of my other friends, who, would God, were here in surety with me rather than I were there in jeopardy with them."
"Why, Madam," said another lord, "know you anything why they should be in jeopardy?"
"Nay, verily, Sir," said she, "nor why they should be in prison neither, as they now be. But it is, I trust, no great marvel, though I fear lest those that have not omitted to put them in duress without falsity will omit as little to procure their destruction without cause." The Cardinal made a countenance to the other lord that he should harp no more upon that string. And then said he to the Queen (age 46) that he nothing doubted but that those lords of her honorable kin, who as yet remained under arrest should, upon the matter examined, do well enough. And as toward her noble person, neither was nor could be any manner of jeopardy.
"Whereby should I trust that?" said the Queen (age 46). "In that I am guiltless? As though they were guilty. In that I am with their enemies better beloved than they? When they hate them for my sake. In that I am so near of kin to the King? And how far be they away, if that would help, as God send grace it hurt not. And therefore as for me, I purpose not as yet to depart hence. And as for this gentleman my son, I mind that he shall be where I am till I see further. For I assure you, because I see some men so greedy without any substantial cause to have him, this makes me much the more further from delivering him."
"Truly, madam," said he, "and the further that you be to deliver him, the further be other men to suffer you to keep him, lest your causeless fear might cause you farther to convey him. And many be there that think that he can have no privilege in this place, who neither can have will to ask it, nor malice to deserve it. And therefore they reckon no privilege broken, though they fetch him out, which, if you finally refuse to deliver him, I verily think they will (so much dread has my Lord, his uncle, for the tender love he bears him), lest your Grace should by chance send him away."
"Ah, sir," said the Queen (age 46), "has the Protector (age 30) so tender zeal to him that he fears nothing but lest he should escape him? Thinks he that I would send him hence, which neither is in the plight to send out, and in what place could I reckon him sure, if he be not sure in this the sanctuary, whereof there was never tyrant yet so devilish that dared presume to break. And, I trust God, the most holy Saint Peter-the guardian of this sanctuary-is as strong now to withstand his adversaries as ever he was.
"But my son can deserve no sanctuary, and therefore he cannot have it. Forsooth he has found a goodly gloss by which that place that may defend a thief may not save an innocent. But he is in no jeopardy nor has no need thereof. Would God he had not. Trusts the Protector (age 30) (I pray God he may prove a Protector (age 30)), trusts he that I perceive not whereunto his painted process draws? He says it is not honorable that the Duke abide here and that it were comfortable for them both that he were with his brother because the King lacks a playfellow. Be you sure. I pray God send them both better playfellows than him who makes so high a matter upon such a trifling pretext-as though there could none be found to play with the King unless his brother, who has no lust to play because of sickness, come out of sanctuary, out of his safeguard, to play with him. As though princes as young as they be could not play but with their peers, or children could not play but with their kindred, with whom for the most part they agree much worse than with strangers.
"But the child cannot require the privilege-who told him so? He shall hear him ask it, if he will. However, this is a gay matter: Suppose he could not ask it; suppose he would not ask it; suppose he would ask to go out. If I say he shall not, if I ask the privilege but for myself, I say he that against my will takes out him, breaks the sanctuary. Serves this liberty for my person only, or for my goods too? You may not hence take my horse from me, and may you take my child from me? He is also my ward, for as my learned Council shows me, since he has nothing by descent held by knight's service, the law makes his mother his guardian. Then may no man, I suppose, take my ward from me out of sanctuary, without the breech of the sanctuary. And if my privilege could not serve him, nor he ask it for himself, yet since the law commits to me the custody of him, I may require it for him-unless the law give a child a guardian only for his goods and his lands, discharging him of the care and safekeeping of his body, for which only both lands and goods serve.
"And if examples be sufficient to obtain privilege for my child, I need not far to seek. For in this place in which we now be (and which is now in question whether my child may take benefit of it) mine other son, now King, was born and kept in his cradle and preserved to a more prosperous fortune, which I pray God long to continue. And as all you know, this is not the first time that I have taken sanctuary, for when my lord, my husband, was banished and thrust out of his kingdom, I fled hither being great with child, and here I bore the Prince. And when my lord, my husband, returned safe again and had the victory, then went I hence to welcome him home, and from hence I brought my babe the Prince unto his father, when he first took him in his arms. And I pray God that my son's palace may be as great safeguard to him now reigning, as this place was sometime to the King's enemy. In which place I intend to keep his brother.
"Wherefore here intend I to keep him because man's law serves the guardian to keep the infant. The law of nature wills the mother keep her child. God's law privileges the sanctuary, and the sanctuary my son, since I fear to put him in the Protector's (age 30) hands that has his brother already; and if both princes failed, the Protector (age 30) were inheritor to the crown. The cause of my fear has no man to do but examine. And yet fear I no further than the law fears, which, as learned men tell me, forbids every man the custody of them by whose death he may inherit less land than a kingdom. I can no more, but whosoever he be that breaks this holy sanctuary, I pray God shortly send him need of sanctuary, when he may not come to it. For taken out of sanctuary would I not my mortal enemy were."
The Lord Cardinal, perceiving that the Queen (age 46) grew ever longer the further off and also that she began to kindle and chafe and speak sore, biting words against the Protector (age 30), and such as he neither believed and was also loath to hear, he said unto her for a final conclusion that he would no longer dispute the matter. But if she were content to deliver the Duke to him and to the other lords there present, he dared lay his own body and soul both in pledge, not only for his safety but also for his estate. And if she would give them a resolute answer to the contrary, he would forthwith depart therewithal, and manage whosoever would with this business afterward; for he never intended more to move her in that matter in which she thought that he and all others, save herself, lacked either wit or truth-wit, if they were so dull that they could nothing perceive what the Protector (age 30) intended; truth, if they should procure her son to be delivered into his hands, in whom they should perceive toward the child any evil intended.
The Queen (age 46) with these words stood a good while in a great study. And forasmuch to her seemed the Cardinal more ready to depart than some of the remnant, and the Protector (age 30) himself ready at hand, so that she verily thought she could not keep him there, but that he should immediately be taken thence; and to convey him elsewhere, neither had she time to serve her, nor place determined, nor persons appointed, all things unready because this message came on her so suddenly, nothing less expecting than to have him fetched out of sanctuary, which she thought to be now beset in such places about that he could not be conveyed out untaken, and partly as she thought it might fortune her fear to be false, and so well she knew it was either needless or without remedy to resist; wherefore, if she should needs go from him, she thought it best to deliver him. And over that, of the Cardinal's faith she nothing doubted, nor of some other lords neither, whom she there saw, which as she feared lest they might be deceived, so was she well assured they would not be corrupted. Then thought she it should yet make them the more warily to look to him and the more circumspect to see to his safety, if she with her own hands gave him to them of trust. And at the last she took the young Duke by the hand, and said unto the lords:
"My Lord," said she, "and all my lords, I neither am so unwise to mistrust your wits, nor so suspicious to mistrust your truths. Of which thing I purpose to make you such a proof that, if either of both lacked in you, might turn both me to great sorrow, the realm to much harm, and you to great reproach. For, lo, here is," said she, "this gentleman, whom I doubt not but I could here keep safe if I would, whatsoever any man say. And I doubt not also but there be some abroad, so deadly enemies unto my blood, that if they knew where any of it lay in their own body, they would let it out.
"We have also had experience that the desire of a kingdom knows no kindred. The brother has been the brother's bane. And may the nephews be sure of their uncle? Each of these children is the other's defense while they be asunder, and each of their lives lies in the other's body. Keep one safe and both be sure, and nothing for them both more perilous than to be both in one place. For what wise merchant ventures all his goods in one ship?
"All this notwithstanding, here I deliver him and his brother in him-to keep into your hands-of whom I shall ask them both before God and the world. Faithful you be, that know I well, and I know well you be wise. Power and strength to keep him, if you wish, neither lack you of yourself, nor can lack help in this cause. And if you cannot elsewhere, then may you leave him here. But only one thing I beseech you for the trust that his father put in you ever, and for trust that I put in you now, that as far as you think that I fear too much, be you well wary that you fear not as far too little." And therewithal she said unto the child: "Farewell, my own sweet son. God send you good keeping. Let me kiss you once yet before you go, for God knows when we shall kiss together again." And therewith she kissed him, and blessed him, turned her back and wept
and went her way, leaving the child weeping as fast.
When the Lord Cardinal and these other lords with him had received this young duke, they brought him into the Star Chamber where the Protector (age 30) took him in his arms and kissed him with these words:
"Now welcome, my Lord, even with all my very heart." And he said in that of likelihood as he thought. Thereupon forthwith they brought him to the King, his brother, into the Bishop's Palace at Paul's, and from thence through the city honorably into the Tower, out of which after that day they never came abroad.
When the Protector (age 30) had both the children in his hands, he opened himself more boldly, both to certain other men, and also chiefly to the Duke of Buckingham, although I know that many thought that this Duke was privy to all the Protector's (age 30) counsel, even from the beginning.
And some of the Protector's (age 30) friends said that the Duke was the first mover of the Protector (age 30) to this matter, sending a private messenger unto him, straight after King Edward's death. But others again, who knew better the subtle cunning of the Protector (age 30), deny that he ever opened his enterprise to the Duke until he had brought to pass the things before rehearsed. But when he had imprisoned the Queen's (age 46) kinsfolks and gotten both her sons into his own hands, then he opened the rest of his purpose with less fear to them whom he thought meet for the matter, and specially to the Duke, who being won to his purpose, he thought his strength more than half increased.
The matter was broken unto the Duke by subtle folks, and such as were masters of their craft in the handling of such wicked devices, who declared unto him that the young king was offended with him for his kinsfolks' sakes, and that if he were ever able, he would revenge them, who would prick him forward thereunto if they escaped (for the Queen's (age 46) family would remember their imprisonment). Or else if his kinsfolk were put to death, without doubt the young king would be sorrowful for their deaths, whose imprisonment was grievous unto him. And that with repenting the Duke should nothing avail: for there was no way left to redeem his offense by benefits, but he should sooner destroy himself than save the King, who with his brother and his kinsfolks he saw in such places imprisoned, as the Protector (age 30) might with a nod destroy them all; and that it were no doubt but he would do it indeed, if there were any new enterprise attempted. And that it was likely that as the Protector (age 30) had provided private guard for himself, so had he spies for the Duke and traps to catch him if he should be against him, and that, perchance, from them whom he least suspected. The state of things and the dispositions of men were then such that a man could not well tell whom he might trust or whom he might fear. These things and such like, being beaten into the Duke's mind, brought him to that point where he had repented the way he had entered, yet would he go forth in the same; and since he had once begun, he would stoutly go through. And therefore to this wicked enterprise, which he believed could not be avoided, he bent himself and went through and determined that since the common mischief could not be amended, he would turn it as much as he might to his own advantage.
Then it was agreed that the Protector (age 30) should have the Duke's aid to make him king, and that the Protector's (age 30) only lawful son should marry the Duke's daughter, and that the Protector (age 30) should grant him the quiet possession of the Earldom of Hertford, which he claimed as his inheritance and could never obtain it in King Edward's time. Besides these requests of the Duke, the Protector (age 30) of his own mind promised him a great quantity of the King's treasure and of his household stuff. And when they were thus at a point between themselves, they went about to prepare for the coronation of the young king as they would have it seem. And that they might turn both the eyes and minds of men from perceiving their plans, the lords, being sent for from all parties of the realm, came thick to that solemnity.
But the Protector (age 30) and the Duke, after that, once they had set the Lord Cardinal, the Archbishop of York (then Lord Chancellor), the bishop of Ely (age 63), Lord Stanley, and Lord Hastings (age 52) (then Lord Chamberlain) with many other noble men to commune and devise about the coronation in one place, as fast were they in another place contriving the contrary, and to make the Protector (age 30) king. To which council, although there were admittedly very few, and they very secret, yet began there, here and there about, some manner of muttering among the people, as though all should not long be well, though they neither knew what they feared nor wherefore: Were it that before such great things, men's hearts of a secret instinct of nature misgives them, as the sea without wind swells of itself sometime before a tempest; or were it that some one man haply somewhat perceiving, filled many men with suspicion, though he showed few men what he knew. However, somewhat the dealing itself made men to muse on the matter, though the council was closed. For little by little all folk withdrew from the Tower and drew to Crosby's Place in Bishopsgate Street where the Protector (age 30) kept his household. The Protector (age 30) had the people appealing to him; the King was in manner alone. While some for their business made suit to them that had the doing, some were by their friends secretly warned that it might haply turn them to no good to be too much attendant about the King without the Protector's (age 30) appointment, who removed also many of the Prince's old servants from him, and set new ones about him. Thus many things coming together-partly by chance, partly by purpose-caused at length not only common people who wave with the wind, but also wise men and some lords as well, to mark the matter and muse thereon, so far forth that the Lord Stanley, who was afterwards Earl of Darby, wisely mistrusted it and said unto the Lord Hastings (age 52) that he much disliked these two several councils.
"For while we," said he, "talk of one matter in the one place, little know we whereof they talk in the other place."
"My Lord," said the Lord Hastings (age 52), "on my life, never doubt you. For while one man is there who is never thence, never can there be things once minded that should sound amiss toward me, but it should be in mine ears before it were well out of their mouths."
This meant he by Catesby, who was of his near secret counsel and whom he very familiarly used, and in his most weighty matters put no man in so special trust, reckoning himself to no man so dear, since he well knew there was no man to him so much beholden as was this Catesby, who was a man well learned in the laws of this land, and by the special favor of the Lord Chamberlain in good authority and much rule bore in all the county of Leicester where the Lord Chamberlain's power chiefly lay. But surely great pity was it that he had not had either more truth or less wit. For his dissimulation alone kept all that mischief up. If the Lord Hastings (age 52) had not put so special trust in Catesby, the Lord Stanley and he had departed with diverse other lords and broken all the dance, for many ill signs that he saw, which he now construed all to the best, so surely thought he there could be none harm toward him in that council intended where Catesby was. And of truth the Protector (age 30) and the Duke of Buckingham made very good semblance unto the Lord Hastings (age 52) and kept him much in company. And undoubtedly the Protector (age 30) loved him well and loath was to have lost him, saving for fear lest his life should have quelled their purpose. For which cause he moved Catesby to prove with some words cast out afar off, whether he could think it possible to win the Lord Hastings (age 52) to their part. But Catesby, whether he tried him or questioned him not, reported unto them that he found him so fast and heard him speak so terrible words that he dared no further say. And of truth the Lord Chamberlain, with great trust, showed unto Catesby the mistrust that others began to have in the matter.
Calendars. 16 May 1483. King Richard III of England (age 30). Westminster Palace [Map]. Grant for life to the king's servant Henry Duke of Buckingham (age 28), of the offices of chief justice and chamberlain in South and North Wales, constable of the castles and counties of Kermerdyn and Cardigan, the castles of Abrustwith, co Cardigan, and Denevour in South Wales, the castle and town of Tonebigh, co. Pembroke, the castle and lordship of Kylgarvan in South Wales, the castle and town of Llan Stepham in South Wales, the lordship of Wallewynscastell in South Wales, the lordship of Westhaverford in South Wales, constable, steward, and receiver of the castle, lordshiop and manor of Uske, the castle and lordship of Carlion, the castle, lordship and manor of Dynas, the castle and a moiety of the lordship of Ewyas Lacy [Map], the castles, lordships and manors of Belth,Clifford, Radnore, Melenyth, Montgomery, Dynbigh, Elvell and Narberth, the castle, lordship and manors of Wygmore [Map] and Holt [Map] in the marches of Wales, and the lordship and manor of Bromfield [Map] in the same marches, steward and receiver of the lordships and manors of Norton, Knyghton, Raydor, Guerthrenyon, Comotoyder, Glasbury, Weryfreton, Cherbury, Terthic, Halcetur, Kadewyn, Newton, Kyry in the marches.
Calendars. 20 May 1483 King Richard III of England (age 30). Westminster Palace [Map]. Grant to the king's kinsman Henry Duke of Buckingham (age 28), of the supervision and power of array of the king's subjects in the counties of Salop, Hereford, Somerset, Dorset and Wilts. By p.s.
On 13 Jun 1483 King Richard III of England (age 30) arranged a Council meeting at the Tower of London [Map] attended by William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 52), Cardinal John Morton (age 63), Archbishop Thomas Rotherham (age 59) and Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 28). During the course of the evening Richgard accused William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 52), Cardinal John Morton (age 63) and Archbishop Thomas Rotherham (age 59) of treasonable conspiracy with the [his sister-in-law] Queen (age 46).
William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 52) was beheaded at Tower Green, Tower of London [Map]. He was buried in North Aisle St George's Chapel, Windsor Castle [Map] next to King Edward IV of England. His son Edward Hastings 2nd Baron Hastings Baron Botreaux, Hungerford and Moleyns (age 16) succeeded 2nd Baron Hastings.
Cardinal John Morton (age 63) and Archbishop Thomas Rotherham (age 59) were arrested.
On 16 Jun 1483 Cardinal Thomas Bourchier (age 65) removed Edward IV's youngest son Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke York (age 9) from Sanctuary in Westminster Abbey [Map] to the Tower of London [Map] so that he could join his brother in preparation for his Coronation. Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 28) was present.
On 06 Jul 1483 King Richard III of England (age 30) was crowned III King England by Cardinal Thomas Bourchier (age 65) at Westminster Abbey [Map]. Anne Neville Queen Consort England (age 27) by marriage Queen Consort England. Duke Gloucester merged with the Crown.
John Howard 1st Duke of Norfolk (age 58) was appointed Lord High Steward. William Brandon (age 58), Thomas Fitzalan 17th Earl Arundel (age 33), Thomas St Leger (age 43), Richard Hastings Baron Willoughby (age 50), [his sister-in-law] Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 46), Elizabeth York Duchess Suffolk (age 39), Giles Daubeney 1st Baron Daubeney (age 32) and Humphrey Dacre 1st Baron Dacre Gilsland (age 59) attended.
Robert Dymoke (age 22) attended as the Kings' Champion.
Edmund Grey 1st Earl Kent (age 66) carried The Pointed Sword of Justice. Thomas Howard 2nd Duke of Norfolk (age 40) carried the Crown. Francis Lovell 1st Viscount Lovell (age 27) carried the Third Sword of State. John de la Pole 2nd Duke of Suffolk (age 40) carried the Sceptre. John de la Pole 1st Earl Lincoln (age 21) carried the Cross and Ball. Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 28) carried the king's train. Edward Stafford 2nd Earl Wiltshire (age 13) bore the Queen's Crown.
Thomas Stanley 1st Earl of Derby (age 48) carried the Lord High Constable's Mace. Margaret Beaufort Countess Richmond (age 40) held Queen Anne's train. Henry Percy 4th Earl of Northumberland (age 34) carried The Blunt Sword of Mercy. Christopher Willoughby 10th Baron Willoughby (age 30) was appointed Knight of the Bath.
Humphrey Dacre 1st Baron Dacre Gilsland (age 59) attended.
Cecily "Rose of Raby" Neville Duchess York (age 68) refused to attend the Coronation of Richard III. History doesn't record her reason.
Calendars. 15 Jul 1483 Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 28) was appointed Constable of England. King Richard III of England (age 30). Westminster Palace [Map]. Grant for life to the king's kinsman Henry, Duke of Buckingham (age 28), of divers specified offices and powers in North and South Wales and the marches.
The like to the same of the office of constable of England, with the accustomed fees. By p.s.
Calendars. 23 Oct 1483 King Richard III of England (age 31). Leicester, Leicestershire [Map]. Precept to the Sheriff of Devon to issue a proclamation (English) denouncing Thomas Dorset, late Marquess of Dorset (age 28), who holds unshameful and mischievous woman called Shore's wife in adultery, Sir William Noreys (age 42), Sir William Knevet (age 43), Sir Thomas Bourghchier of Barnes, Sir George Broun, knights, John Cheyne, John Noreis, Walter Hungerford, John Russh and John Harecourt of Staunton, who have assembled the Person by the comfort of the great rebel the late duke of Bukyngham (age 29) and bishops of Ely and Salisbury, and offering rewards for their capture and pardon for all who withdraw from them. By K.
Calendars. 23 Oct 1483. Leicester. Precept to the sheriff of Devon to issue a proclamation (English) denouncing Thomas Dorset, late marquess of Dorset (age 28), who holds the unshameful and mischievous woman called Shore's wife (age 38) in adultery, Sir William Noreys, Sir William Knevet, Sir Thomas Bourghchier of Barnes, Sir George Broun, knights, John Cheyne, John Noreis, Walter Hungerford, John Russh and John Harecourt of Staunton, who have assembled the people by the comfort of the great rebel the late duke of Bukyngham (age 29) and bishops of Ely and Salisbury, and offering rewards for their capture and pardon for all who withdraw from them. Foedera. By K.
The like to the sheriffs, mayors and bailiffs in the following counties, cities and towns:- Cornwall. Surrey and Sussex. Coventry. Salop. Kent. Bath. Wilts. Middlesex. Winchester. Somerset and Dorset. Hereford. Southampton. Stafford. Gloucester. Town of Devizes. Southampton. London. New Sarum. Oxford and Berks. Bristol. Bridgewater. The like to the king's kinsman William, Earl of Arundel, constable of Dover castle and warden of the Cinque Ports. Commission to John Scrope of Bolton, knight, Edward Redmayn, Halnath Malyverer and Peter Saynabon to arrest and imprison all rebels in the counties of Devon and Cornwall, to take their castles, lordships, manors, lands, chattels and possessions into the king's hands and to enquire into the value and receive the issues of the same, and to certify thereon to the king and council.
The like to the following:- John Zouche of Zouche, knight, Richard Potyer, Richard Tyllys and John Cutte, in the counties of Somerset and Dorset. John Rogger, Richard Danby and Robert Kerre, in the counties of Southampton and Wilts. Francis, Viscount Lovell, Richard Harcourt, knight, William Catesby, esquire of the body, and Edward Fraunk, in the counties of Oxford and Berks.
On 02 Nov 1483 Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 29) was beheaded in Salisbury Marketplace [Map] for his part in the rebellion. His son [his son] Edward Stafford 3rd Duke of Buckingham (age 5) succeeded 8th Earl Stafford, 9th Baron Stafford.
The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. For hereupon, soon after, began the conspiracy, or rather good confederation, between the Duke of Buckingham and many other gentlemen against him. The occasion whereupon the King and the Duke fell out is by different folk, different ways presented. This duke, as I have for certain been informed, as soon as the Duke of Gloucester, upon the death of King Edward, came to York and there had solemn funeral service for King Edward, sent thither, in the most secret way he could, one Percival, his trusty servant, who came to John Ward, a chamber-man of like secret trust with the Duke of Gloucester, desiring that in the most close and covert manner he might be admitted to the presence and speech of his master. And the Duke of Gloucester, informed of his desire, caused him in the dead of the night, after all other folk left, to be brought unto him in his secret chamber, where Percival, after his master's recommendation, showed him what his master had secretly sent him to show him that in this new world he could take such part as he would, and Buckingham would wait upon him with a thousand good fellows if need were. The messenger, sent back with thanks and some secret instruction of the Protector's mind, yet he met him again with further message from the Duke, his master, within a few days after at Nottingham, to where the Protector from York with many gentlemen of the north country, up to the number of six hundred horse, was coming on his way to London. And after secret meeting and communication had, at once departed. Whereupon at Northampton the Duke met with the Protector himself, with three hundred horse, and from there still continued with him, partner of all his devices, such that after his coronation they departed, as it seemed, very great friends at Gloucester.
From whence, as soon as the Duke came home, he so lightly turned from him and so highly conspired against him that a man would marvel whereof the change grew.
And surely the occasion of their variance is of different men differently reported. Some I have heard say that the Duke-a little before the coronation, among other things-required of the Protector the Duke of Hereford's lands, to which he pretended himself just inheritor. And forasmuch as the title that he claimed by inheritance was somewhat interlaced with the title to the crown by the line of King Henry VI, before deprived, the Protector conceived such indignation that he rejected the Duke's request with many spiteful and threatening words, which so wounded his heart with hatred and mistrust that he never after could endure to look aright on King Richard, but ever feared his own life, so far forth that when the Protector rode through London toward his coronation, he feigned himself sick because he would not ride with him. And the other, taking it in evil part, sent him word to rise and come ride, or he would make him be carried. Whereupon he rode on with evil will and, that notwithstanding, on the morrow rose from the feast feigning himself sick, and King Richard said it was done in hatred and contempt of him. And they say that ever after, continually, each of them lived in such hatred and distrust of other that the Duke verily looked to have been murdered at Gloucester, from which, nevertheless, he in fair manner departed.
But surely some right from those days' secrets deny this; and many right wise men think it unlikely (the deep dissimulating nature of both those men considered, and what need in that green world the Protector had of the Duke, and in what peril the Duke stood if he fell once in suspicion of the tyrant) that either the Protector would give the Duke occasion of displeasure, or the Duke the Protector occasion of mistrust. And men in fact think that, if King Richard had any such opinion conceived of the Duke, he would never have suffered him to escape his hands.
Very truth it is, the Duke was a high-minded man and could ill bear the glory of another, so that I have heard of some who said they saw it that the Duke, at such time as the crown was first set upon the Protector's head, his eye could not abide the sight thereof, but turned his head another way. But men say that he was, of truth, not well at ease, and that to King Richard was both well known and not ill taken, nor any demand of the Duke's discourteously rejected, but he with great gifts and high promises both, in most loving trusty manner departed at Gloucester. But soon after his coming home to Brecknock, having there in his custody by the commandment of King Richard, Doctor Morton, Bishop of Ely, who as you heard before was taken in the Council at the Tower, growing familiar with him, whose wisdom deceived his pride-to his own deliverance and the Duke's destruction.
The Bishop was a man of great natural wit, very well learned, and honorable in behavior, lacking no wise ways to win favor. He had been loyal to the part of King Henry while that part was in wealth, and nevertheless left it not, nor forsook it in woe, but fled the realm with the Queen and the Prince, and while King Edward had the King in prison, he never came home but to the battlefield. After this loss, and that part was utterly subdued, King Edward, for Morton's steadfast faith and wisdom, not only was content to receive him, but also wooed him to come and had him from thence forth both in secret trust and very special favor, in which he nothing deceived. For he was, as you have heard, after King Edward's death, first taken by the tyrant for his loyalty to the King, but found the means to turn this Duke to his plans, joining gentlemen together in the aid of King Henry, devising first the marriage between him and King Edward's daughter, by which he declared his faith and good service to both his masters at once, with infinite benefit to the realm, by the conjunction of those two bloods in one, whose several titles had long left the land without quiet. Afterwards, he fled the realm, went to Rome, never minding more to meddle with the world till the noble prince, King Henry the Seventh, got him home again, made him Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellor of England, whereunto the Pope joined the honor of Cardinal. Thus living many days in as much honor as one man might well wish, ended them so godly that his death, with God's mercy, well changed his life.
This man, therefore, as I was about to tell you, by long and often alternate proof, as well from prosperity as adverse fortune, had gotten by great experience, the very mother and mistress of wisdom, a deep insight in political, worldly drifts.
Whereby, perceiving now this Duke glad to come with him, he fed him with fair words and many pleasant praises. And perceiving by the process of their communications the Duke's pride now and then to let slip a little outburst of envy toward the glory of the King, and thereby feeling him easy to fall out if the matter were well handled, he craftily sought the ways to prick him forward, taking always the occasion of his coming, and so keeping himself close within his bonds that he rather seemed to follow him than to lead him.
For when the Duke first began to praise and boast of the King and show how much profit the realm should take by his reign, my Lord Morton answered, "Surely, my Lord, folly it were for me to lie, for if I would swear the contrary, your Lordship would not, I know, believe it, but that, if the world would have gone as I would have wished, King Henry's son had had the crown and not King Edward. But after God had ordered him to lose it, and King Edward to reign, I was never so mad that I would with a dead man strive against the living. So was I to King Edward faithful chaplain, and glad would have been that his child had succeeded him. However, if the secret judgment of God has otherwise provided, I propose not to spurn against a spur, nor labor to set up what God pulls down. And as for the late Protector and now King...." And even there he left off, saying that he had already meddled too much with the world and would from that day meddle with his book and his beads alone, and no further.
Then longed the Duke sore to hear what he would have said because he ended with the King and there so suddenly stopped, and so exhorted him familiarly between them to be so bold to say whatsoever he thought, whereof he faithfully promised there should never come hurt and perchance more good than he would know, and that he himself intended to use his faithful, secret advice and counsel; this counsel, he said, was the only cause for which he procured of the King to have him in his custody, where he might reckon himself at home, or else had he been put in the hands of them with whom he should not have found the like favor.
The Bishop right humbly thanked him and said, "In good faith, my Lord, I love not much to talk much of princes, as things not all out of peril even though the word be without fault-forasmuch as it shall not be taken as the party meant it, but as it pleases the prince to construe it. And ever I think on Aesop's tale, that one in which the lion had proclaimed on pain of death that no horned beast should abide in that wood. Then one who had on his forehead a lump of flesh fled away at great pace. The fox who saw him run so fast asked him why he made all that haste. And he answered: 'In faith, I neither know nor care, so I were once hence because of this proclamation made about horned beasts.'
"'What, fool!' said the fox. 'Thou may abide well enough; the lion meant not thee, for it is no horn that is on your head.'
"'No, marry,' said he. 'That know I well enough. But what if he call it a horn? Where am I then?'"
The Duke laughed merrily at the tale, and said, "My Lord, I warrant you, neither the lion nor the boar shall find any problem with anything here spoken, for it shall never come near their ear."
"In good faith, Sir," said the Bishop, "if it did, the thing that I was about to say, taken as well as before God as I meant it, could deserve but thanks. And yet taken as I know it would, might happen to turn me to little good and you to less."
Then longed the Duke yet much more to know what it was. Whereupon the Bishop said: "In good faith, my Lord, as for the late Protector, since he is now King in possession, I propose not to dispute his title. But for the welfare of this realm, whereof his Grace has now the governance and whereof I am myself one poor member, I was about to wish that to those good abilities, whereof he has already right many, little needing my praise, it might yet have pleased God for the better store to have given him some of such other excellent virtues suitable for the rule of a realm, as our Lord has planted in the person of your Grace."
On 07 Nov 1485 Jasper Tudor 1st Duke Bedford (age 54) and [his former wife] Catherine Woodville Duchess Buckingham Duchess Bedford (age 27) were married. She by marriage Countess Pembroke. The difference in their ages was 26 years. She the daughter of Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers and Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford. He the son of Owen Tudor and Catherine of Valois Queen Consort England. He a great x 5 grandson of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England.
In Dec 1489 [his son] Edward Stafford 3rd Duke of Buckingham (age 11) and Eleanor Percy Duchess Buckingham were married. She by marriage Duchess of Buckingham. The executors of her father Henry Percy 4th Earl of Northumberland, who had been hanged by rebels during the Northern Rebellion earlier in the year, having paid King Henry VII of England and Ireland (age 32) £4000 for the privilege. His father, Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham, had been hanged for treason in 1483. She the daughter of Henry Percy 4th Earl of Northumberland and Maud Herbert Countess Northumberland. He the son of Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham and Catherine Woodville Duchess Buckingham Duchess Bedford (age 31). They were third cousins. He a great x 4 grandson of King Edward III of England. She a great x 4 granddaughter of King Edward III of England. 
On 24 Jan 1496 Richard Wingfield (age 27) and [his former wife] Catherine Woodville Duchess Buckingham Duchess Bedford (age 38) were married. She the daughter of Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers and Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford. He a great x 5 grandson of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England. 
On 18 May 1497 [his former wife] Catherine Woodville Duchess Buckingham Duchess Bedford (age 39) died.
[his father] Humphrey Stafford and [his mother] Margaret Beaufort were married. She the daughter of Edmund Beaufort 1st or 2nd Duke Somerset and Eleanor Beauchamp Duchess Somerset. He the son of Humphrey Stafford 1st Duke of Buckingham and Anne Neville Duchess Buckingham. They were second cousins. He a great x 2 grandson of King Edward III of England. She a great x 2 granddaughter of King Edward III of England.
The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. "Which thing well considered, and the great knightly prowess pondered, with manifold virtues which in his noble person singularly abound, the nobles and commons also of this realm, and specially of the north parts, not willing any bastard blood to have the rule of the land, nor the shameful violations used before in the same way to continue, have agreed and fully determined to make humble petition unto the most powerful Prince, the Lord Protector, that it may like his Grace, at our humble request, to take upon him the guiding and governance of this realm, to the wealth and increase of the same, according to his very right and just title. Which thing, I know it well, he will be loath to take upon him, as he whose wisdom well perceives the labor and study, both of mind and of body, that shall come therewith to whosoever so well occupies that office, as I dare say he will if he take it. Which position, I warn you well, is no child's office. And the great wise man well perceived this when he said: Veh regno cuius rex puer est 'Woe is that realm that has a child for their King."
"Wherefore so much the more cause have we to thank God that this noble personage, who is so righteously entitled thereunto, is of such a mature age that great wisdom is joined with so great experience; who, although he will be loath, as I have said, to take it upon him, yet shall he to our petition in that behalf more graciously incline if ye, the worshipful citizens of this the chief city of this realm, join with us nobles in our said request. Which for your own benefit we doubt not but you will, and nevertheless I heartily pray you so to do, whereby you shall do great profit to all this realm, both in choosing them so good a king and in providing yourself special advantage, as those for whom His Majesty shall ever after bear so much the more tender favor, considering how much he shall perceive you more prone and benevolently minded toward his election. Wherein, dear friends, what mind you have, we require you plainly to show us."
When the Duke had spoken, expecting that the people (whom he hoped that the Mayor had framed before) should after this proposition have cried, "King Richard! King Richard!"-all was hushed and mute, and not one word answered thereunto. Wherewith the Duke was marvelously abashed, and taking the Mayor near to him, with the others that were about him privy to that matter, said unto them softly, "What means this that this people be so still?".
"Sir," said the Mayor, "perchance they perceive you not well."
"That shall we mend," said he, "if that will help."
And by and by, somewhat louder, he rehearsed to them the same matter again in other order and other words, so well and ornately, and nevertheless so evidently and plain, with voice, gesture, and countenance so comely and so proper that every man much marveled that heard him, and thought that they never had in their lives heard so evil a tale so well told. But were it for wonder or fear, or that each expected that another should speak first, not one word was there answered of all the people that stood before, but all was as still as midnight, not so much as whispering among them by which they might seem to confer what was best to do.
When the Mayor saw this, he with other partners of that counsel drew about the Duke and said that the people had not been accustomed there to be spoken unto except by the Recorder, who is the mouth of the city, and perhaps to him they will answer.
With that, the Recorder, called Fitzwilliam, a wise man and an honest one, who was so new come into that office that he never had spoken to the people before-and loath was he with that matter to begin, not withstanding being commanded to by the Mayor-made rehearsal to the commons of what the Duke had twice rehearsed to them himself. But the Recorder so tempered his tale that he showed everything as the Duke's words and no part of his own. But all this made no change in the people, who altogether stood as if they had been men amazed.
Whereupon the Duke whispered unto the Mayor and said: "This is a marvelous obstinate silence."
And therewith he turned unto the people again with these words:
"Dear friends we come to move you to that thing which perchance we not so greatly needed, but that the lords of this realm and the commons of other parts might have sufficed, except that we such love bear you and so much set by you that we would not gladly do without you that thing in which to be partners is your well-being and honor, which, as it seems, either you see not or weigh not. Wherefore we require you give answer one or other: whether you be minded, as all the nobles of the realm be, to have this noble prince, now Protector, to be your king, or not."
Note A. these words the people began to whisper among themselves secretly; the voice was neither loud nor distinct, but, as it were, the sound of a swarm of bees; till at the last, in the nether end of the hall, an ambush of the Duke's servants and of Nesfield's, and others belonging to the Protector, with some apprentices and lads that thrust into the hall among the crowd, began suddenly, at men's backs, to cry out as loud as their throats would give: "King Richard! King Richard!" and threw up their caps in token of joy. And they that stood before, cast back their heads, marveling thereof, but nothing they said. And when the Duke and the Mayor saw this manner, they wisely turned it to their purpose and said it was a goodly cry and a joyful to hear, every man with one voice, no man saying nay.
"Wherefore, friends," said the Duke, "since that we perceive it is all your whole minds to have this noble man for your king, whereof we shall make his Grace so effectual report that we doubt not but it shall redound unto your great well-being and advantage. We require that you tomorrow go with us, and we with you, unto his noble Grace, to make our humble request unto him in the manner before mentioned." And therewith, the lords came down, and the company dissolved and departed, the most part all sad, some with glad semblance who were not very merry, and some of those who came thither with the Duke, not able to hide their sorrow, were glad, at his back, to turn their face to the wall while the sadness of their hearts burst out of their eyes.
The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. Now when the King on his way to London had gone from Northampton, Northamptonshire [Map], then these Dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham came thither. But the Lord Rivers, the King's uncle, remained behind, intending on the morrow to follow the King, and be with him at Stony Stratford, Buckinghamshire [Map], eleven miles thence, early before he departed. So was there made that night much friendly cheer between these dukes and the Lord Rivers a great while. But immediately after that, they openly and with great courtesy departed; and while the Lord Rivers lodged, the dukes secretly, with a few of their most private friends, set themselves down in council, wherein they spent a great part of the night. And at their rising in the dawning of the day, they sent about secretly to their servants, who were in their inns and lodgings about, giving the commandment to make themselves shortly ready, for their lords were ready to ride. Upon which messages, many of their folk were attendant when many of the Lord Rivers' servants were unready. Now had these dukes taken also into their custody the keys of the inn so that none should pass forth without their approval. And besides this, on the highway toward Stony Stratford, Buckinghamshire [Map], where the King lay, they had ordered certain of their folk that they should send back again and compel to return any man who were gotten out of Northampton toward Stony Stratford, Buckinghamshire [Map], till they should give permission, because the dukes themselves intended, for the show of their diligence, to be the first that should that day attend upon the King's Highness out of that town; thus did they deceive the folk at hand.
But when the Lord Rivers understood the gates closed and the ways on every side beset, neither his servants nor himself allowed to go out, perceiving well so great a thing without his knowledge was not begun for nothing, comparing this manner present with this last night's cheer, in so few hours so great a change he marvelously disliked. However, since he could not get away-and keep himself close, he would not do so lest he should seem to hide himself for some secret fear of his own fault, whereof he saw no such fault in himself-he determined, upon the surety of his own conscience, to go boldly to them and inquire what this matter might mean. Whom, as soon as they saw, they began to quarrel with him and say that he intended to set distance between the King and them and to bring them to confusion, but this plan would not lie in his power. And when he began (as he was a very well-spoken man) in goodly manner to excuse himself, they tarried not the end of his answer, but shortly took him and put him under guard, and that done, forthwith went to horseback and took the way to Stony Stratford, Buckinghamshire [Map], where they found the King with his company ready to leap on horseback and depart forward, to leave that lodging for them because it was too small for both companies.
The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. Then on the morrow after, the Mayor with all the Aldermen and chief commoners of the city, in their best manner appareled, assembling themselves together, resorted unto Baynard's Castle [Map] where the Protector lay. To which place repaired also, according to their appointment, the Duke of Buckingham with diverse noble men with him, besides many knights and other gentlemen. And thereupon, the Duke sent word unto the Lord Protector of there being a great and honorable company to move a great matter unto his Grace.
Whereupon the Protector made difficulty to come out unto them unless he first knew some part of their errand, as though he doubted and partly distrusted the coming of such number unto him so suddenly without any warning or knowledge, whether they came for good or harm. Then the Duke, when he had showed this unto the Mayor and others, that they might thereby see how little the Protector expected this matter, they sent unto him by messenger such loving message again, and therewith so humbly besought him to graciously condescend so that they might come into his presence and propose their intent, of which they would unto none other person any part disclose, that at the last he came forth from his chamber, and yet not down unto them, but stood above in a gallery over them, where they might see him and speak to him, as though he would not yet come too near them till he knew what they meant.
And thereupon the Duke of Buckingham first made humble petition unto him, on behalf of them all, that his Grace would pardon them and give them permission to present unto his Grace the intent of their coming without his displeasure, without which pardon obtained, they dared not be bold to move him of that matter. In which, although they meant as much honor to his Grace as wealth to all the realm beside, yet were they not sure how his Grace would take it, whom they would in no way offend.
Then the Protector, as if he was very gentle himself and also longed sore to know what they meant, gave him leave to propose what he liked, verily trusting, because of the good mind that he bore them all, none of them would intend anything toward him wherewith he ought to be grieved.
When the Duke had this leave and pardon to speak, then grew he bold to show him their intent and purpose, with all the causes moving them thereto, as you before have heard, and finally to beseech his Grace that it would like him of his accustomed goodness and zeal unto the realm, now with his eye of pity, to behold the long continued distress and decay of the same, and to set his gracious hands to the redress and amendment thereof by taking upon him the crown and governance of this realm, according to his right and title lawfully descended unto him, and to the praise of God, profit of the land, and unto his Grace so much the more honor and less pain, in that never a prince reigned upon any people that were so glad to live under his rule as the people of this realm under his.
When the Protector had heard the proposition, he looked very strangely thereat and answered that although he partly knew the things by them alleged to be true, yet such entire love he bore unto King Edward and his children, that he so much more regarded his honor in other realms than the crown of any one, of which he was never desirous, that he could not find in his heart in this point to incline to their desire. For in all other nations, where the truth was not well known, it should perhaps be thought it were his own ambitious mind and device to depose the Prince and take for himself the crown. With such infamy he would not have his honor stained for any crown-a crown that he had ever perceived held much more labor and pain than pleasure to him that so would so use it, and he who would not use it were not worthy to have it. Not withstanding, he not only pardoned them the motion that they made him, but also thanked them for the love and hearty favor they bore him, praying them, for his sake, to give and bear the same to the Prince, under whom he was and would be content to live; and with his labor and counsel, as far as should the King like to use him, he would do his uttermost duty to set the realm in good state, which was already in this little while of his protectorship (the praise given to God) well begun, in that the malice of such as were before occasion of the contrary-and of new intended to be-were now, partly by good policy, partly more by God's special providence than man's provision, repressed.
Upon this answer given, the Duke, by the Protector's permission, a little whispered as well with other noble men about him, as with the Mayor and Recorder of London. And after that, upon like pardon desired and obtained, he showed aloud unto the Protector, for a final conclusion, that the realm was resolved King Edward's line should not any longer reign upon them, both because they had gone so far that there was now no safety to retreat, and because they thought it for the common good to take that way, although they had not yet begun it. Wherefore, if it would please his Grace to take the crown upon him, they would humbly beseech him thereunto. If he would give them a resolute answer to the contrary, which they would be loath to hear, then they must needs seek, and should not fail to find, some other noble man that would.
These words much moved the Protector, who else, as every man may know, would never of likelihood have inclined thereunto. But when he saw there was none other way, but either he must take it or else he and his both must go from it, he said unto the lords and commons: "Since we perceive well that all the realm is so set-whereof we be very sorry they will not suffer in any way King Edward's line to govern them, whom no earthly man can govern against their wills-and because we also perceive well that no man is there to whom the crown can by so just title appertain as to ourself as very right heir, lawfully begotten of the body of our most dear father, Richard, late Duke of York-to which title is now joined your election, the nobles and commons of this realm, which we of all titles possible take for most effectual-we be content and agree favorably to incline to your petition and request, and according to the same, here we take upon us the royal estate, preeminence, and kingdom of the two noble realms, England and France: the one from this day forward by us and our heirs to rule, govern and defend; the other, by God's grace and your good help, to get again and subdue and establish forever in due obedience unto this realm of England-the advancement-whereof we never ask of God longer to live than we intend to procure."
With this there was a great shout, crying, "Richard! King Richard!" And then the lords went up to the King (for so was he from that time called) and the people departed, talking diversely of the matter, every man as his fancy gave him.
But much they talked and marveled of the manner of this dealing, that the matter was on both parts made so strange, as though neither had ever communed thereof with the other before, when that they themselves well knew there was no man so dull who heard them, but he perceived well enough that all the matter was made between them. However, some excused that again and said all must be done in good order. And men must sometimes for the sake of manner not acknowledge what they know. For at the consecration of a bishop, every man knows well by the paying for his bulls that he purposes to be one, even though he pay for nothing else. And yet must he be twice asked whether he will be bishop or not, and he must twice say nay, and at the third time take it as compelled thereunto by his own will. And in a stage play all the people know right well that he who plays the sultan is perchance a shoemaker. Yet if one should be so foolish as to show out of turn what acquaintance he really has with him, and call him by his own name while he acts as his majesty, one of his tormentors might, by chance, break his head, and do so rightly for marring of the play. And so they said that these matters be kings' games, as it were, stage plays, and for the most part played upon scaffolds, in which poor men be but the on-lookers. And they that wise be, will meddle no further. For they who sometimes step up and play with them, when they cannot play their parts, they disorder the play and do themselves no good.
King Edward III of England 1312-1377
John of Gaunt 1st Duke Lancaster 1340-1399
Ralph Neville 1st Earl of Westmoreland 1364-1425
Joan Beaufort Countess of Westmoreland 1379-1440
John Neville 3rd Baron Neville of Raby 1337-1388
Maud Percy Baroness Neville Raby
Eleanor Plantagenet Countess Arundel and Surrey 1318-1372
Richard Fitzalan 10th Earl Arundel 8th Earl Surrey 1306-1376
Thomas Holland 2nd Earl Kent 1350-1397
Katherine Roet Duchess Lancaster 1350-1403
Kings Wessex: Great x 13 Grand Son of King Edmund "Ironside" I of England
Kings Gwynedd: Great x 10 Grand Son of Owain "Great" King Gwynedd
Kings Seisyllwg: Great x 16 Grand Son of Hywel "Dda aka Good" King Seisyllwg King Deheubarth
Kings Powys: Great x 11 Grand Son of Maredudd ap Bleddyn King Powys
Kings England: Great x 3 Grand Son of King Edward III of England
Kings Scotland: Great x 11 Grand Son of Malcolm III King Scotland
Kings Franks: Great x 9 Grand Son of Louis VII King Franks
Kings France: Great x 5 Grand Son of Philip "The Fair" IV King France
Great x 4 Grandfather: Edmund Stafford 1st Baron Stafford
Great x 3 Grandfather: Ralph Stafford 1st Earl Stafford 7 x Great Grand Son of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Margaret Basset
6 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 2 Grandfather: Hugh Stafford 2nd Earl Stafford 2 x Great Grand Son of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Hugh Audley 1st Earl Gloucester
3 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Margaret Audley Countess Stafford Great Grand Daughter of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Margaret Clare Countess Gloucester
Grand Daughter of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 1 Grandfather: Edmund Stafford 5th Earl Stafford 3 x Great Grand Son of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Guy Beauchamp 10th Earl Warwick
Great x 3 Grandfather: Thomas Beauchamp 11th Earl Warwick 6 x Great Grand Son of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Alice Tosny Countess Warwick
5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 2 Grandmother: Philippa Beauchamp Countess Stafford 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Roger Mortimer 1st Earl March
3 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Katherine Mortimer Countess Warwick 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Joan Geneville Baroness Mortimer 2nd Baroness Geneville 7 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
GrandFather: Humphrey Stafford 1st Duke of Buckingham Great Grand Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: King Edward II of England Son of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: King Edward III of England Son of King Edward II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Isabella of France Queen Consort England 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 2 Grandfather: Thomas of Woodstock 1st Duke of Gloucester Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: William Hainault I Count Hainault III Count Avesnes III Count Holland II Count Zeeland 6 x Great Grand Son of King William "Conqueror" I of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Philippa of Hainault Queen Consort England 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Joan Valois Countess Zeeland Holland Avesnes and Hainault 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 1 Grandmother: Anne of Gloucester Plantagenet Countess Eu and Stafford Grand Daughter of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: William Bohun 1st Earl of Northampton
Grand Son of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: Humphrey Bohun 7th Earl Hereford 6th Earl Essex 2nd Earl of Northampton Great Grand Son of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Elizabeth Badlesmere Countess Northampton
4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 2 Grandmother: Eleanor Bohun Duchess Gloucester 2 x Great Grand Daughter of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Richard Fitzalan 10th Earl Arundel 8th Earl Surrey 5 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Joan Fitzalan Countess Essex, Hereford and Northampton 2 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Eleanor Plantagenet Countess Arundel and Surrey
Great Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England
Father: Humphrey Stafford 2 x Great Grand Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Ralph Neville 1st Baron Neville of Raby
Great x 3 Grandfather: Ralph Neville 2nd Baron Neville of Raby 8 x Great Grand Son of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Euphemia Clavering Baroness Neville Raby
7 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 2 Grandfather: John Neville 3rd Baron Neville of Raby 4 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Hugh Audley 1st Baron Audley Stratton Audley 2 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Alice Audley Baroness Greystoke and Neville 3 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Isolde le Rous
Great x 1 Grandfather: Ralph Neville 1st Earl of Westmoreland 5 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Henry Percy 9th and 1st Baron Percy
Great x 3 Grandfather: Henry Percy 10th and 2nd Baron Percy 5 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Eleanor Fitzalan Baroness Percy 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 2 Grandmother: Maud Percy Baroness Neville Raby 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Robert Clifford 1st Baron Clifford
6 x Great Grand Son of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Idonia Clifford Baroness Percy 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Maud Clare Baroness Clifford Baroness Welles 3 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
GrandMother: Anne Neville Duchess Buckingham Great Grand Daughter of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: King Edward II of England Son of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: King Edward III of England Son of King Edward II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Isabella of France Queen Consort England 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 2 Grandfather: John of Gaunt 1st Duke Lancaster Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: William Hainault I Count Hainault III Count Avesnes III Count Holland II Count Zeeland 6 x Great Grand Son of King William "Conqueror" I of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Philippa of Hainault Queen Consort England 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Joan Valois Countess Zeeland Holland Avesnes and Hainault 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 1 Grandmother: Joan Beaufort Countess of Westmoreland Grand Daughter of King Edward III of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: Giles "Payne" Roet
Great x 2 Grandmother: Katherine Roet Duchess Lancaster
Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham 3 x Great Grand Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: King Edward II of England Son of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: King Edward III of England Son of King Edward II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Isabella of France Queen Consort England 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 2 Grandfather: John of Gaunt 1st Duke Lancaster Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: William Hainault I Count Hainault III Count Avesnes III Count Holland II Count Zeeland 6 x Great Grand Son of King William "Conqueror" I of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Philippa of Hainault Queen Consort England 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Joan Valois Countess Zeeland Holland Avesnes and Hainault 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 1 Grandfather: John Beaufort 1st Marquess Somerset and Dorset Grand Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: Giles "Payne" Roet
Great x 2 Grandmother: Katherine Roet Duchess Lancaster
GrandFather: Edmund Beaufort 1st or 2nd Duke Somerset Great Grand Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Robert Holland 1st Baron Holand
Great x 3 Grandfather: Thomas Holland 1st Earl Kent 4 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Maud Zouche Baroness Holand
3 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 2 Grandfather: Thomas Holland 2nd Earl Kent Great Grand Son of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Edmund of Woodstock 1st Earl Kent Son of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Joan "Fair Maid of Kent" Princess Wales Grand Daughter of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Margaret Wake Countess Kent
3 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 1 Grandmother: Margaret Holland Duchess Clarence 2 x Great Grand Daughter of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Edmund Fitzalan 9th Earl Arundel 4 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: Richard Fitzalan 10th Earl Arundel 8th Earl Surrey 5 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Alice Warenne Countess Arundel
Great x 2 Grandmother: Alice Fitzalan Countess Kent 2 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Henry Plantagenet 3rd Earl of Leicester 3rd Earl Lancaster Grand Son of King Henry III of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Eleanor Plantagenet Countess Arundel and Surrey Great Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Maud Chaworth
Mother: Margaret Beaufort 2 x Great Grand Daughter of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Guy Beauchamp 10th Earl Warwick
Great x 3 Grandfather: Thomas Beauchamp 11th Earl Warwick 6 x Great Grand Son of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Alice Tosny Countess Warwick 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 2 Grandfather: Thomas Beauchamp 12th Earl Warwick 5 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Roger Mortimer 1st Earl March 3 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Katherine Mortimer Countess Warwick 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Joan Geneville Baroness Mortimer 2nd Baroness Geneville 7 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 1 Grandfather: Richard Beauchamp 13th Earl Warwick 4 x Great Grand Son of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Henry Ferrers 2nd Baron Ferrers of Groby
6 x Great Grand Son of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 3 Grandfather: William Ferrers 3rd Baron Ferrers of Groby 2 x Great Grand Son of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Isabel Verdun Baroness Ferrers Groby
Great Grand Daughter of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 2 Grandmother: Margaret Ferrers Countess Warwick 3 x Great Grand Daughter of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Henry Percy 10th and 2nd Baron Percy 5 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Margaret Percy Baroness Ferrers Groby
5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Idonia Clifford Baroness Percy 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
GrandMother: Eleanor Beauchamp Duchess Somerset 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Thomas Rich Berkeley 8th and 3rd Baron Berkeley
3 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: Maurice Berkeley 9th and 4th Baron Berkeley 4 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Margaret Mortimer Baroness Berkeley 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 2 Grandfather: Thomas Berkeley 10th and 5th Baron Berkeley, Baron Lisle 2 x Great Grand Son of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Hugh "Younger" Despencer 1st Baron Despencer
5 x Great Grand Son of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Elizabeth Despencer Baroness Berkeley Great Grand Daughter of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Eleanor Clare Baroness Zouche Mortimer Grand Daughter of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 1 Grandmother: Elizabeth Berkeley Countess Warwick 3 x Great Grand Daughter of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Gerard Lisle 1st Baron Lisle
Great x 3 Grandfather: Warin Lisle 2nd Baron Lisle 6 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Eleanor Fitzalan 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 2 Grandmother: Margaret Lisle Baroness Berkeley 3rd Baroness Lisle 7 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: William Pipard
Great x 3 Grandmother: Margaret Pipard Baroness Lisle
