Sweating Sickness
Sweating Sickness is in Diseases.
1485 Sweating Sickness Outbreak
1506 Sweating Sickness Outbreak
1517 Sweating Sickness Outbreak
1528 Sweating Sickness Outbreak
1535 Sweating Sickness Outbreak
Wriothesley's Chronicle 1485-1509. 1485. This yearea was great death of the sicknesse called the sweatinge sicknesse;b and the crosse in Cheepe new made; and a great taske and dismec grawnted to the Kinge.
Note a. Henry VII's regnal years counted from 22nd Aug. 1485, the day of the Battle of Bosworth. The year in the text, howerer, are computed from Lord Mayor's day.
Note b. This disease, unknown to any other age or nation, appeared first in London about the middle of September, and by the end of October had decimated the population. Two mayors and six aldermen died of it within one week.— See "Hall's Chronicle."
Note c. This expression is copied from Arnold, signifying "tax and tenth." In Jean Falsgrare's "L'Eclaircissement de la Langue Franyaise" the word "taske" is rendered by the French "taux."
A Boke Or Counsel Against The Disease Commonly Called The Sweating Sicknesse. In the yere of our Lorde God 1485 shortly after the 7th day of August, at which time kynge Henry the Seventh arrived at Milford in Wales, out of France, and in the first year of his reign, there chanced a disease among the people, lasting the rest of that month & all September, which for the sudden sharpeness and unwont cruelness passed the pestilence. For this commonly gave three or four often five sumtyme six as that first at Athenes which Thucidides describes in his second book, sometime eleven and sometime fourteen days respect, to whom it vexed. But, that immediatly killed some in opening there windows, some in playing with children in their street doors, some in one hour, many in two it destroyed, & at the longest, to the that merily dined, it gave a sorrowfull supper. As it found them so it took them, some in sleep some in wake, some in mirth some in care, some fasting & some full, some busy and some idle, and in one house sometime three sometime five, sometime seven sometime eight, sometime more sometime all, of the which, if the half in every Town escaped, it was thought great favour. How, or with what manner it took them, with what grief, and accidents it held them, hereafter the I will declare, whe I shall come to show the signs therof. In the mean space, know that this disease (because it most did stand in sweating from the beginning until the ending) was called here, the Sweating Sickenesse: and because it first beganne in England, it was named in other countries, the Englishe Sweat. Yet some conjecture that it, or the like, have been before seen among the Greeks in the siege of Troie. In the Emperor Octavius wars at Cantabria, called now Biscay, in Spain: and in the Turkes, at the Rhodes. How true that is, let the authors look: how true this is, the best of our Chronicles show, & of the late begin disease the fresh memory yet confirms. But if the name wer now to be given, and at my libertie to make the same: I would of the manner and space of the disease (by cause the same is no sweat only, as herafter I will declare, & in the spirites) make the name Ephemera, which is to say, a fever of one natural day. A fever, for the fervor or burning, dry & sweating fever like. Of one naturall day, for that it lasteth but the time of twenty-four hours. And for a distinction from the commune Ephemera, that Galene writes of, comming both of other causes, and wyth vnlike paines, I wold putte to it either Englishe, for that it followeth somoche English menne, to who it is almoste proper, and also began here: or els pestilent, for that it cometh by infection & putrefaction, otherwise then doth the other Ephemera. Whiche thing I suppose may the better be done, because I se straunge and no english names both in Latine and Greke by commune vsage taken for Englishe. As in Latin, Feure, Qnotidia, Tertian, Quartane, Aier, Infection, Pestilence, Uomite. Person, Reines, Ueines, Peines, Chamere, Numbre, &c. a litle altered by the commune pronunciation. In Greke, Plcuresie, Ischiada, Hydrops, Apostema, Phlegma, and Chole: called by the vulgare pronunciatio, Schiatica, Dropsie, Impostume, Phleume, & Choler: Gyne also, and Boutyre, Sciourel, Mouse, Rophe, Phrase, Paraphrase, & cephe, wherof cometh Chancers couercephe, in the romant of the Rose, writte and pronouced comoly, kerchief in the south, & courchief in the north. Thereof euery head or principall thing, is comonlye called cephe, pronouced & writte, chief. Uery many other there be in our commune tongue, whiche here to rehearse were to long. These for an example shortelye I haue here noted. But for the name of this disease it maketh now no matter, the name of Sweat being commonly used. Let us therefore return to the thing, which as occasion & cause served, came againe in the 1506 the twenty-second year of the said Kyng Henry the seuenth. After that, in the yeare 1526 the ninth yeare of Kyng Henry the VIII, and endured from July, unto middle of Decembre.
The Chronicle of John Harding: Henry VII. Sep 1485. In this year a new sickness did reign, and is1 so painfull as never was suffered before, the which was called the burning sweate. And this was so intollerable, that men could not keep their beds, but as lunatic like persons and out of their wittes, ran about naked, so that none escaped and were infected therewith. At the length, after the great death of many a thousand men, they learned a present remedy for the same disease, that is if he were sick of the sweat in the day, that he should straight lie down with his cloths and vestures; if in the night he should not rise for the space of twenty-four hours, and eat no meat at all, if he could forbear, and drink as little as he might.
This disease reigned throughout all England, whereof also ensued a plague, as a token, and as the people judged a plain argument that King Henry should never be out of fear and dread of some mischance, seeing that he was in such great vexation at the seditious tumulte that was risen at2 the claim or the crown
Note 1. that. ed. alt.
Note 2. this word appears as 'al' in the text. The editor has suggested at which makes more sense.
Grafton's Chronicle. Sep 1485. In this same year a new kinde of sickness came suddenly through the whole region , even after the first entering of the King into this Isle , which was so sore , so painefull and sharp , that the like was never heard of, to any man's rememberance before that time . For suddenly a deadly and burning sweat invaded their bodies and vexed their blood , and with a most ardent heat infested the stomach , and the head grieviously : by the tormenting and vexation of which sickness , men were so sore handled , and so painfully pangued , that if they were layed in their bed , being not able to suffer the importunate heat, they cast away the sheets and all the cloths lying on the bed . If they were in their apparell and vestures , they would put of all their garments even to their shirtes . Other were so dry that they drank the cold water to quench their importunate heat and insatiable thirst . Others that could or at the least would abide the heate and stench ( for indeed the sweate had a great and strong savour ) caused clothes to be laid upon them as much as they coulde bear , to drive out the sweat , if it might be . All in maner as soon as the sweat took them , or within a short space after yielded up their ghost . So that of all them that sickened , there was not one amongst an hundredth that escaped. Insomuch, that beside the great number which deceased within the City of London, two Mayors, successively died of the same disease within eight days and six Aldermen. And when any person had fully and completely sweat twenty-four hours hours (for so long did the strength this plague hold them) he should be then clearly delivered of his disease. Yet not so clean rid of it, but that he might shortly relapse and fall again into the same evil pit , yea again and twice again , as many a one indeed did , which after the third time died of the same . At the length by study of Physicians and experience of the people driven thereunto by dreadful necessity , there was a remedy invented. For they that survived, considering the extremity of the pain in them that deceased , devised by things mere contrariant , to resist and withstand the furious rage of that burning furness , by luke warm drink , temperate heat , and measurable clothes . For such persons as relapsed agayn into the flame after the first deliverance , observed diligently and marked such things as did them ease and comfort at their first vexation , and usyng the same for a remedy and Medicine of their pain, adding ever somewhat thereto that was comfortable and wholesome . So that if any person ever after fell sick again , he observing the regimen that amongst the people was devised could shortly help himself , and easily as have the temper and avoid the strength and malice of the sweat . So that after the great losse of many men , they learned a present and a speedy remedy for the same disease and malady , the which is this: If a man on the day time were plagued with the sweat then he should straight lie down with all his clothes and garments , and lie still the whole twenty-four hours . If in the night he were taken , then he should not rise out of his bed for the space of twenty-four hours , and so cast the clothes that he might in no wise provoke the sweat , but so lie temperately that the water might distill out softly of the own accord , and to abstain from all meat if he might so long sustain and suffer hunger , and to take no more drink neither hot nor cold , then will moderately quench and delay his thirsty appetite . And in this his amending , one point diligently above all other is to be observed and attended , that he never put his hand or foote out of the bed to refresh or coole himselfe , the which to do is no less pain than short death . So you may plainely see what remedy was by the daily experience devised and invented for this strange and unknowne disease , the which at that time vexed and grieved onely the realme of England in every town and village as it did diverse times after . But fifty-five years after, it sailed into Flanders , and after into Germany , where it destroyed people innumerable for lack of knowlege of the English experience.
Life of King Henry VII by Francis Bacon. 21 Sep 1485. About this time in autumn, towards the end of September, there began and reigned in the city, and other parts of the kingdom, a disease then new: which by the accidents and manner thereof they called the sweating sickness. This disease had a swift course, both in the sick body, and in the time and period of the lasting thereof; for they that were taken with it, upon four and twenty hours escaping, were thought almost assured. And as to the time of the malice and reign of the disease, ere it ceased ; it began about the one and twentieth of September, and cleared up before the end of October, insomuch as it was no hindrance to the King's coronation, which was the last of October; nor, which was more, to the holding of the parliament, which began but seven days after. It was a pestilent fever, but, as it seemeth, not seated in the veins or humours, for there followed no carbuncle, no purple or livid spots, or the like the mass of the body being not tainted ; only a malign vapour flew to the heart, and seized the vital spirits ; which stirred nature to strive to send it forth by an extreme sweat. And it appeared by experience, that this disease was rather a surprise of nature than obstinate to remedies, if it were in time looked unto. For if the patient were kept in an equal temper, both for clothes, fire, and drink, moderately warm, with temperate cordials, whereby nature's work were neither irritated by heat, nor turned back by cold, he com monly recovered. But infinite persons died suddenly of it, before the manner of the cure and attendance was known. It was conceived not to be an epidemic disease, but to proceed from a malignity in the constitution of the air, gathered by the predispositions of seasons ; and the speedy cessation declared as much.
Note. Two lord mayors (Thomas Hill and Sir William Stokker) and six aldermen died of this disease in one week in London (see Hall's Chronicle), and it is said that of those whom it attacked not more than one in a hundred escaped. The disease appeared afterwards in 1517, and occasioned also great mortality in Oxford in 1575.
Hall's Chronicle 1486. Nov 14851. In this same year a new kind of sickness [Sweating Sickness] came suddenly through the whole region even after the first entry of the King into this Isle, which was so sore, so painful, and sharp that the like was never heard of, to any man's remembrance before that time: For suddenly a deadly and burning sweat invaded their bodies and vexed their blood with a most ardent heat infested the stomach and the head grievously: by the tormenting and vexation of which sickness, men were so sore handled and so painfully panged that if they were laid in their bed being not liable to suffer the importunate heat, they cast away the sheets and all the clothes lying on the bed. If they were in their apparel and vestures, they would put of all their garments even to their shirts. Other were so dry that they drank the cold water to quench their importune heat and insatiable thirst. Other that could or at the least would abide the heat and stink (for indeed the sweat had a great and a strong savour) caused clothes to be laid upon them as much as they could bear, to dry out the sweat if it might be. All in manner as one as the sweat took them, or within a short space after, yielded, up their ghost. So that of all them that sickened there was not one amongst an hundred that escaped: in so much, that beside the great number which deceased within the city of London, two Mayors successively died of the same disease within eight days and six Aldermen. And when any person had fully and completely sweat twenty-four hours (for so did the strength of this plague hold them) he should be then clearly delivered of his disease: Yet not so clean rid of it, but that he might shortly relapse and fall again into the same evil pit, yea again and twice again as many one indeed did, which after the third time died of the same. At the length by study of the Physicians and experience of the people, drying thereunto by dreadful necessity, there was a remedy invented. For they that survived, considering the extremity of the pain in them that deceased, devised by things mere contrariant, to resist and withstand the furious rage of that burning furnace, by lukewarm drink, temperate heat, and measurable clothes. For such persons as relapsed again into the flame after the first deliverance, observed diligently and marked such things as did them ease and comfort at their first vexation, and using the same for a remedy and medicine of their pain, adding ever somewhat thereto that was sanative and wholesome. So that if any person either after fell sick again, he observing the regiment that amongst the people was devised could shortly help himself, and easily temper and avoid the strength and malice of the sweat. So that after the great loss of many men, they learned a present and a speedy remedy for the same disease and malady, the which is this: If a man on the day time were plagued with the sweat, then he should straight lie down with all his clothes and garments and lie still the whole twenty-four hours. If in the night he were taken, then he should not rise out of his bed for the space of twenty-four hours, and so cast the clothes that he might in no wise provoke the sweat, but so lie temperately that the water might distil out softly of the own accord, and to abstain from all meat if he might so long sustain and suffer hunger and to take no more drink neither hole nor cold, then will moderately quench and delay his thirsty appetite. And in this his amending, one point diligently above all other is to be observed and attended, that he never put his hand or foot out of the bed to refresh or cool himself, the which to do is no less pain then short death. So you may plainly see what remedy was by the daily experience excogitated and invented for this strange and unknown disease, the which at that time vexed and grieved only the realm of England in every town and village as it did diverse times after. But fifty-five years after, it sailed into Flanders and after into Germany, where it destroyed people innumerable for lack of knowledge of the English experience. This contagious and evil plague chanced in the first year of King Henry's reign as a token and a plain sign (if to the vain judgement of the people which commonly common more fantastically then wisely, any faith or credit is to be had gave or attributed) that King Henry should have a hard and sore beginning, but more truly if vain superstition can set forth any truth, it pretended and signified that King Henry to the extreme point and end of his natural life should never have his spirit and mind quiet, considering that now in the very beginning of his new obtained reign he was (as you shall shortly hear) with sedition and emotion of his people, troubled, vexed and unquieted, and it was in manner a manifest proof that hereafter he should live in small rest and great mistrust of such rebellious and seditious conspiracies. These were the fantastical judgements of the unlettered persons which I overpass, and return to my purpose.
Note. This entry describes events in Nov 1485 despite being in Henry VII's second year.
Grafton's Chronicle. 1506. After this, the King having peace aswell with foreign Princes, for the term of three years , as disburdened and purified of all domestic sedicion , began to be diseased with a certeine infirmity and weakenesse of body , which arose in the yere , but specially in sickness came the spring time sore vexed and tormented him. And because for the most part the harm and evil that chanced to the Prince, is parted and communicate to his subiects and people , the old sweatyng disease whereof you heard before amongst the Commons of the realm , came again. Howbeit by the reason of the remedy that was invented by the death of many a creature in the beginning, it did less hurt and displeasure to the people at this time then it did before. But now the third plague equal with the pestilence ensued by the working of the Masters of the forfeitures , by the king appointed as I showed you before . By whose means many a rich and wealthy person , by the extremity of the lawes of the realme , were condemned and brought to misery .
Hall's Chronicle 1492. 1506. After this, the King having peace as well with foreign princes, for the terme of three years, as disburdened and purified of all domestic sedition, began to be diseased with a certain infirmity and weakeness of body, which thrice in the year, but especially in the spring time sore vexed & tormented him. And because for the most part, the harm and evil that chanced to the prince, is parted and communicate to his subjectes and people, the olde sweating whereof you heard before amongst the commons of the realm, came again, howbeit by the reason of the remedy that was invented by the death of many a creature in the beginning, it did less hurt and displeasure to the people at this time than it did before. But now the thirde plague equal with the pestilence ensued by the working of the masters of the forfeitureres by the King appointed as I shewed you before.
The Chronicle of John Harding: Henry VII. 1506. After this, the King had peace, aswell with foreign princes as also of civil battle for the space of three years, but then the King being diseased with a certain infirmity and weakness of body, thrice every year about the spring tide, was again stirred up by the reason of a great plague of the sweate that reigned through the whole realm, howbeit by of reason of the remedy that was invented for it the last time before it did the less hurt.
Annales of England by John Stow. 1507. Also the sweating sickness, which (as we have heard) in the first yeere of this kings raigne first afflicted the people of the realme, now assailed them again, howbeit, by the remedy found at the beginning of it, nothing the like number died thereof, now this second time, as did the first.
The Life and Times of Cardinal Wolsey Volume 2. 16 Apr 1515. On the 16th of April after they had taken a suitable leave of the French Court, they departed from Paris attended by all the English in their Retinue (except Anna Bulleyn (age 14), who remained in France); on the 2d of May they landed in England and soon arriyed at Court when they had made proper Submission to the King, they were received into Favour, and, on the 13th of the same Month, they were publickly married at Greenwich in the Presence of his Majesty, the Archbishops and Bishops, and a great Concourse of the Nobility and Gentry, and then received the Compliments and Congratulations upon the happy Union. The Account the learned Bishop Burnet gives us of the Duke1 is, "That he never meddled much in Business and, by all that appears, he was a better Courtier than Statesman."
Note 1. The Duke had issue by the VIII's youngest sister two Queen Mary of France sons, Henry and Charles, who died, in the year 1551, of the Sweating Sickness, at Cambridge, within twelve Hours of each other; and two Daughters, the Ladies Frances and Eleanor. (See Dugd. Bar. Vol. II. p. 300.) The eldest, Frances, married Henry Grey, Marquis of Dorset, afterwards created Duke of Suffolk. It is said, the principal Noblemen and Ladies that sprung from the Lady Frances, Viscountess of Weymouth, who had the Honour to be descended from this illustrious Branch of the said Queen and Duke's Family, are the present Right Honourable Thomas, Earl of Ailesbury, arid his Aunt, the Countess of Cardigan ; the late Earl of Winchelsea's Sister, and the Earl himselff, whose Successor is the present Right Honourable Daniel, Earl of Winchelsea and Nottingham, first Lord Commissioner of the Admiralty, &c. whose Sister, the Lady Betty Finch, married the eminent Lawyer, and excellent Orator, the Honourable William Murray, Esq; his Majesty's Sollcitor General. Eleanor, the youngest Daughter, of the said Queen and Duke, married Henry, Lord Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, which title is extinct : But the illustrious Name of Clifford will never die, in regard the Blood of that noble House now runs in the Veins of the present Right Honourable Richard Boyle, Earl of Burlington, &c. who will ever be renowned for his popular Spirit, in encouraging all Liberal Arts and Sciences, particularly Architecture, in which he is allowed to have a most sublime Taste ; and it may be truly said of this Nobleman, that he has been blest with Riches, and a Soul to enjoy it. The Right Honourable Charles Boyle, Earl of Orrery, is of this noble Family; as was also the late Lord Shannon. In short, they have, for several Generations, shone as well in the Senatorial as Marital Capacity.
Letters and Papers 1515. 23 Apr 1515. Shrewsb. MSS. A. f. 29. Coll. of Arms. 1815. TH. ALEN to the EARL OF SHREWSBURY.
Has told my Lord Cardinal of the Earl's illness, and that of his servants, which he well perceives is no feigned matter. Today he and Babynton asked the Cardinal when he would appoint the Earl to come up for the matter betwixt him and Sir Henry Marny. He said "Counsel my lord to get him into clean eeir (air) and divide his household in sundry places, and if the danger of sickness be past by the next term then to be at London." Babington, however, hopes to have respite till Michaelmas term. Has sent by the same carrier such stuff as he brought up in a cloth sack. Has spoken with Sir Wistan Broun, who is willing to pay this term. "Your lordship hath his obligation. All such stuff as Allan Kyng provided for the King's grace, your lordship and divers other mo, is taken upon the sea with a Scottishman dwelling in Depe." Coldharbert, 23 April, "with the rude hand of your priest, Thomas Alen."
P.S.—My Lord of Buckingham came to London on Monday. Northumberland has not yet spoken with the King.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my lord.
Letters and Papers 1515. 28 Apr 1515. Shrewsb. MSS. A. F. 27. Coll. of Arms. Lodge's Illust. I. 7. 1832. TH. ALEN to [the EARL OF SHREWSBURY].
This day, in company with the Earl's chaplain, delivered his lordship's letter to the Cardinal, which he read in his barge. Showed his credence touching the sickness of the Earl's servants, which daily continues, and desired to know when his presence would be required. The Cardinal said the King wished to have him up at Whitsuntide on account of the coming of the Queen of Scots, and the many ambassadors who are now here, "for that ye were the great officer of the King's household." Replied that this was impossible, considering the "contagious plague" among the Earl's servants. Was commanded to wait on the Cardinal again on Friday: "at which time I doubt not but ye shall have respite to the next term, for before his going to the King I will speak with him eftsoons." Has arranged this day with Lord Conyers that the Earl shall pay him £240, viz. £100 in hand, the rest at Martinmas; and Conyers will make the land as sure to the Earl as can be devised. My Lord of Buckingham1> has asked him how the Earl fared, and says he intends to remain here all Whitsuntide.2 "He takes his barge every day at Coldharbert when he cometh by water." A bill has been set upon Paul's door, and another on Lady Barkyn's, which touched the King and his Council, implying that strangers obtained much money from the King, and bought wools to the undoing of Englishmen. "Great displeasure is taken with the same: insomuch that in every ward one of the King's Council, with the alderman of the same, is commanded to see every man write that can; and further hath taken every man's book and sealed them, and brought them to Guildhall, there to examine them." The Bp. of Hertford (sic) is departed, and Dr. Bothe put in his place. The Master of the Rolls is departed, and Tunstall succeeds. The Abbots of St. Alban's and Bermondsey are dead. "They begin to die in London, in divers places, suddenly, of fearful sickness." Reminds the Earl to send up the obligation of Sir Wistan Browne3. Coldharbert, 28 April.
P.S.—"I have sent your lordship by this bearer one lb. of manus Christi, with corall, and halfepound of pouder preservatyve4."
Pp. 2. Add.: To my lord.
Note 1. Misread "Suffolk," by Lodge.
Note 2. What follows is in Allen's own hand.
Note 3. Om. in Lodge.
Note 4. The P.S. inaccurately printed in Lodge.
Letters and Papers 1515. 30 Apr 1515. Shrewsb. MSS. P. f. 24b. Coll. of Arms. 1836. The Earl Of Shrewsbury to [?].
Thanks him for his continual kindness. Apologises for not writing, he and his servants having been so troubled with sickness that he could not send to London. Is sorry to hear that my Lord of Northumberland is committed to the Fleet. Hopes the King will shortly be good lord to him, and that the Earl will take no displeasure at it, as it might hurt himself. Desires to be commended to my said lord, "beseeching him of his good continuance in the matter that ye know of. Howbeit I dare not as yet be so bold to move the pilgrimage; for notwithstanding my lying here within this my lodge of Worsop with a small company with me, yet some of them do fall daily sick." Hopes when the plague is past "my said lord" will appoint a day for the pilgrimage. Will write to you to know my Lord's pleasure from time to time.
Corrected draft, p. 1.
Letters and Papers 1515. 14 May 1515. Shrewsb. MSS. P.f. 25. Coll of Arms. Lodge, I.16. 1887. [The EARL OF SHREWSBURY] to SIR THOMAS [ALEN].
Thanks him for the baked conger, "which was very good and sweet." Sends money for hangings made by Mr. Hart at Tournay. Has spoken with Mr. Th. Babington, who thinks it best that Alen should not be too hasty in knowing my lord Cardinal's pleasure touching the Earl's coming up to London. Is out of horses and servants. Kept his bed yesterday. The sickness was so extreme at Wingfield that he has put away all his horse-keepers, and turned his horses to grass. [Alen] is to keep in the Cardinal's sight, and, if he asks about the Earl, to say, "I have sent the substance of all my servants to their friends, saving only twelve or sixteen, which I have here with me."
Corrected draft, pp.3.
Letters and Papers 1515. 16 May 1515. Shrewsb. MSS. P.f.13. Coll. of Arms. 1893. SIR RIC. SACHEVERELL to the EARL OF SHREWSBURY.
Was asked to dinner today by the Duke of Buckingham, along with Lord Hastings and Master Vowse. "At supper I was with his grace, where it liked him to walk into ys garden, and to take me by the harm, and began to break with me as followeth: 'Sacheverll, the cause that I sent for you is to let you know part of my mind. The last day at the court it fortuned my Lord Cardinal and me to sit together without any company, [w]here he brake with me that I should let my son come to the King and the Queen, and to be acquainted. And I said to him that I had but one son, wherefore I would be loth he should come...browed, specially for dread of contageous...if he had once a wife and a child he would no[t]...him.' And he axsed, 'Why do ye not marry him' ... said he wist not where. And he answered, say[ing, 'My La]dy Salisbury has a good young lady to her [daughter.' A]nd I said I thought it were not ... [he]r daughter that I would axke, and if she did, she must leve (live) the more barly monny yerres. Then my Lord Cardinal should say, 'What sai[th he] be my Lord Steward's? Else I know none within these parts.' Then said my Lord of Buckingham, 'Nay, my lord, I know my Lord Steward's mind, that he will never marry his son without the advice of the King's grace, and there as shall be his pleasure.' 'Why, my lord,' saith he, 'this dare I promise you, that if my Lord Steward were here, the King's grace would speak to him with all his heart; and if he come not shortly, his grace will write to him with all his heart. It were both to the King's honor and surety to see you two knit together. And this shall I say that if ye vary in anything the King shall give the stroke betwixt you himself.'"
The Duke then proposed to Sacheverell cross marriages between his son and the Earl's daughter, the Earl's son and his daughter; "and to meddle with you 1,000 marks [better cheap than] with any other. And when all this wa[s]...done, his grace moved me to write and...your lordship, and he would bear my ma...And I answered that I knew not whether I should find...shortly I trust to be delivered, and then I w[ould spea]ke with you in all the premises, but my owns[war he would not] accept, but needs that I should send without delay; and he is content to tarry till Monday come se'nnight for to have knowlege of this matter."—No news but that "my Lord of Nor[thum- berland] came forth of the F[l]eet on Saturday," and was with the King on Wednesday in his privy chamber.
The jousts are to be on Monday and Tuesday: challengers, the King, Suffolk, the [Earl of Essex, Sir George] Carewe; "the defenders who w ... I here no thenc ... [b]ehond the se(beyond the sea ?) nother of the Fr[ench] King nor of the ... not lately, but I hear that my Lord of Sowthfoke with t[he French] Queen depart shortly into Northfowke and Sow[thfowke, there to rest much of this summer. I hear nothing ... the King's grace will this summer. My Lord Cardinal is [disea]sed and has been this two days, so [that] he comes not abroad nor my Lord of Durham, but no da[nger]."—Buckingham is in great favor, and says the Earl is as much beholden to my Lord Cardinal as he can be.—Is glad the Earl, my lady and the little, are so well escaped the foul sickness. "My lord, I beseech you, come no more there this summer. Your lordship is wise, and if ye should go thither again many would speak of it." London, 16 May.
Hol., pp.4, mutilated. Add.: To my singular ... my Lord ...
Letters and Papers 1515. 31 May 1515. Shrewsb. MSS. A. f. 39. Coll. of Arms. Lodge, I. 21. 1959. TH. ALEN to the EARL OF SHREWSBURY.
Was with Master Comptroller (Ponynges) and Master Ursewick yesternight. A bill has been made by the Council, waiting the King's signature, commanding the Earl to come up. Has heard nothing of it from the Cardinal, who is a great friend to the Earl. "Howbeit everything goeth not forwards as he would have it, as your lordship shall perceive by the copy of this letter which I have sent by this bearer. Here is a great snarling among divers of them, insomuch my Lord Cardinal said unto Sir Hen. Marney that the same Sir Henry had done more displeasure unto the King's grace, by the reason of his cruelty against the great estates of this realm, than any man living. My lord, the saying is, such as be head officers of the King's household shall give attendance, and be nigh the King daily, here be so many things out of order. I fear me some there be would take a thorn out of their own foot and put it in yours." The Cardinal and Sir Wm. Compton are marvellous great. Suffolk and the French Queen are out of the court and in Suffolk, as he wrote before. The Lord Marquis, the Earl of Surrey, the Lord of Abergavenny were put out of the Council chamber "within this few days, whatsoever that did mean." The Duke of Norfolk is very sick, and not likely to continue long. Buckingham went home yesterday; hath all his desires, with great thanks from the King. Advises he should write to the Cardinal and Sir Ric. Sacheverell to excuse his not coming up. Rob. Ruyston1 left for Tournay on Thursday. Has delivered all things to him according to the Earl's commands. Forwards copy of a letter sent to the Cardinal out of Italy, "which Mr. Ursewick would, after the sight thereof, your lordship should break or burn it." Ursewick wonders the Earl does not appoint a day for the pilgrimage to Doncaster; "as knoweth our Lord, who ever hath your lordship in his blessed governance." Coldharbour, last day of May.
Hol. Add.: To my Lord.
Note 1. Kyston, in Lodge.
Letters and Papers 1515. 31 May 1515. Giust. Desp. f. 224. 1960. SEB. GIUSTINIAN to the DOGE.
By his letter of the 21st they will have learnt that he has gone to Putney in consequence of the plague in his house, which excluded him from an audience with the Cardinal. Has heard from the French ambassador that the Scotch business is not settled. The Queen is at liberty to depart, and will return in a few days. The Scotch will not consent to leave the children under the care of their mother. The differences are postponed for six months, during which time the Kings of England, France and Denmark will negotiate for an arrangement with the Scotch. On visiting the Cardinal found he was closeted with the Emperor's ambassador, and had to wait more than two hours. Remonstrated upon his letters being taken away and opened at Canterbury. Afterwards communicated to Wolsey by word of mouth the contents of the said letters, but varying the passages in cipher that the key might not be discovered. Protested against the approach of bloodshed, hearing from Wolsey that immense forces were marshalled against the King of France, first the Emperor, then the Swiss, then the Viceroy. Dwelt on the arrogance of the Emperor, and that his army had been paid with the money of the King of England. Begged him to protect Italy. Will see the King on Monday the 2nd; perhaps a royal and youthful mind will be more easily moved to commiseration. Putney, 31 May 1516.
Annales of England by John Stow. 18 May 1517. The 18 of May, Margaret Queene of Scots departed trom London towards Scotland, richly appointed and prepared of all things necessary for her estate through the kings great liberality. She entered into Scotland the 13 of June and wwas received at Berwick by Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus her husband. In the moneth of June there were with the king divers Ambassadors from foreign parts. In honour of whom, and for their their solace, he prepared costly jousts, be himself and twelve other, taking upon them to joust with the Duke of Suffolke (age 33), and twelve of his partakers. There were broken between the parties on both sides five hundred and eight spears.
Aug 1517. About the feast of Lammas began the sweating sicknes, of the which many men died suddenly in the beginning thereof, and this plague continued till Michaelmas [29 September], many died thereof in the court, as the Lord Clinton (age 27), the Lord Grey of Wilton (age 20), and many other knights and gentlemen, by reason of which contagious sickness, Michaelmas terme was adjorned. After this, to wit, in the winter was a greate death of pestilence, almost over all Englande in every town more or less, wherefore the King kept himself with small company about him, willing to have no resort to the court for fear of infection.
In Jun 1517 Thomas Clinton 8th Baron Clinton (age 27) died of sweating sickness. His son Edward Clinton 1st Earl Lincoln (age 5) succeeded 9th Baron Clinton.
Around Jun 1517 Thomas Grey 11th Baron Grey of Wilton (age 20) died of sweating sickness. He was buried at the St Peter's Church, Merton. His brother Richard Grey 12th Baron Grey of Wilton (age 10) succeeded 12th Baron Grey of Wilton.
The Life and Times of Cardinal Wolsey Volume 2. Around 15 Jun 1517. But his Majesty was soon interrupted in his intention, for, before June was expired, there broke out among the people a distemper, called the Sweating Sickness, which made great ravage in the Kingdom especially in London. It was otherwise termed the Sudor Anglicanus, or the English Sweat; "which carried off, says Lord Herbert, divers Knights, Gentlemen, and Officers of the King's Courts, particularly Lord Clinton (deceased)1, Lord Grey of Wilton (deceased), and "others of quality." In some places it took away a third, in others half the people. This plague continued from the latter end of June to December during which time the Judges adjourned the Term, and his Majesty kept no Court, but was only attended by his own Family and his Prime Minister, Wolsey ; and Hall says he much lamented the affliction that thus attended his people.
No sooner did this infectious distemper cease, but it was succeeded, as Stow relates, by so great a Drought, that it did not rain from December to May following, and the frost was so hard in the Winter, that Horses and Carts passed over the ice between Westminster and Lambeth.
Note 1. From this Nobleman [Thomas Clinton 8th Baron Clinton (deceased)] the late Right Honourable Henry, Earl of Lincoln, was descended, who was Paymaster of the Forces in the Reign of George the III. His Lordship married Lucy, sister of his present Grace, Thomas, Duke of Newcastle, by whom he had issue two sons, George and Henry besides Daughters. The Earl died the 7th of Sept. 1728, and his Countess the 20th of July, 1736; and his Lordship was succeeded in his Honour and Estate by George, his eldest son, a young Nobleman just arrived at Age, who gives room for great Expectations. The Title of Lord Clinton is now enjoyed by the Right Hon. Hugh Fortescue, who was called up by Writ to the House of Lords on the 16th of March having first made out his claim to the satisfaction of his Majesty and the House of Lords.
Letters and Papers 1517. 25 Jun 1517. Vit. B. III. 179*. B. M. 3399. A. CARDINAL OF ARRAGON to WOLSEY.
Had gone from Bruges to Calais for the purpose of visiting England, as he wrote a few days since; but hearing that the sickness was prevalent, resolved to change his mind and pass through France into Spain. Calais, 1517. Signed.
Lat., p. 1, mutilated. Add.
Letters and Papers 1517. 30 Jun 1517. Galba, B. VI. 224b. B. M. 3421. G. DE CROY (CHIEVRES) to the ENGLISH AMBASSADOR.
Has received his letters. Regrets that the sickness still prevails in England. Has heard nothing of the going of the Duke of Albany, and the dispatch of the Scotchmen, since they conferred together, but has written about it. The King will be at Middleburgh on Tuesday.
Hol., Fr., p. 1, mutilated. Add.
Letters and Papers 1517. 06 Aug 1517. Giust. Desp. II. 113. 3558. SEB. GIUSTINIAN to the DOGE.
The Catholic King is in Zealand, waiting to embark. Great cruelties have been committed by the Duke of Gueldres in the invasion of Friesland. As the King, in consequence of the new malady, had withdrawn himself to a distance, found great difficulty in speaking with him. "This disease makes very quick progress, proving fatal in twenty-four hours at the furthest, and many are carried off in four or five hours. The patients experience nothing but a profuse sweat, which dissolves the frame, and when once the twenty-four hours are passed all danger is at an end." Many of his own household are sick. Few strangers are dead, but an immense number of natives. Presented the King with the letters from the Signory and Hadrian, which last he "extracted from the packet addressed by his lordship to the Cardinal of York;" otherwise Wolsey would never have delivered it to his majesty. The King said he was perfectly acquainted with the business, and had heard from the Pope that he intended to deprive and degrade Hadrian. On Sebastian's endeavoring to excuse the Cardinal's absence from Rome, rather than incur danger, the King said: "I understand this matter better than you Venetians;" and seemed greatly exasperated against him. Thinks this is owing to Wolsey. Would have presented the letter to Wolsey, but he "has been ill of this sweating sickness, and would that the perspiration had carried off his wish for these benefices." Many of his household have died from the sweat.
Sebastian's son has returned from the Bp. of Winchester; his audience was delayed because this prelate likewise had taken the sweat. He had a gracious welcome by Fox, who represented the matter as desperate, saying: "We have to deal with the Cardinal, who is not Cardinal but King, and no one in the realm dares attempt aught in opposition to his interests." He was already in possession of the see, and Fox had resigned the administration of it. He said that one of the pontifical briefs greatly exaggerated Hadrian's crimes, and urged that the see of Bath should be given to Wolsey in commendam. But in the second brief the anger of the Pope was much softened, and he seemed to delay the execution of the former one. The second brief, however, is not to be found, and your highness will comprehend by whose means it has been secreted. The Bp. also wrote a letter to Chieregato, of which Sebastian encloses a copy. London, 6 Aug. 1517.
Letters and Papers 1517. 09 Aug 1517. R.O. 3572. SIR RICHARD WINGFIELD to WOLSEY.
Yesterday the Cardinal of Arragon left Calais. He did not go, as Wingfield wrote in his last, to Cambray, to visit the King Catholic, but to Boulogne, thence of Rouen, and so to Spain, to wait the King's arrival, if he can go there this year. He told Wingfield he intended to return from Spain and cross to England. He was sorry it was not his fortune to visit the King at that time in consequence of the plague in London and other places, and left, at his going, a letter for Wolsey. He travels like a nobleman, and has forty horses with him. Yesterday se'nnight the King of France entered Rouen. Has sent a spy to see what he is doing, and return by the seacoast to find what ships are at Dieppe. Calais, 9 Aug. Signed.
Letters and Papers 1517. 20 Aug 1517. R.O. 3608. SPINELLY to BRIAN TUKE.
Wrote yesterday with a packet for the Bp. of Helna, &c., and of a bill refused him by Galterotte on account of the sickness. Is in great favor there, and in a condition to do Wolsey effectual service. The wind is S.W. All things are aboard ready for a fair wind, which is expected about the opposition of this new moon. Begs he will see his patent sealed. Chievres told him the French had resolved to send Albany to Scotland, and he will take his passage by Brittany. In Chievres' absence the Lord Montayny will write to the Bp. of Helna. The Prince Palatine has left in disgrace because he presumed to write a letter to the Lady Eleanora, the King's sister, without the knowledge of the King, desiring her to marry him. The letter got abroad, and, though it was very honest, Chievres prevailed to have him punished for his presumption. The Prince is still there. News has come from Rome. The Lord of Nassau has killed divers Almains in the service of the Duke of Gueldres lying in the villages. Is to advertise Wolsey of the news, except touching the Lady Eleanora. Begs he will send him the man he spoke of. Middelburg, 20 Aug. 1517.
Hol., pp. 3. Add.
Letters and Papers 1517. 27 Aug 1517. Galba, B. V. 304. B. M. 3641. TUNSTAL to WOLSEY.
John de la Souche has returned, and makes report of his good reception. Has received the writings of the confirmation, of which he thinks Wolsey must have known by his letter of the 24th July. The Count Palatine has departed, to the astonishment of all, as he was ready to sail with the King, and in high favor. Spinelly writes of it. His friends think that Chievres was the cause of it, who wishes to obtain for his nephew, Count Porsenne, the daughter of Gondisalvo Ferdinando, who was promised to the Count Palatine. It would have been hard to break this betrothal, as the lady had sent the Palatine tokens by a religious man. Porsenne is small of growth, and not like the other in birth or body. The Emperor has written in behalf of him. Others say Chievres was jealous of his favor with the King. His enemies say that he wrote a letter to Lady Eleanor, the King's sister, asking her to marry, "which letter the King found in my Lady Eleanor's bosom himself, saying that the said Count had shrewdly recompensed him for the good choice that he hath had, to demand of his sister marriage, not making him privy." The King would listen to no intercession in his favor, whether of his own mind or not, Tunstal cannot say. He is much regretted. Does not think the King will leave, as the wind is so contrary and the moon is waning: though the King asserts he will go even if it be in winter. Chievres pretends not to care about the marriage. Cardinal Croy has the archbishopric of Seville, lately void, worth 20,000 ducats. There is great talk of the sweating sickness, which he is glad to hear Wolsey has escaped. Many urge this as a reason for staying the King, as he could not land in England if overtaken by a storm. Mydelborgh, 27 Aug.
Hol., pp. 3, mutilated. Add.
Letters and Papers 1517. 27 Aug 1517. Giust. Desp. II. 126. 3638. SEB. GIUSTINIAN to the COUNCIL OF TEN.
His majesty is at Windsor with his physician, Dionysius Memo, and three favorite gentlemen. No one is admitted, on account of the disease, which is now making great progress. The Cardinal has been ill until now, which is the fourth time. The Scotch affairs are settled. The Catholic King is in Zealand. Saw a letter from the King's ambassador with the Swiss, by which it appears the understanding between the Emperor, the King and the Swiss is not so good as before. Thinks it arises from their craving for money, which is not agreeable to those in authority here, as they now think it prudent to husband their resources, contrary to their previous custom. London, 27 Aug. 1517.
Letters and Papers 1517. 31 Aug 1517. R.O. 3657. The BP. OF WORCESTER to WOLSEY.
The Pope and cardinals have heard with great grief of the sweating sickness in England, and are glad to hear that the King and Wolsey have escaped the danger. Much laments the death of Andrew Ammonius, who was the King's faithful servant and the ornament of the Latin tongue. He had no fellow. The Pope would be glad to see the writer installed in the vacant place of collector in the same way as held by Hadrian, considering the same has been held by the family of De Gigli, and especially by John de Gigli, his uncle. Has accepted the office with pleasure, believing it would be agreeable to the King. Begs he may have the King's patent for it. Has fixed upon a person to execute the duty of collector there, who, he hopes, will be agreeable. Recommends highly Peter Vannes, Ammonius' cousin, a man of good family and education, who served under Ammonius for four years. Rome, 31 Aug. 1517. Signed.
Lat., pp. 5. Add.
Letters and Papers 1517. 12 Sep 1517. Giust. Desp. II. 129. 3675. SEB. GIUSTINIAN to the DOGE.
A French ambassador has arrived from the Emperor, a man of no account, apparently only to borrow money. He has not yet had an audience, either of the King, who keeps aloof at Windsor to avoid the sickness, or of Wolsey, who has gone to Walsingham. London, 12 Sept. 1517.
Letters and Papers 1517. 19 Sep 1517. R.O. 3692. SPINELLY to HENRY VIII.
The King Catholic arrived this morning on the coast of Biscay, but has not yet decided where to land, as the sickness is raging. A ship was burnt between Dovor and Wynselse, containing the King's horses and apparel, commanded by a Burgundian named Mont Richard. No help could be given. On the third day reached Usent with a strong wind from the S.E., when they deliberated about going to Plymouth. Since then they have been becalmed. At sea at the Sell, 19 Sept. 1517. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add.
Letters and Papers 1517. 26 Sep 1517. Giust. Desp. II. 130. 3697. SEB. GIUSTINIAN to the COUNCIL OF TEN.
Has left London to avoid the plague. Has heard of another conspiracy of the mob to murder the strangers and sack their houses. Thinks it was suggested by the absence of the King, Cardinal and other lords, who have gone in the country. The city is prepared: 3,000 householders are under arms. Three of the ringleaders have been arrested. Desires to return home. The present session will last all October, after which there will be no reason for him to stay. Westminster, 26 Sept. 1517.
Letters and Papers 1517. 27 Sep 1517. R.O. 3700. MARGARET OF SAVOY to HENRY VIII.
In behalf of Jacques Pauye, nephew of the late Mich. Pauye, confessor of the King Catholic, who in his uncle's lifetime had been provided by exchange with a prebend in Tournay, and would have gone personally to Wolsey to receive collation but for the prevailing sickness. Brussels, 27 Sept. 1517. Signed.
Fr., p. 1. Add.
Letters and Papers 1517. 06 Oct 1517. Egert. 616, No. 43. B. M. 3723. Extracts from the BP. OF HELNA'S letters.
Delivered Charles's letter to the King of England, and declared his instructions. The King replied that he had as much care for the dominions of Charles as for his own, and was bound to defend them when necessary. He wishes Charles to send ambassadors that he may show this more openly, and promises nothing shall be done except to Charles's advantage. This he seemed to say with great good will. He further said France was using every effort for a league with England, but Charles might rest assured he (Henry) would never join any prince to his detriment. Helna said Charles would not be uneasy at his making peace with France if it were not to the detriment of Spain; at which the King was much pleased. It seemed as if he wished to make peace with France.
Heard two things from the Cardinal: 1. that if Charles had wished to negotiate to have Tournay, England would not have objected; and if Helna had had powers to treat he believed it would have been brought to a good issue,—at least he would have thrown difficulties in the way of the French; but the Cardinal did not believe Charles wished to have Tournay. 2. If Tournay is to be delivered to the French, Wolsey will see that it is not to the disadvantage of Charles, although Charles has much to do with the French contrary to the wish of England. Wolsey told him at the same time, though not distinctly, that England would come to an agreement with France, and would send as ambassadors the Chamberlain and another to meet the French at Boulogne or Calais, and that before anything was concluded he would inform Charles of the offers of the French and the answer of England. Hears the French make great efforts to recover Tournay. Suspects that the King of England supports with ill will "los hastos" that he has made in Tournay, and that if Charles would bear part of the expence England would be glad to keep it; if Charles would give a sum, even though not so large as the French offer, Henry would give it up to him, and that these offers were made to him by an Englishman, as if from himself, but he suspects they come from a good quarter.
News of Scotland.
The departure from thence (England) of the Papal ambassadors, 21 October. The King of England is quite determined on peace with the French. The King and Wolsey have told him that they will not listen to other conditions but the old ones. The King of England is endeavoring to bring the French ambassadors, now at Boulogne or Calais, over to England. Many say that the French will not pass over, but that the English will cross to Calais. Thinks Wolsey a good servant of Charles. The King of England has withdrawn from all business on account of the pestilence.
Spanish, pp.2. Endd. in the same hand.
Chronicle of Robert Fabyan 1517. 11 Oct 1517. And upon the eleventh day of October next following, then being the sweating sickness of new begun, died the said Thomas Hall then of London mayor, and for him was chosen as mayor Sir William Stocker knight and draper, which died also of the said sikeness shortly after; and then John Ward, grocer, was chosen mayor, which so continued till the Feast of Simon and Jude following.
Letters and Papers 1517. 15 Oct 1517. Harl. 6989, f. 25. B. M. 3747. Pace (age 35) to WOLSEY.
In fear of the great plague. Young Lord Grey died of it this night. An Almain servant of the King died before him. Today arrived a Spanish friar, named by his company a saint, alleging that he worked miracles in the late tempest at sea, which ceased at his bidding, "ipso cœlo id protestante dimissis in navem magnis luminaribus." He had an hour's interview with the King, with what result Pace (age 35) knows not, except that the King esteems him more a friar than a saint. He has professed the order of St. Jerome many years; has no learning, but more than Spanish impudence. The King spends the time in hawking. Windsor, 15 Oct.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: To my Lord Legate's grace.
Letters and Papers 1517. 02 Nov 1517. R. O. 3770. The UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD to WOLSEY.
Had been prevented from replying to his two previous letters by the sweating sickness, and for reasons which their commissary will tell him, whom they highly recommend. They have, in compliance with his wish, so modified the sentence passed on John Haynes and his son that neither can be much hurt. It was determined, however, that they should remain at Oxford, on condition of their satisfying the injured, and their good behavior; notwithstanding which Haynes has, without provocation, left Oxford. They have not yet been able to ascertain, as Wolsey desired, whether William Baker and Thomas Buklond were the authors of the fire which happened there. They have, however, expelled them. Buklond, who had been thrown into prison for another offence, has escaped, and fled with Baker. Oxford, postridie calendas Novembris.
Lat., p. 1. Add.: Card. Ebor. ac totius Angliæ Cancellario.
Letters and Papers 1517. 08 Nov 1517. Vit. B. III. 180. B. M. 3781. SILVESTER BP. OF WORCESTER to WOLSEY.
On the 3 Nov. received his agreeable letters, dated the 18th Oct., with Wolsey's excuses for writing so seldom, and his promise to write oftener hereafter. The state of affairs requires more frequent correspondence on both sides. Is sorry to hear of the sweating sickness having been so bad in England, and Wolsey's danger. Is glad the royal family have escaped. The Pope has only put off the deprivation of Cardinal Hadrian to follow the course of justice. When the 40 days are at an end, during which the Pope is absent for the sake of his health, process cannot long be delayed; and as the Pope has told him, he considers Hadrian deserving of this deprivation, not merely for the reasons stated in the King's letter, but for his many crimes. He has acted always so faithlessly that every one desires his fall. The Pope says nothing shall change his mind. At last he speaks positively, and Worcester is inclined to believe him; but if it prove otherwise Worcester must not be blamed. Has done all he could in the matter, and reported the Pope's words exactly, as the Pope himself desired him. But in this court, as in others, nothing can be effected without gifts; and Worcester will distribute a few, as sparingly as he can. The Pope is most grateful to Wolsey for letting him know of the French embassy coming to England, and promising that nothing shall be negociated against the interests of the Holy See. As to the pension Wolsey has promised him, Worcester will depend upon his bounty. Has received the original deed of endowment of the King's house, and will use it when occasion offers. Thanks Wolsey for the protection granted to his cousin John Campucci.
(Here a leaf or more is evidently lost.) * * * "[nume]rosam classem tormentis atque aliis machinis et instrum[entis belli]cis optime munitam et instructam parat, ut proxima ... æstate magnam aliquam suscipiat provinciam, aliquodque cru ... gerere possit, quod contra rempublicam Christianam futurum omnes ... te scribunt, licet dignosci præcise non possit quo adhuc animu[m] suum converterit." The Pope summoned the ambassadors of all princes, and, in presence of the Cardinals, with tears in his eyes, related this unhappy news, conjuring them by the mercy of God to beseech their sovereigns to come to some speedy determination for the protection of Christendom. It is thought the tyrant will first attack Hungary and Poland. It is needful to have a good fleet to turn the war into his own country. If he be not resisted now the danger to Christendom is manifest. All the ambassadors, except Worcester and the Emperor's, have commissions from their princes; the latter expects one. Worcester excused the King not having sent one, by reason of the sweating sickness, and declared openly that Henry had frequently shown his zeal for the defence of Christendom, as the Pope could testify. The French ambassador said he had been very urgent with the Pope for a universal peace. Worcester replied, that the object was a very desirable one, but it was important that it should be sincere and unfeigned, and not a pretext for injury, and that if all were as well disposed to it as England the expedition could be easily accomplished.
"Præterea sanctissimus dominus noster mihi dixit se certo scire regem Catholicum proximis præteritis diebus Illustrissimæ Dominæ Margaritæ manu propria scripsisse, quod nullo pacto auderet se in administratione dominiorum Flandriæ amplius impedire, si ejus gratiam et vitam propriam caram habebat, sed dicta dominia administranda relinqueret illis, de quibus videbitur domino de Cevres et ille significaret; quo facile cuique judicium esse potest, dictum dominum de Cevres administrationem ipsius regis Catholici ut prius in manus habere; quod non est valde opportunum, ut dominatio vestra reverendissima sua innata prudentia optime cognoscere potest. Sanctissimus dominus noster ratum et gratum habuit fædus nostrum, ut ex forma bullæ desuper jam confectæ et plumbatæ apparet, quam ejus sanctitas intro octo dies mihi omnino dare promisit. Declaravi sanctissimo domino nostro quod illa brevia [quæ po] stremo ad D. V. Reverendissimam misi pro decima, non erant illius tenoris cujus ipsa commiserat, et iccirco rursus nunc alia brevia ... secundum informationem ab ea acceptam, ut ex eorum exemp[10] .. poterit. Ego video quod sanctissimus dominus no[ster] tantum fidei promissis sibi de decima factis [ha]buit, ut nullo pacto existimare possim quin m[axi]mam caperet displicentiam et indignationem ni eam haberet. Iccirco dominatio vestra reverendissima velit sua prudentia et autoritat[e] præsentis inopiæ ejus sanctitatis opportune [mi]sereri, efficereque ut promissis eidem ab[Re]gia Maiestate et dominatione vestra Rev[eren] dissima factis fideliter stetur, et ego cer[tus sum] ut ejus quoque sanctitas promissa observet [fideli]ter. Si dominatio vestra reverendissima in meam [con]descenderit sententiam, pecuniæ non persol[ven]tur, nisi solutis ad plenum promissis; inte[rea] vero dominatio vestra reverendissima omnem [di]ligentiam adhibere potest, ut dicta decim[a] cedatur et exigatur; qua concessa eidem [senten]tiam meam aperiam, quæ non inutilis erit e... longioribus intelliget."
Complained to his holiness that he had deferred giving Wolsey the licence for the bull of Tournay. He must be content to wait a month longer. As to Peter Vannes, Wolsey's devoted servant, would gladly assist him, as requested, for three reasons;—because Wolsey wishes it, out of regard for Andreas Ammonius, and because Vannes deserves it; but is so much in debt on account of the collectorship conferred on him, that he can only give him a small assistance. Will remember him at some more convenient time. Thanks him and the King for writing in his behalf about the collectorship, and for not favoring his opponents. Rome, 8 Nov. 1517.
Hol., pp. 10, Lat., part cipher, undeciphered. Add. f. 211*.
Letters and Papers 1517. 11 Nov 1517. Giust. Desp. II. 135. 3788. SEB. GIUSTINIAN to the DOGE.
Has received their letters, which he communicated to the Cardinal, who is now gone to a place of his in consequence of the sickness. The Bp. of Paris and De la Guiche have arrived as ambassadors from France. They could not obtain admission to the King through fear of the plague. "I endeavoured to learn the cause of their coming, but the Reverend Bishop of Ely having made his appearance, I had no opportunity. It is said that they have come about certain reprisals, but I do not believe that envoys of such dignity would have been sent on so trivial an errand, especially as the aforesaid Bishop of Ely and the Lord Chamberlain, who had been appointed as envoys to France, will now not go there." The King is abroad, and moves from place to place on account of the plague, which makes great ravages in the royal Household. Some of the pages who slept in his chamber have died. None remain with him except three favorite gentlemen and Memo. Violent storms have destroyed the shipping. London, 11 Nov. 1517.
Letters and Papers 1518. 05 Mar 1518. R. O. 3985. Pace (age 36) to WOLSEY.
Has heard from the Lord Steward that there is some doubt whether the King will return towards London: he has had no commandment as yet to make provision but by the ways specified "in such gists as he hath send unto your grace." He knows no reason why the King's mind is changed. Thinks the King must leave this for London, as they cannot abide here, and there is no horse meat at Woodstock. The King wishes to know from Wolsey whether any of the royal palaces near London are infected with the sickness. Abyndon, 5 March.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
Letters and Papers 1518. 05 Mar 1518. Er. Ep. App. 263. 3993. ERASMUS to BOVILL.
Was glad that he escaped the detestable sickness. Congratulates Croke and the University. Is surprised that any should be found there to take the part of Faber. Would have acted otherwise had it been Standish and not Faber: "longo aliter belluam accepissem." Has completed the New Testament. Has received a letter from Grey, dated Paris. Begs his compliments to Vaughan, Humphrey, Brian, Watson and Gerard. Louvain, 5 March 1518.
Letters and Papers 1518. 15 Mar 1518. Giust. Desp. II. 166. 4009. Sebastian Giustinian to the Doge.
Rode to the King at Richmond, who is in some trouble, as three of his pages have died of the plague. Was graciously received: told him the news of the Turks, from whom, his majesty said, there was nothing to fear this year, as he had received intelligence from Rhodes. Sebastian pointed out the threatening nature of their preparations. The King laughed, and said Venice was on such good terms with the Turk, she had nothing to fear. Sebastian replied, they had made terms with Selim out of necessity, and from dread of the formidable power of the Sultan. "Tell your Signory," said the King, "there is a person more formidable than the Turk, who denies he has engaged any lansknechts, and yet I know he has hired them at two crowns per man." Sebastian replied, he thought it very unlikely such a thing should have escaped the knowledge of so wise a man as the Venetian ambassador in the French court. "Upon this the King drew me nearer to him, and also took my secretary by the hand,—a gesture he repeated several times in the course of the conference,—saying, 'Shall I give you manifest proof of the deceit of this King of France ?'" and then went on to insist that the forces which Francis pretended to marshal against the Turks were really intended against Italy. Sebastian combated this notion without appearing to contradict him. The King urged, "He wishes me worse than he does the devil himself; yet you see what kind of friendly language he employs towards me, in order that I may trust such deceit: but I am so prepared that, should the King of France attempt to attack me, he will find himself deceived." He then insisted on the refusal of France to do justice to his subjects; the sending of Albany into Scotland; "where he will perhaps put the King to death in like manner as his brother died, which I never intend to suffer; nor will I tolerate his presence there; and should he send him, I shall hold the said King my enemy." He then enlarged upon the love of interference on the part of Francis. Sebastian turned the conversation, endeavoring to avoid his resentment, urging that the Signory acted towards both crowns impartially. The King expressed himself satisfied, and told Sebastian he was not to detail these conversations to the ambassador in France; which, however, he intends to do. London, 15 March 1518.
Letters and Papers 1518. 06 Apr 1518. R.O. 4060. Pace (age 36) to WOLSEY.
The King has this day summoned his Council, and stated that London was still infected with sickness; therefore he must avoid it. He thinks that the infection is kept from Wolsey's knowledge, as it was from his when he was there; and notwithstanding the scarceness in the country about Abingdon he is compelled to remain in places thereabouts, as comprised in the bill enclosed. Wolsey is to certify the King whether there are a sufficient number of the Council in attendance on him for the business of the next term, and advises him to leave London when it is over. Will be heartily welcome to the King if he chooses to come. Wishes a train of horses to be appointed betwixt himself and Wolsey every seven hours. Of the noblemen now about the King and their order, the King will remember such communication "concerning some of them" as has been between himself and Wolsey. He wishes to know of the progress of the sickness.—"When I had written thus far the King's grace commanded me to add unto the premises, that both his highness and all his Council doth fear the said sickness now at the beginning of these heats, which be great here considering the time of the year." The Queen said yesterday that she had perfect knowledge of the sickness being in London, and "that, though she be no prophet, yet she would lose her finger if some inconvenient should not ensue unto the King's person if he should at this time repass towards London. Et has ego judico esse causas istius subitæ mutationis1." Sends, by the King's command, the names of all the councillors waiting on him this day. Abingdon, 6 April.
Note 1. Et has ego judico esse causas istius subitæ mutationis ie And these I judge to be the causes of this sudden change.
Letters and Papers 1518. 07 Apr 1518. R.O. 4061. Pace (age 36) to WOLSEY.
The Council here have desired him to advertise Wolsey that the change in the King's mind anent his return to London has procceded of himself. As far as Pace (age 36) can perceive, the King is afraid of the sickness. When the Duke of Suffolk moved the King and Sir Henry Marney "that no conclusion might be taken for his grace's abode here unto such time that his grace had been advertised from your grace of the great sickness in those parts, if any be, his grace made answer that he was well at ease here, where no man cometh [to] tell him of the death of any person, as they were wont daily." He has ordered each man to provide horse meat as he can. The Dukes of Buckingham and Suffolk will leave shortly; but, by reason of his sister, the King is content Suffolk shall remain till after St. George's feast. After Suffolk had received the sacrament on Easter Day, he desired Pace (age 36) to hear him speak, and said "that he had been accused as untrue to the King's grace, as well in the accepting of a protection offered unto him by the French King, as in putting the French orators at their late being here, or afore their coming, in comfort of the restitution of Tournay." This he denies upon oath. Abingdon, 7 April.
P.S.—The King wishes to know Wolsey's opinion touching his journey to the North. He hears there is some death at Nottingham.
Hol., pp. 3. Add.: To my Lord Cardinal's grace.
Letters and Papers 1518. 28 Apr 1518. R.O. 4125. JOHN CLERK to WOLSEY.
Master More has certified the King from Oxford, that three children are dead of the sickness, but none others. He has charged the mayor and the commissary in the King's name, "that the inhabitants of those houses that be and shall be infected shall keep in, put out wispes and bear white rods, according as your grace devised for Londoners." The King has ordered the matter to be debated in the Council, when More's device was approved of. It was discussed whether it would be better that the fair held in Austin Friars in Oxford, fourteen days after this, should be stopped or no, as it is thought that the resort of people thither from London and other infected places will make Oxford as dangerous as London, next term. "Also it was said in the said Council that in stopping and letting of the said fair, there should ensue grudges and murmurs amongst the King's subjects; specially in London, where they would think that men went about utterly to destroy them, if, with other their misfortunes, they should also be kept from their fairs and markets: and so, after great debating, the more part was in this opinion, that the said fair should not be stopped; notwithstanding, they concluded all to take your grace's advice in the matter." Master Lovell leaves tomorrow, but will not arrive in London till Saturday. Woodstock, 28 April.
Letters and Papers 1518. 11 Jul 1518. R. O. 4308. Pace (age 36) to WOLSEY.
It was fortunately devised between the King and Wolsey that the King should leave Woodstock at this time, as two persons are dead of the sickness: more are infected, one of them a servant to a yeoman of the King's guard. Tomorrow the King and Queen will lodge at Ewelme, and not stop by the way, as the place appointed for their lodging is infected. Very few of the household will follow, but lodge at Wallyngton. "The Duke of Southfolke arrived here yesternight, and this morning he did speak with me very effectually of one the same matter which I have declared unto your grace in time past, viz. of faithful amity to be established between your grace and him, confirming with solemn oaths, in most humble manner, the most faithful love and servitude that he intendeth to use towards your grace during his life in all manner of cases touching your honor. And he said that he doubted but little but this thing should come to good pass if such persons did not let it, by untrue and evil relation." Pace (age 36) gave a general answer. Woodstock, 11 July.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: To my Lord Cardinal's grace.
Letters and Papers 1518. 18 Jul 1518. R. O. 4326. Pace (age 36) to WOLSEY.
Yesternight the King was advertised that one of my Lady Princess's servants was sick of a hot ague. He has commanded Pace (age 36) to write to Mr. Sydnor that the Princess should come to Byssham Abbey, remain there Tuesday, and be at the More on Wednesday. The King has since heard that the servant has recovered. He wishes the Princess to be removed, notwithstanding, till she hear further the King's pleasure, from Enfield. The Council wish Wolsey would devise "such gistes as shall be most for the King's surety and my Lady's," in consequence of the contagion. "We have daily advertisements here, other of some sweating or the great sickness from places very near unto us; and as for surfeits and drunkenness we have enough at home. My Lord of Durham's books were yesterday full evil entreated by lewd persons, to his no small discontentation. The Queen intendeth to hunt tomorrow four miles hence in a little park of Sir John Pechy's. Your grace shall receive here inclosed gistes devised by divers ways for my Lady Princess after she shall depart hence." From the More, 18 July.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: To my Lord Cardinal's grace. Endd.
ii. "The Princesse Giestes from Bisham to Hawryng."—"From Bysham to the More,—from the More to Enveld,—from Enveld to Hawryng."
"From Bysham to the More,—from the More to Tytynanger 8 miles, or to Hatfield 12,—from the More to Fortescuys Place 15 miles,—from Hatfield to Havvring 12 miles,—from Tytynanger to Havring 15 miles."
P. 1. Detached slip of paper.
Grafton's Chronicle. Jul 1517. After this, suddenly there came a plague of sickness, called the swetyng sicknesse. This malady was so cruell that it killed some within three hours , some within two hours, some merry at dinner, and dead at supper. Many dyed in the King's Court , the Lord Clinton (deceased), the Lord Grey of Wilton (deceased), and many Knightes , Gentlemen , and officers . For this plague Michaelmas term was adiourned , and because that this malady continued from July to the middle of December , the King kept himself ever with a small company , and kept no solemn Christmas , willing to have no resort for fear of infection but much lamented the number of his people , for in some one town half the people died , and in some other town the third part , the Sweat was so fervent , and the infections so great .
Letters and Papers 1517. 09 Aug 1517. Calig. E. II. 104. B.M. 3571. SIR RICHARD WINGFIELD to [WOLSEY].
Received a letter whilst the Cardinal of Arragon was with him hunting, informing him of the plague in London. Thought there was nothing more convenient for stopping his passage than to read him the letter, knowing how much the Italians are afraid of coming into a place where there is danger of death. The courage of the Cardinal is greatly abated, but he laments his ill fortune that he should have travelled so far without the happiness of seeing the King or Wolsey. He is now going to St. Omer's to wait eight or ten days if the plague abate. Calais, . Aug.
Lettes of Thomas More. 628. 19 Aug 1517. London. Deventer MS. 91, f, 94. E. p. 177: F. p. 317: HN: Lond. vii, 4 : LB. 522.
Thomas More Eramus. S.P.D.
Dilatus ad procrastinatus Polgrani nostri quotidie iturieiltis discessus effecit ut et meas literas et aliorum serius multo quam aut ego volebam aut tu debebas acciperes, Videbatur enim commodissime relaturus ad te meas, qui tuas ad me attulisset. Sic necesse fuit prioribus praesentes addere, quibus constare tibi dilationis ratio possit, simul uti quid nunc agatur apud nos intalligas: qui si unquam alias, nunc maxime in maerore et peiculo versamur, multis undique morientibus, omnibus fere qui Oxoniae, qui Cantabrigiae, qui Londini, sunt, intra paucos dies decumbentibus, amissis plurimis optimis atque honestissimis amicis; atque in his (quod tibi quoque dolori esse doleo) Andrea nostro Ammonio, in quo et literae et omnes boni magnam fecere iacturam. Is valde sibi videbatur adversus contagionem victus moderatione munitus; qua factum putauit ut, quum in nullum pene incideret cuius non tota familia laborauerat, neminem adhuc e suis id maluin attigerit: id quad ipse et mihi et multis praeterea iactauit non admodum multis horis antequam extinctus est. Nam hoc sudore nemo nisi primo die perit.
Ego uxorque ac liberi adhuc intacti, reliqua familia tota reualuit. Hoc tibi affirmo, minus periculi in acie quam in urbe esse. Nunc, ut audio, seuire Caleti incipit, quum nos eo extrudimur legatione functuri; tanquam parum sit in contagione vixisse, nisi sequamur etiam. Sed quid facias? Quod sors feret, ferendurn est. Ego animun mihi in omnem euentum composui. Tu vale.
Raptim Londini 19th Angnsti, [M.D.XX.]
In translation ....
The procrastination of our Polgrani's departure every day caused you to receive both my letters and those of others much later than either I wanted or you ought, for it seemed most convenient to relate mine to you, who had brought yours to me. Thus it was necessary to add to the former those present, by whom the reason for the delay may be apparent to you, and at the same time to understand what is now going on with us: who, if ever else, we are now most engaged in sorrow and distress, with many dying on every side, almost all who are at Oxford, who are at Cambridge, and who are in London , are, within a few days, prostrate, having lost many of their best and most honorable friends; and in these (which I am sorry to be a pain to you also) our Ammonius Andrew, in whom both letters and all good things will do a great loss. He seemed to himself greatly protected against the contagion of his diet by moderation; by which act he thought that, when he fell into almost no one whose whole family had not labored, no one of his own had yet touched that evil: which he boasted to me and to many besides, not very many hours before he was extinguished. For in this sweat no one perishes except on the first day.
I and my wife and children were still untouched, and the rest of the family were all recovered. I assure you that there is less danger in the battle than in the city. Now, as I hear, he begins to follow Caleti, when we are pushed out to him to serve on the mission; as if it were little to have lived in the contagion, unless we also follow. But what should you do? What the lot will bring is ferendurn. I put my mind to everything that happened. Goodbye
Note. Ammonius' death can be dated in 1517 from. Ep. 642 and many other lettorg. From evidonce now available it is possible to decide between 17 and 18 August as the precise day (cf. Ep. 218 intro). On 17 August he signed his will (Knight, Life of Cole p. 213), presumably at Westminator. A letter from Vannes (p. 76) to Wolsey states that his death occurred, after twenty hours' illness (of, Ep. 639. 22n) at 9 pm. (hesterna nocte hora nona; Brewer ii. 3602. Cf. also Ep. 624.). This must have been 17 August; for his death was to Foxe at St, Cross, by Winchester, on 18 August; when he wrote to Claymond, President of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, informing him of the fact, and conferring upon him the living of Bishop's Cleve, in Gloucostershiro, which he had givon to Ammonius only fifteen days before, on a vacancy arising through the sweating-sickness (Orig. letter at C.C.C.). It may be noted that Ammonius' canonry ab Westminster was filled with almost equal promptitude, being conferred by Henry upon Linnacre on 19 August. (Brewer ii. 3624). And the purpose of Vannes' letter cited above (clearly 18 August) to ask for one of Ammonius' benefices.
Letters and Papers 1517. 28 Aug 1517. Er. Ep. App. 170. 3645. FRANCIS CHIEREGATO to ERASMUS.
On his leaving England for Rome to avoid the sweating sickness, touched at Antwerp and heard that Erasmus was staying with Petrus Ægidius, secretary to the municipality of Antwerp. On calling heard that Erasmus had started the day before for Louvain. The Venetian ambassador and Sagudino, who have had the sickness, desire their remembrance. Ammonius would have done the same, but was carried off by it in eight hours. Antwerp, 28 Aug. 1517.
Holinshed's Chronicle 1519. 1518. After this great triumph, the king appointed his guests for his pastime this summer ; but suddeny there came a plague of sickenesse, called the sweating sickenesse, that turned all his purpose.
This malady was so cruel, that it killed some within three hours, some within two hours, some merrie at dinner, and dead at supper. Many died in the kings court, the Lord Clinton, the Lord Grey of Wilton, and many knights, gentlemen, and officers. For this plague Michaelmass term was adjourned. And because that this malady continued from Julie to the middle of December, the king kept himself ever with a small company, and held no solemn Christmass, willing to have no resort for fear of infection: but much lamenteble number of his people, for in some one town half the people died, and in some other town the third part, the sweat was so feruent and infectious. [By the extremity whereof, and the multitudes with such suddenness and present mortality dropping away: it should seem that they little remembered, or at leastwise neglected the preseruative remedie used in the first great sweating sickeness in King Henry the Seventh's time, whereby as then many a mans life was saved, so now the like benefit (by applyng of the same wholesome means) might have redounded to the patients.]
Letters and Papers 1518. 12 Apr 1518. R.O. 4074. Pace (age 36) to WOLSEY.
Received his letters dated the 10th, with those of Cardinal Sion to Wolsey, and the instructions of the Provost of Cassel and "the Kinge's giestis" to the North. The King wishes Sion to have the rest of his commission and the pension promised, but exceedingly dislikes the provost's instructions, as Wolsey does, touching Tournay. Thinks the arbitrament of the same as unreasonable, "as though a man should put his own gown in compromise of other persons." The King thinks there is some crafty design in Spain, to which the provost is not privy: they have sent him therefore with a slender message. He is also surprised at the King of Castile's statement that he had credible information of the King having prepared an army against France. He ought not to have given credence to so great a matter before he had been advertised by the King. He is satisfied with the arrangements for his northern progress, but wishes inquiry to be made about the sickness, as four or five persons have died of it at Nottingham, as appears by a bill enclosed. It is secretly said that the Queen is with child. Prays God heartily it may be a prince, to the surety and universal comfort of the realm. Begs Wolsey will write a kind letter to the Queen. Praises Lord Mountjoy as Wolsey's faithful friend. Has been told today that the King will give "Sancte Asse to Freier Standyche; wheroff I wolde be ryght sorye for the goode service he was lyke to do to the churche. Erit tamen difficile huic rei obstare (ut mihi videtur) quia majestas regia illum mihi jampridem laudavit ex doctrina, et omnes isti domini aulici eidem favent de singulari quam navavit opera ad ecclesiam Anglicam subvertendam." Abingdon, 12 April.
Hol., pp. 3. Add.. To my Lord Cardinal's grace. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1518. 28 Jun 1518. R. O. 4266. PACE to WOLSEY.
The King remembers the practice used by the French King at various times to obtain consent of the electors to make him King of the Romans. The King does not wish it; but that the best means should be taken against the ambition of Francis, as Pace stated in his last. He leaves it to Wolsey to devise the same, and the answer to be made to the King of Spain. All at Woodstock are free from the sickness, but many die of it within four or five miles, as Mr. Controller is informed. "The King's highness is not a little glad that his book is so well approved by your grace and other learned men." Wudstoke, 28 June.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my Lord Cardinal's grace. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1518. 22 Jul 1518. R. O. 4331. Pace (age 36) to WOLSEY.
The King has commanded him to signify that he wishes the bearer to be assisted in his petition, for the service he did in the late war. The petitioner desires that no strange ship be freighted into the "oriental parts" before his. The King has directed his letters to the Admiral to that effect. He desires that no lord absent from the court shall keep any servant or stuff in his chamber, "considering the misorder that is used by their servants, whereby infection of sickness might ensue." Woodstock, 22 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my Lord Cardinal's grace. Endd. in Agarde's hand: "Letters and minutes of letters from sundry princes to the King and Cardinal.—Anni incerti."
Annales of England by John Stow. 1522This year was a great death in London and other places of the Realm; many men of hnour and great worship died, and amongst other Doctor Fitzjames bishop of London, in whose place was elected Doctor Tunstal (age 48). Also great dearth dearth in London and other places, for wheat was sold for twenty shillings the quarter.
Letters and Papers 1526. 26 Jul 1526. R. O. 2343. Fitzwilliam To Wolsey.
Has been here two days to put the place in order after the King's visit. Said in his former letter that the King intended to have stopped at Stanstyd and Southwike; but as the parish in which the former stands is infected with plague, he will go to Warblington, a house of my lady of Salisbury, two miles distant. Thence he will go to Porchester Castle, and next day to Winchester. Guildford, 26 July. Signed. P. 1. Add.: To my lord Cardinal's grace.
Letters and Papers 1527. 06 Aug 1527. R. O. Ellis, 3 Ser. II. 62. 3334. Lawrence Stubbs To Wolsey.
The plague is no longer reigning in Westminster. Since your departure there have been great assemblies of Sanctuary men, who endeavored to rescue the prisoners in the Gate-house. Mr. Scuse, Cromwell and I spoke with the Abbot and Sir Hugh Vaghan, and have ordered a watch. The Sanctuary men are more straitly kept; since which, Mulsey, a Sanctuary man, the King's servant, has refused the same, and gone abroad with a number of unthrifty persons, eight of whom have been arrested for stealing horses. It is suspected that the rioters intended some harm to your mansion in York Place. Last night my Lord Steward's servant at Chelsea was wounded. Sergier and Servington, of the Inns of Court, and one Pen, who lay in wait to slay Cromwell, made the rescue.
The prior of St. Bartholomew's, Smithfield, is sick and likely to die. The friends of William Fynch, cellarer of the same, have offered to give you £300 for your college at Oxford, for your favour towards his preferment. Dr. Barrye, residentiary of Southwell, is deceased, by whose death there is a prebend in York in your gift, and other promotions. The prior of Launde has gone to the coast to procure your salt provisions. Your buildings at York Place, Hampton Court, &c., go forward; and I understand from Cromwell, who has come from Oxford, that he has certified you of the forwardness of the works there.
I thank you for restoring me to the presidentship of Magdalen College, Oxford. My lord of Winchester minded to have prevented your visitation begun by Dr. Claybrok. Mr. Burges, the late pretended elect, and his electors have fallen into such breach of the statutes as without your mercy they shall be expelled. Burges has taken £75 out of the College chest. York Place, 6 Aug.
Hol. Add.
A Boke Or Counsel Against The Disease Commonly Called The Sweating Sicknesse. 1528. The fourth time, in the year 1528 the twentieth year of the said Kyng, beginning in the end of May, & continuing June and July.
Grafton's Chronicle. May 1528. In the very end of May began in the City of London the sicknesse called the sweating sickness, and afterward went through all the realm almost , of the which many died within five or six hours . By reason of this sickness the terme was adjourned and the circuits of Assize also . The King was sore troubled with this plague , for diverse died in the court, of whome one was Sir Francis Poyntz (age 43) , which was Ambassador in Spain , and other , so that the king for a space removed almost euery day , till at the last he came to Tyttenhangar [Map] a place of the Abbot of saint Albones , and there he with a few determined to bide the chance that God would send him , which place was so purged daily with fires , and other preservatives , that neither he nor the Queen nor none of their company was infected of that disease , such was the pleasure of God . In this great plague died Sir William Compton (age 46) knight , and William Carey (age 28) Esquire , which were of the kings privy chamber , and whom the king highly favoured and many other worshipfull men and women in England. 
By reason of this plague the watches which were wont to be kept yearly in London on Saint John's eve [23rd June] at Midsummer and Saint Peter's eve [28th June] , whereby the king and his counsel commanded to be left for that year , wherefore the Armourers made great suit to the king and declared their great hinderance which was not so much considered as the mischief that might have ensued if that so great a number should have assembled together in the hot time , and the plague of sweating reigning . Now let us leave England all this summer season troubled and vexed with this sweating sicknesse , and let us return to the affaires of Italy .
Hall's Chronicle 1528. Jun 1528. In the very end of May began in the City of London the sickness called the sweating-sickness, and afterward went all the realm almost of the which many died within five or six hours. By reason of this sickness the term was adjourned and the circuits of Assize also. The king was sore troubled with this plague, for divers died in the court, of who one was Sir Francis Poyntz (age 43) which was Ambassador in Spain, and other, so that the King for a space removed almost every day, till at the last be came to Tyttenhanger [Map] a place of the abbot of saint Albans, and there he with a few determined to bide the chance that God would send him, which place was so purged daily with fires and other preservatives, that neither he nor the queen nor none of their company was infected of the disease, such was the pleasure of God. In this great plague dyed Sir William Compton (age 46) knight and William Carey (age 28) esquire which were of the Kings privy chamber, and whom the King highly favoured and many other worshipful men and women in England.
By reason of this plague the watches which were wont to be kept yearly in London on Saint John’s eve at Midsummer and Saint Peters eve were by the King and his counsel commanded to be left for that year, wherefore the Armourers made great suit to the King and declared their great hinderance, which was not so much considered as the mischief that might have ensued if that so great a number should have assembled together in that whole time and the plague of sweating reigning. Now let us leave England all this summer season troubled and vexed with this sweating sickness, and let us return to the affairs of Italy.
In Jun 1528 Francis Poyntz (age 43) died of sweating sickness.
The Chronicle of John Harding: Henry VII. Jun 1528. In this nineteenth year was the sweatyng sickenesse, for the which cause there was no watch at Midsummer.
Letters and Papers 1528. 05 Jun 1528. Galba, B. VIII. 4. B. M. 4332. BRIAN TUKE to the BISHOP OF LONDON.
Have fled to Steponeth for fear of this infection, a servant of mine being ill at my house in London. Received last night a packet of letters from Wolsey, addressed to you and me. As it was late, and I dislike to come to London, I opened it, and found a letter likewise addressed, with others, which I send. The King and my lord Cardinal wish either you or me to come to court for information on certain points about the truce. If I go, I must go in my wagon, which is at my house in Essex, and cannot be here today, for I have a disease in vesica, of which Wolsey is aware, and was almost whole; but coming hither from London last night as softly as could be, has made me as ill as before. Besides, I doubt if it would be right to go to the King, having had such a visitor in my house. You could easily satisfy the King. As to the King's desire that my Lady should be bound to make restitution if any Spaniards took Englishmen, it is more than any Prince is or w[ould be] bound to make restitution of injuries done by their subjects, even in a treaty of perpetual peace. The King thinks, if his subjects may be taken on the coasts of Spain, why may they not do the like to the Spaniards ? The answer is, they may in any place, having once come as far as the Spanish harbors, where the truce has no force; "in such wise as when the Lady Margaret's folks had agreed thereunto, the French ambassador, talking with my lord Legate in the garden at Hampton Court late in an evening, I being present, and the Lady's folks absent, gave great thanks to my said Lord for that point," as both the French and English might pass to the havens of Spain to do exploits of war; and whenever they wished to return, the Spaniards could not hurt them, when once they got on this side the said havens. The French ambassador expected that by this means his master would work the Spaniards sorrow on those seas. For everything on this side it must be provided that redress be made as in time of peace, so that no man may rob on land or sea. In haste, at Stepney, 3 o'clock, a.m., in my bed.
P.S.—The letter to Gonson came to me open; that to my Lady I will send to her secretaries, who left early yesterday morning. I send also all the treaties and writings, that you may take with you such as you think good. Will forward Gonson's letter, if the King think fit, and you send it to me, and will seal it with my own seal; for my lord Cardinal, when I was at Hampton Court, ordered that it should be sent open to Fitzwilliam, but I see Mr. Peter has sealed it by mistake.
Hol., pp. 3, mutilated. Add.: To my lord of London, lord Privy Seal.
Titus, B. I. 82. B. M. 2. Copy of the preceding, in Tuke's own hand.
Pp. 3.
Letters and Papers 1528. 05 Jun 1528. Titus, B. I. 91. B. M. 4333. Tuke To [Vannes].
Cannot move, afoot or on horseback. Has a "wagon" that is accustomed to carry his children. Will come in that cart, and on his knees, rather than fail, if it be the King's pleasure; but his house has had the infection. It is not to be expected the Lady Margaret will make restitution for injuries done by the Spaniards. Discusses the point touching the right of the Spaniards to apprehend Englishmen in certain havens. Encloses his letter to the bishop of London concerning this matter. Sends him Gonson's letter, and one to the king of Scots, requiring haste. Stepney, Friday.
P.S.—Sends the treaties for the King's consideration.
Hol., pp. 4. Begins: Right Honorable Sir.
Letters and Papers 1528. 11 Jun 1528. Vit. B. XII. 4. B. M. Burnet, I. 103. 4360. Anne Boleyn (age 27) to Wolsey (age 55).
My Lord, in my most humble wise I desire you to pardon me that I am so bold to trouble you with my simple and rude writing, proceeding from one who is much desirous to know that your Grace does well, as I perceive by this bearer. The great pains you take for me, both day and night, are never likely to be recompensed, "but alonely in loving you, next unto the King's grace, above all creatures living," as my deeds shall manifest. I long to hear from you news of the Legate, and hope they will be very good.
Added by the King:-The writer of this would not cease till she had called me likewise to set to my hand. Both of us desire to see you, and are glad to hear you have escaped the plague so well, trusting the fury of it is abated, especially with those that keep good diet, as I trust you do. The not hearing of the Legate's arrival in France causeth us somewhat to muse; but we trust by your diligence shortly to be eased of that trouble.
Letters and Papers 1528. 16 Jun 1528. Love Letters XII. 4383. Henry VIII (age 36) to Anne Boleyn (age 27).
There came to me in the night the most afflicting news possible. I have to grieve for three causes: first, to hear of my mistress's (age 27) sickness, whose health I desire as my own, and would willingly bear the half of yours to cure you; secondly, because I fear to suffer yet longer that absence which has already given me so much pain, God deliver me from such an importunate rebel!; thirdly, because the physician I trust most is at present absent when he could do me the greatest pleasure. However, in his absence, I send you the second, praying God he may soon make you well, and I shall love him the better. I beseech you to be governed by his advice, and then I hope to see you soon again!
Annales of England by John Stow. 17 Jun 1528. The 17 day of June, the terme was adjourned to Michael because of the sweating sicknesse that then reigned tn the city of London, and there was no such watch at Midsummer, as before time bad bene accustomed. Of this sickness died many suddenly tn the kings court, namely Sir William Compton (age 46), Sir Francis Poyntz (deceased), and other, who died with little warning. The King for a space removed almost every day till be came to Tittenhanger [Map], a place of the abbot of Saint Albans, anv there be with the queene, and a small company about them, remained till the sickness was past.
Letters and Papers 1528. 18 Jun 1528. 4391. On Tuesday one of the ladies of the chamber, Mademoiselle de Boulan (age 27), was infected with the sweat. The King, in great haste, dislodged, and went 12 miles hence, and I hear the lady (age 27) was sent to her brother (age 51) [Note. A mistake for father] the Viscount in Kent ("Cainet"). As yet the love has not abated. I know not if absence, and the difficulties of Rome, may effect anything. This sweat, which has made its appearance within these four days, is a most perilous disease. One has a little pain in the head and heart; suddenly a sweat begins; and a physician is useless, for whether you wrap yourself up much or little, in four hours, sometimes in two or three, you are despatched without languishing, as in those troublesome fevers. However, only about 2,000 have caught it in London. Yesterday, going to swear the truce, we saw them as thick as flies, rushing from the streets and shops into their houses to take the sweat whenever they felt ill. I found the ambassador of Milan leaving his lodging in great haste because two or three had been suddenly attacked. If all the ambassadors are to have their share of it, you will not have gained your cause; for you will not be able to brag you made me die of hunger, and the King will only have gained nine months of my service for nothing. In London, I assure you the priests have a better time of it than the doctors, except that the latter do not help to bury. If the thing goes on, corn will soon be cheap. It is 12 years since there was such a visitation, when there died 10,000 persons in 10 or 12 days, but it was not so bad as this has begun.The Legate had come for the term, but immediately bridled his horses again, and there will be no term appointed. Every one is terribly amazed.
Letters and Papers 1528. 20 Jun 1528. R. O. St. P. II. 134. 4398. Norfolk To Wolsey.
Yesterday at Esterforde heard that Wolsey had broken up the term, because of the infection in London. Returned hither, and intends to go to Kenynghale. Asks how long he may stay here before being sent for by the King or Wolsey. Is well amended of his sickness, not having been ill since Thursday week. Sends letters which he has received from Ireland. Unless Wolsey remedies the great danger of "that poor land," fears it will not be recovered without great expense. If the land is overrun and spoiled by the Irish, there will not be victuals to support the force the King will send to punish the rebels, and his Grace will be forced to begin a new conquest as Henry II. did. The only cause is the malice between Kildare and Ossory. Stoke, 20 June.
Hol. Add.: To my [lord] Legate's good grace.
Letters and Papers 1528. 20 Jun 1528. Love Letters III. 4403. Henry VIII (age 36). to Anne Boleyn (age 27).
The doubt I had of your health troubled me extremely, and I should scarcely have had any quiet without knowing the certainty; but since you have felt nothing, I hope it is with you as with us. When we were at Waltham [Map], two ushers, two valets de chambre, your brother (age 25), master "Jesoncre" (Treasurer), fell ill, and are now quite well; and we have since removed to Hunsdon, Hertfordshire [Map], where we are very well, without one sick person. I think if you would retire from Surrey, as we did, you would avoid all danger. Another thing may comfort you:-few women have this illness; and moreover, none of our court, and few elsewhere, have died of it. I beg you, therefore, not to distress yourself at our absence, for whoever strives against fortune is often the further from his end.
On 22 Jun 1528 William Carey (age 28) died of sweating sickness. He was buried at Compton Wynyates [Map].
Letters and Papers 1528. 23 Jun 1528. 4409. His Highness marvellously commends the French king's religious demeanour on Corpus Christi Day against the damnable behavior of those, worse than Jews, that would do such despite to the blessed images; and he told the gentlemen of his Privy Chamber the whole manner of it, and desired me to read to them the clause concerning it in the Bishop of Bath's letter. When in the Bishop's letter I read the clause, that many noblemen in France were right sorry the king of France had not such a councillor [as Wolsey], the King said, "Yea, by God! I blame them never a deal." He liked the rest of the letter, and the French king's letter to the Pope, and to his ambassador resident in Rome, but thought the latter more effectually worded. He said he would send copies of them to Mistress Ann for her consolation. He likes the French king's letters to the Venetians for Ravenna and Cervia; and thinks, if they are put into the hands of Francis, the Pope will be more compliant, who, he is afraid, is now sticking for fear of the Emperor, by the tarrying of Mr. Stephen's letter. All being read by 11 o'clock at night, he said he would see the news about Spain today; but he has not yet come down. Generally, in going and coming, he turns into my chamber to talk with me about his book.
At this word his Highness came in, asking me how far I had done. Thereupon I put him in mind of the news from Spain, and to sign the king of Scots' letter, which he said he would do soon; and he is gone a-walking. Mr. Cary (deceased), whom I met after he had been with his wife (age 29) at Plashey [Map], is dead of the sweat. Will repair to Wolsey by short stages of ten miles, going by water through London Bridge. No earthly riches could persuade him to travel much now, as nothing causes the sweat more than much travel and the sun. Is worse than he was. Hunsdon, Tuesday, 23 June 1528.
Letters and Papers 1528. 23 Jun 1528. R. O. 4413. R. Lord Fitzwater to Wolsey.
Care (deceased) died on Monday last, leaving vacant the stewardship of the duchy of Lancaster in Essex, the constableship of the Castle of Plashe [Map], the keeping of the two parks, and other offices in the King's gift. Asks Wolsey to obtain those above mentioned for him, as they are near his house. Signed.
Letters and Papers 1528. 23 Jun 1528. Love Letters IX. 4410. Henry VIII (age 36) to Anne Boleyn (age 27).
The cause of my writing at this time, good sweetheart, is only to understand of your good health and prosperity, whereof to know I would be as glad as in manner mine own; praying God that (and it be His pleasure) to send us shortly together, for I promise you I long for it, howbeit trust it shall not be long to; and seeing my darling is absent, I can no less do than to send her some flesh representing my name, which is hart's flesh for Henry, prognosticating that hereafter, God willing, you must enjoy some of mine, which, He pleased, I would were now. As touching your sister's (age 29) matter, I have caused Water Welze to write to my Lord my mind therein, whereby I trust that Eve shall not have power to deceive Adam; for surely, whatsoever is said, it cannot so stand with his honor but that he2 must needs take her his natural daughter now in her extreme necessity. No more to you at this time, mine own darling, but that a while I would we were together of an evening. With the hand of yours, &c.
Note 1. So in the Harl. Misc. copy, which seems there to give the right reading. The Pamphleteer reads: "that we shall not have poure to dyslave Adam."
Note 2. Thomas Boleyn 1st Earl Wiltshire and Ormonde (age 51).
Letters and Papers 1528. 23 Jun 1528. 4408. Thomas Hennege to Wolsey.
"Laud be Jesu, the King's grace is very merry since he came to this house, for there was none fell sick of the sweat since he came hither, and ever after dinner he shoth (shooteth ?) to supper time. This morning is told me that Mistress Ann (age 27) and my Lord of Roxfort (age 25) had the sweat, and was past the danger thereof." Mr. Carre (deceased) begs you to be gracious to his sister, a nun in Wilton Abbey, to be prioress there, according to your promise. Mr. Tuke is here, and lies in the court under the King's privy chamber, so that he may come at the King's pleasure. At every meal the King sends him a dish from his table. The King will tarry here 14 days. Hunsdon, 23 June.
This night, as the King went to bed, word came of the death of William Care (deceased).
Letters and Papers 1528. 25 Jun 1528. R. O. 4417. The Commissioners Of Kent To Wolsey.
This Thursday, the 25th, met at Deptford, and were informed that Edmund Tebbe, in whose house they should have lodged, has had the new sickness, and is not yet recovered. Divers have been sick at Greenwich and at Eltham; of which towns great numbers would have appeared if the sessions had been held, with other prisoners from Southwark. As Baron Hales (age 58) also has fallen ill at London, they have, "in a croft nigh unto the street of Deptford," adjourned the sessions to Monday next before the feast of SS. Simon and Jude. Deptford, 25 June. Signed: Richard Broke—Henry Guldeford—Edward Guldeford—Alex. Colepeper—Edward Wotton—T. Nevyle—Thomas Willughby—Christopher Hales. Scaled.
P. 1. Add. Endd. by Wolsey: Sir William Drury, Sir William Carent, Venerys (?) die doca Passionis, in domo Ichekoc.
Letters and Papers 1528. 26 Jun 1528. R. O. Ellis, 3 Ser. I. 251. 4418. John Bishop Of Lincoln (age 55) To Wolsey.
Was at Court on Trinity Sunday (7 June), Corpus Christi Eve, and Corpus Christi Day (11 June), according to your advertisement. On the eve the King was shriven, and the next day shriven and houselled. "I ministered, as my weakness would serve, in pontificalibus," and found the King very gracious. Whilst I was at London, many were dying of the sweat. I tarried till it came to my house, and was then forced to flee, and therefore did not presume to come into your presence. Reached Woburn in a litter; sometimes on horseback. Several are dead there. As the sweat is in my house I dare not tarry, and therefore I wish leave to go to Buckeden [Map]. I have promised a pilgrimage to Our Lady of Walsyngham. I have two Lutherans in my house, one of whom wrote the letter I sent you. He is a very heretic, and has done hurt in my diocese. I purpose to abjure them both, and after they have done open penance to commit them to two monasteries. I beg you to remember and punish the infect persons in Oxford; for if sharpness be not used, many will do ill. There are more in Oxford, as appears by libels set up at night on the church doors. I gave one of them to my lord of London. As they are in my diocese, I intend to ride to Oxford myself, about Michaelmas, with your leave, and reduce them to order. Woburn, 26 June.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 26 Jun 1528. R. O. St. P. I. 301. 4422. Sir J. Russell (age 43) To Wolsey.
Sends letters received by the King, from my lord of Ossory, concerning the taking of the Vice-deputy and the misrule in Ireland. The King thinks none so meet for the government as my lord of Ossory, or Master Butler, his son, and wishes Wolsey to dispatch them as soon as possible. Wolsey knows the son's activity. The father is an honorable man, wise and hardy, but stricken in age, and not so able to follow the wars. The King is much troubled with this disease of sweat. Tonight there have fallen sick my lord and Lady Marques, Sir Thos. Cheyney (age 43), and Mrs. Croke. Norres and Wallop are recovered. Poynes (deceased) is dead. Today the King removes to Bishop's Hatfield, accompanied only by the Privy Chamber and Master Kyngeston. Last night he took Master Bryan into the Privy Chamber. Hartford, 26 June. Signed.
Letters and Papers 1528. 28 Jun 1528. R. O. 4429. HENNEGE to WOLSEY.
The King removed this day from Hertford to Hatfield because of the sweat. My Lord Marquis, his wife, Mr. Chene, the Queen's almoner, Mr. Toke, are fallen sick, and the Master of the Horse (age 32) complains of his head. Nevertheless, the King is merry, and takes no conceit (?), but heartily recommends him to you, and prays you to [do] as he does. Yesterday the King sent Wolsey [as a] "preservative, manws cresty" (manus Christi), with divers other things.
Hol., p. 1. Sealed and add.
On or before 30 Jun 1528 John Stanley (age 18) died of sweating sickness; probably, the sweating sickness given there was an outbreak at the time. See Letters 1528 1440.
On 30 Jun 1528 William Compton (age 46) died of sweating sickness. His son Peter Compton (age 5) became a ward of Cardinal Thomas Wolsey (age 55).. In his will he left Anne Stafford Countess Huntingdon (age 45) a life interest in property in Leicestershire and founded a chantry where prayers would be said daily for her soul.
Letters and Papers 1528. 30 Jun 1528. 4440. The young lady (age 27) is still with her father. The King (age 37) keeps moving about for fear of the plague. Many of his people have died of it in three or four hours. of those you know there are only Poowits (deceased), Carey (deceased) and Cotton (age 46) dead; but Feuguillem, the marquis [Dorset] (age 51), my Lord William, Bron (Brown), Careu, Bryan [Tuke], who is now of the Chamber, Nourriz (Norris), Walop, Chesney, Quinston (Kingston), Paget, and those of the Chamber generally, all but one, have been or are attacked. Yesterday some of them were said to be dead. The King (age 37) shuts himself up quite alone. It is the same with Wolsey (age 55). After all, those who are not exposed to the air do not die. Of 40,000 attacked in London, only 2,000 are dead; but if a man only put his hand out of bed during twenty-four hours, it becomes as stiff as a pane of glass.
Letters and Papers 1528. 30 Jun 1528. R. O. St. P. I. 304. 4439. Cardinal Thomas Wolsey (age 55) to King Henry VIII of England and Ireland (age 37).
Is glad the King has escaped the plague. Has just heard of the death of Sir William Compton (age 46), and advises the King to stay the distribution of his offices for a time. Is sorry to be so far away from the King, but will at any time attend him with one servant and a page to do service in the King's chamber. Hampton Court [Map], 30 June. Signed.
Letters and Papers 1528. 30 Jun 1528. R. O. St. P. I. 303. 4438. Hennege to Cardinal Thomas Wolsey (age 55).
The King (age 37) begs you to be of good comfort, and do as he does. He is sorry that you are so far off, and thinks that if you were at St. Alban's [Map] you might every hour hear the one of the other, and his physicians attend upon you, should anything happen. News is come of the death of Sir William Compton (age 46). Suits are made for his offices, and the King wishes to have a bill of them. All are in good health at the Court, and they that sickened on Sunday night are recovered. The King (age 37) is merry, and pleased with your "mynone house" here. Tuesday.
P.S.-I will not ask for any of those offices for myself, considering the little time I have been in the King's service. The King sent for Mr. Herytage today, to make a new window in your closet, because it is so little.
Letters and Papers 1528. 30 Jun 1528. 4440. P.S. There have died at Wolsey's house the brother (age 18) of the Earl of Derby (age 19) and a nephew of the Duke of Norfolk (age 55); and the Cardinal has stolen away with a very few people, letting no one know whither he has gone. The King has at last stopped twenty miles from here, at a house built by Wolsey, finding removals useless. I hear he has made his will, and taken the sacraments, for fear of sudden death. However, he is not ill. I have not written this with my own hand, as you do not read it easily when I write hastily.
Letters and Papers 1528. 01 Jul 1528. R. O. 4450. Sir William Sandys (age 58) to Wolsey.
Does not presume to visit the King or Wolsey, as he has had the sweat in his house. Desires to have some of the offices of the late Sir William Compton (deceased). He was steward to Cicester, Malmesbury, and many other religious places. Desires Wolsey would write letters to them, willing them to give the said stewardships to Sandys. At the Vyne, 1 July.
P.S.—Begs some of the offices for his poor brother, who has much chargeable business. Sends a schedule of the vacant places.
Letters and Papers 1528. 02 Jul 1528. R. O. 4453. Richard Broke To Nich. Townesley.
Received his letters dated at Hampton Court, 1 July, requiring him to attend my lord's Grace that day or else tomorrow. Would have done so if he had not been sick of the sweat; from which one of his clerks at London is newly recovered, and another who yesterday wrote divers letters for him fell ill shortly after 12 o'clock at afternoon. All his horses are in Mortlake Park, beside Putneyth. Has ordered his servant, the bearer, to take them out, and get ready his saddles and harness at London that he may ride the circuit. Will be with my Lord whenever his servant brings his horses. Sutton, in Kent, 30 miles from Hampton Court, about midnight before the 2 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Master Nicolas Townesley, clerk. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 02 Jul 1528. Titus, B. I. 320. B. M. 4452. John Mordaunt (age 20) To [Wolsey].
Asks him to obtain him the place of under-treasurer, void by the death of Sir William Compton (deceased), about which he spoke to Wolsey at the last vacancy. Last Lent, at Hampton Court, asked him for Sir Harry Wyat's (age 68) room, but he said he had determined to give it to Tuke, though he answered favorably his request to promote him to some such place. Thanks him for all his kindness. Asks his acceptance of 500 marks for the college at Oxford. Will give £100 to the King, if Wolsey pleases, "for his gracious goodness to be showed to me therein."
Asks for the wardship of one of the sisters of the late Mr. Browghton, for his younger sons, as their lands lie in Bradford, in which Mordaunt dwells. Will give £200 more than any other will give. Cannot pay ready money, owing to his expence in buying the heir of Sir Richard Fitzlewes (age 73) and in marrying his daughters, but he will give Wolsey a manor or two instead. Would have attended on Wolsey in person, but dares not presume to do so, in consequence of the sickness. When he first heard the premises, was busy in viewing the King's forest of Rockingham, where the King suffers daily great loss. His servant, the bearer, will attend on Wolsey daily to know his pleasure. 2 July.
Asks him to burn this letter.
Hol., pp. 2.
Letters and Papers 1528. 04 Jul 1528. R. O. 4464. Clerk And Taylor To Wolsey.
Wrote on the 1st. Hear that the lanceknights have not gone to Genoa, but are at Lodi. The King is hunting at Fontainebleau, and will stay there all this month. My Lady is at St. Germain's; the Council at Paris. Much rain has fallen, and destroyed the corn and the vines. It is to be feared that a universal decay and dearth will prevail through the whole of France. We are told the plague is very bad in England. Paris, 4 July. Signed.
Letters and Papers 1528. 05 Jul 1528. R. O. St. P. I. 308. 4467. Hennege To Wolsey.
When the King was advertised this morning that you intended to visit him, he begged you to defer your coming till the times are more propitious. He is glad to be so nigh to you, and is well contented with the air and site of this your place. He wishes general processions to be made through the realm for good weather and for the plague. Tittenhanger [Map], Sunday. Signed. Add. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 07 Jul 1528. R. O. St. P. I. 310. 4476. Dr. Bell To Wolsey.
In consequence of the notice from Cooksey, under-sheriff of Worcestershire, of the state of the shire, left destitute by Compton's (deceased) death, the King desires you will direct a commission to Sir Edward Feres (or Ferrers), of Warwickshire, "for the finishing of this present year," unless you know of any more suitable person. He will make a further arrangement at your next repairing here. He desires you, by virtue of your legatine prerogative, to bestow the vicarage of Thaxted on his chaplain, Mr. Wilson, and the prebend in the college of Tamworth on his chaplain, Dr. Dyngle, vacant by resignation of his chaplain, Mr. Stapulles, for whose preferment he thanks you; and that the small benefice held by Forest, servant to the duke of Richmond, named Covyngton, in Huntingdonshire, be also given to Dyngle. He wishes the high stewardship of Salisbury to be given to his servant, Sir Edward Baynton. He desires the rest of Compton's offices to be stayed; among others, the office of Furnesse, which he intends for Mr. Treasurer (Fitzwilliam) and Mr. Chancellor of the Duchy (More), as joint patentees. He orders me to tell you that himself, the Queen, and all others here are well, and the plague so far ceased that none have had the sweat these three days, except Mr. Butt. He is very desirous for your health, and that you will put aside all fear and phantasies, make as merry as you can, put apart all cares for the time, and commit all to God. Though he commends your virtuous and religious disposition, yet he ofttimes wishes your Grace's heart were as good as his is. He desires to have an answer to my former letter to you, concerning the election at Wilton. Tittenhanger [Map], St. Thomas's Day.
Letters and Papers 1528. 07 Jul 1528. Love Letters XIII. 4477. Henry VIII (age 37) to Anne Boleyn (age 27).
Since her last, Walter Welshe, Master Browne, Thomas Care, Yrion of Brearton, John Coke the potecary, are fallen of the sweat in this house, and, thank God, have all recovered, so the plague has not yet quite ceased here. The rest of us are well, and I hope will pass it. As for the matter of Wylton, my Lord Cardinal has had the nuns before him, and examined them in presence of Master Bell, who assures me that she whom we would have had abbess has confessed herself to have had two children by two different priests, and has since been kept, not long ago, by a servant of Lord Broke that was. "Wherefore I would not, for all the gold in the world, cloak your conscience nor mine to make her ruler of a house which is of so ungodly demeanour; nor I trust you would not that neither for brother nor sister I should so distayne mine honor or conscience. And as touching the prioress or dame Ellenor's eldest sister, though there is not any evident case proved against them, and the prioress is so old that of many years she could not be as she was named, yet notwithstanding, to do you pleasure, I have done that nother of them shall have it, but that some other good and well-disposed woman shall have it, whereby the house shall be the better reformed, whereof I ensure you it hath much need, and God much the better served. As touching your abode at Hever [Map], do therein as best shall like you, for you know best what air doth best with you; but I would it were come thereto, if it pleased God, that nother of us need care for that, for I ensure you I think it long. Suche (Zouch) is fallen sick of the sweat, and therefore I send you this bearer because I think you long to hear tidings from us, as we do in likewise from you.".
Letters and Papers 1528. 07 Jul 1528. Otho, C. X. 218. 4480. B. M. Burnet, I. 104. 4480. Anne Boleyn (age 27) to Wolsey.
In most humble wise that my poor heart can think, I thank your Grace for your kind letter and rich present, which I shall never be able to deserve without your help; "of the which I have hitherto had so great plenty that all the days of my life I am most bound, of all creatures, next the King's grace, to love and serve your Grace." I beseech you never to doubt that I shall ever vary from this thought while breath is in my body. As to your Grace's trouble with the sweat, I thank God those that I desired and prayed for have escaped,—namely, the King and you. I much desire the coming of the Legate, and, if it be God's pleasure, I pray Him to bring this matter shortly to a good end, when I trust partly to recompense your pains.
Letters and Papers 1528. 09 Jul 1528. R. O. St. P. I. 312. 4486. Hennege (age 48) to Wolsey.
I delivered the King your letters, for which he thanks you, especially for the good news out of Italy from Dr. Stevyns. He has heard that my Lady Marquese of Exeter (age 25) is sick of the sweat, and he will therefore remove upon Saturday to Ampthill [Map]. He has ordered all who were in the Marquis's company to depart. He is glad you have made your will, "and ordered yourself anenst God," as he has done. He intends to send his will to you, by which you will perceive his hearty mind towards you above all men living. By the death of one of his chapel, divers gifts have fallen, which he desires may be stayed until you have further knowledge of his pleasure. "Also he desireth your Grace that he may hear every second day from you how you do; for I assure you every morning, as soon as he cometh from the Queen, he asketh whether I hear anything from your Grace." He has told Herytage what alterations he desires here. Tittenhanger [Map], 9 July.
Letters and Papers 1528. 10 Jul 1528. R. O. 4489. Tunstal, Bishop of London (age 54), to Wolsey.
Master Staples, the King's chaplain, has been put in possession of the hospital, after election, confirmation, &c., in accordance with Wolsey's letter and the King's pleasure signified to Tunstal (age 54) before his departure from Greenwich. Dares not come to Wolsey, though he is anxious to see him, as nearly all his servants are troubled with the sweat. Had 13 of them sick at once, on St. Thomas's Day. I pray Jesu keep the King and your Grace from it! Has caused general procession to be made, and prayers offered for its cessation. Fulham, 10 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 10 Jul 1528. R. O. 4493. Sir Rob. Wingfield (age 64) to Tuke.
Wrote at 4 in the morning, and sent a letter received yesterday from a spy. Was informed by the scourer of the West Pale that, notwithstanding the great storm, the inhabitants were driving their cattle to the Marches, and conveying their goods to Guisnes and to this town, by reason of a report that war should be proclaimed between England and France, at Boulogne, at 7. Sent out horsemen to inquire the grounds of it, and comfort the people, assuring them they had nothing to fear. A man has come from Abbeville, who said that upon Wednesday morning, at the opening of the gate, the peasants came and said with a loud voice that the Burgundians had broken the truce, and the Emperor refused to ratify it with England on that account. All this has arisen from the taking of prisoners at St. Omer's. Sends his spy's letter in proof. This morning 20 horsemen armed came from Boulogne to Guisnes, conveying a prisoner, who had been taken by the Burgundians and escaped; and if the writer had not sent horsemen, the inhabitants would have removed their goods and chattels. Four more are dead of the plague. One of the men was of the number of the two sent by my lord of Bath from Paris, named Denham, "a personage of goodly fashion, and marvellously well learned, both in Latin and Greek, but was also right excellent in musical instruments." The other was the keeper of the water-house, excellent in the science of geometry. Both of them were in good health yester even when they went to their beds. Calais, 10 July 1528.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.: "Second."
Letters and Papers 1528. 10 Jul 1528. R. O. 4492. Sir Rob. Wingfield (age 64) To Tuke.
Wrote on the 8th, sending a letter from one of his spies. Sends him another of the same, showing that the people of these parts were more afeared than needed. The French merchants taken at St. Omer's were released within 24 hours. Calais, 10 July 1528, at 4 in the morning.
P.S.—The sweat has arrived, and has attacked many. Two only are dead: one, a gentleman of Lancashire, named Syngilton, "who was toward the religion of the Rhodes," the other a fisherman.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.: "First."
Letters and Papers 1528. 11 Jul 1528. R. O. St. P. I. 315. 4497. HENNAGE to WOLSEY.
Received your letter this morning at 4, and showed it to the King as soon as he was up. His Highness is glad to hear of your health, and recommends you, as the plague is near, to remove to Anworth, thence to Dicton, and so to Easthampstead. He is not best content with the election of the abbess of Wilton, as you will learn by Dr. Bell's letters, for of all women he would not have had her, nor Caryys eldest sister. He has showed Mr. Herytage such buildings as he desires at Tittenhanger [Map], and is sorry for the death of Mr. Redman, his mason. 11 July. Signed and sealed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 11 Jul 1528. R. O. 4501. Sir Edward Guldeford (age 54) to Wolsey.
On Sunday last, 5 July, Roger Horne, of Kenerton, and John Bell, of Apuldre, came to me at Hallden, and showed me the lewd sayings of Sir John Crake, parish priest of Brensett in Romney Marsh. Sends a bill of it. Has committed the priest to Maidstone gaol until Wolsey's pleasure be known, as it was not meet to trouble him with strangers in the time of this plague. Has been ill of it himself. Would be glad to have one of the late Sir Wm. Compton's (deceased) offices. Hallden, 11 July. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 14 Jul 1528. Titus, B. XI. 356. B. M. 4510. Brian Tuke to Peter Vannes.
much consoled by Vannes' last letters, showing my Lord's great goodness to him.
His wife has "passed the sweat," but is very weak, and is broken out about the mouth and other places. Tuke "puts away the sweat" from himself nightly, though other people think they would kill themselves thereby. Has done this during the last sweat and this, feeling sure that as long as he is not first sick, the sweat is rather provoked by disposition of the time and by keeping men close than by any infection. Thousands have it from fear, who need not else sweat, especially if they observe good diet. When a man is not sick, there is no fear of putting away the sweat, in the beginning, "and before a man's grease be with hot keeping molten." Surely after the grease is heated, it must be more dangerous for a man to take cold than for a horse, which dies in such a case. His belief that the sweat in men who are not sick "proceeds much of men's opinion," is confirmed by the fact that it is prevalent nowhere but in the King's dominion. In France and Flanders it is called the king of England's sickness, and is not thought much of there. It does not go to Gravelines when it is at Calais, though people go from one to the other. It has only been brought from London to other parts by report; for when a whole man comes from London, and talks of the sweat, the same night all the town is full of it, and thus it spreads as the fame runs. It came in this way from Sussex to London, and 1,000 fell ill in a night after the news was spread. "Children also, lacking this opinion, have it not," unless their mothers kill them by keeping them too hot if they see them sweat a little.
Does not deny that there is an infection, which he takes to be "rather a kind of a pestilence than otherwise, and that the moisture of years past hath so altered the nature both of our meats and bodies to moist humours, as disposeth us to sweat." Does not think that every man who sweats is infected, and believes that the disposition to sweat may be, by good governance, relieved. Wishes him to show this to my lord's Grace, to satisfy his mind. Dr. Bartlot, his physician, cannot deny this.
The infection is greatly to be feared and avoided, which cannot be, if men meet together in great companies in infect airs and places.
Wishes him to exhort Wolsey not to run any danger. Was sorry to see by Vannes' letters that he was doing so much with so small assistance. Can do nothing to assist him, now that his house is thus visited, and he himself is in extreme perplexity, and soon cast down by the least transgression of his diet. If he were with Wolsey, would be more likely to bring danger and trouble than do any good. Has not strength to write much or study. Writes this at his waking after midnight, fearing to be still for the sweat, with an aching and troubled head.
Remembering that, as Vannes wrote, Wolsey said that Ireland was in great danger if speedy order were not taken, sends the following news. The prior of Kilmainham, who lies within three miles of Tuke, has been with him twice or thrice. He thinks that the best thing to be done until the King and Wolsey take other order is that some fit man, as James Butler, son of my lord of Ossory, "be subrogate in the lieu of the deputy prisoner," and that raids be made to destroy the corn of the wild Irish, which is the chief punishment of the rebels. The neglect of doing this encourages and enables them to offend the English. He thinks nothing would be necessary but the King's letters to whomever it pleases him to entrust the affair to, and to the Council, to assist and to do anything else beneficial. Will draw up any minutes needed, if Vannes will send instructions, but he does not wish to come to Wolsey, considering the precarious state of his health.
Encloses letters from the deputy of Calais. Portgore, 14 July 1528.
Hol., pp.5. Add. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 16 Jul 1528. R.O. 4522. The Abbot Of Furness to Wolsey.
Received on the 14th his letter dated 2 July, blaming his negligence in delaying to answer Wolsey's first letters; requiring also a grant of the stewardship of their monastery, duly sealed, to be sent by the bearer. According to his promise, was coming to Wolsey by the space of forty miles and more, when he heard of the plague and the adjournment of the term. Since his return, he and the monastery have made a grant of the stewardship to the earl of Derby; but as a former grant was delivered to the late Earl by the pretensed abbot, John Dalton, they desire to have it returned, and will deliver the Earl a substantial one in the place of it. Furness, 16 July. Signed.
P.1. Add. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 18 Jul 1528. R.O. St. P.I.314. 4528. Thomas Benet, Priest, to Wolsey.
Repaired to Wilton [Map], and used every effort to bring over the nuns to Wolsey's wishes. Found them untoward, and put three or four of the captains of them in ward. Has closed up the doors, that none might have access to the nunnery. Found only the new elect and her sisters compliant. As they are now visited by the plague, and much straitened in their lodging by the burning of their dormitory, thought it best to advertise Wolsey before taking further proceedings. Wilton, 18 July.
Hol., p.1. Add. Sealed. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 21 Jul 1528. Le Grand, III. 150. 4542. Du Bellay To Montmorency.
Has informed Wolsey, by long letters directed to Vannes, of the contents of Francis's letters of the 9th and 13th. He is very glad of the news from Naples, and from Italy generally. The point of all my letters, Sir, is the contribution. The first time I sent to him he determined that it should commence in the middle of June. I applied to him again, and I think if I can speak to him tomorrow I shall gain my purpose, for he has consented that I shall go to the village of Hampton Court, when he will consider whether I shall speak by trumpet or by myself. I will do what I can about the advance of money, for I have not had a word yet in answer; but you must know the Angelots are worth here 69 sous, and I think they will deliver them to you for the weight, for they have no other money except these escus à la couronne, which are still worse. Let me know how to remit, or send a man to receive them. If you desire it I will try and get Wolsey to send the money to Calais free of cost.
The danger in this country begins to diminish hereabouts, and to increase elsewhere. In Kent it is very great. Mademoiselle de Boulan (age 27) and her father (age 51) have sweated, but have got over it. The day I sweated at my lord of Canterbury's there died 18 persons in four hours, and hardly anybody escaped but myself, who am not yet quite strong again. The King has gone further off than he was, uses great precautions, confesses himself every day, and receives Our Lord at every Feast. So also the Queen (age 42), who is with him, and Wolsey for his part. The notaries have had a fine time of it. I think 100,000 wills have been made off-hand, for those who were dying became quite foolish the moment they fell ill. The astrologers say this will not turn into a plague, but I think they dream. Has no doubt the King and Wolsey will be gratified with Francis's condolences on this visitation.
I have determined to send off this despatch, not to keep you in suspense till I have seen the Legate; but till next voyage I do not mean to put hand to pen (n'ay voulu mectre la main à la plume), that I may not cause suspicion to any one; for this is a regular pestilence (n'est que belle peste), and the moment a man is dead "il en devient tout couvert sur le corps1."
Thanks for remittances, &c. I am quite content to stay here, or even in Turkey, if the interests of Francis require it, and to spend all my goods if need be. All I have is but 4,000 livres of rent, and the expence being here so great, you will have to provide for the excess after I and my friends have done what we can. If I were as rich as some other bishops, or were I at a place of small expence like Venice, you should hear no complaint from me. London, 21 July.
Fr. Add.
Note 1. he becomes all covered on his body.
Letters and Papers 1528. 21 Jul 1528. R. O. 4538. Hennege To Wolsey.
I have this day put the King in remembrance of the letter of his own hand, which he said he would write, but he complains of his head, and therefore is not disposed to write at present. Tomorrow he intends to go to Grafton, to stay the Thursday, and return on the Friday. I will get him to write without fail, when I can. I beseech you continue gracious to my poor brother the archdeacon of Oxford, for whom I thank you. Ampthill, 21 July. Signed.
P.S.—There is no news here. The King is well, saving his head. My Lady Rocheford (age 23) and Mrs. Anne (age 27) cometh this week to the Court. My lord Rocheford (age 25) was to have come, but because of the sweat he remains at home.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 22 Jul 1528. R. O. 4546. Hennege to Wolsey.
This day I received your letter, with one to the chapter of Lincoln, in favor of my brother, the archdeacon of Oxford, for the deanery of Lincoln; which, without your aid, had not taken effect. As the plague is at Grafton [Map], the King will not go there. As for your wish that Wilson should have some promotion, the King is in doubt whether he shall give the archdeaconry of Oxford to Mr. Wilson or Dr. Bell. The King cannot write, in consequence of his head, and begs you will send him the presentation of the prebend of Ripon, as you promised him. The vicarage you gave to Dr. Wilson was resigned to Dr. Daycots for a pension five years ago. The King wishes you to dispatch the earl of Angus's servant. He will not fail to send you "these letters of Ireland" in two or three days, but his head is not the best, or he would have dispatched them now. He desires you to be good lord to his barber Penne, for the daughter and ward unto your Grace, of one Chevall, within the liberties of St. Alban's, for his money. It is not in value above £12 a year, her father hath tangled it so, and laid it to mortgage for £60. Cade can inform you of the truth. Ampthill [Map], 22 July, about 7 in the afternoon. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add. Endd. Wolsey has written at the back "intangellyd."
Letters and Papers 1528. 22 Jul 1528. R. O. 4547. Magnus to Wolsey.
The King has written to my lord of Richmond for two stewardships in the Duke's gift by the death of Sir William Compton (deceased);—the one of Canforde and Corffe, and my Lord's lands in Dorsetshire, fee 100s.; the other of my Lord's lands in Somersetshire, fee £6 13s. 4d.;—which he wishes given to Sir Giles Strangwisshe (age 42) and Sir Edw. Seymour (age 28). The King's letters mention only the first office, which cannot well be given to two persons. Sir Edw. Seymour (age 28) writes that both are intended for him. My Lord, however, had already given the stewardship of Canford and Corffe to Sir Will. Parre (age 45), his chamberlain, and of the Somersetshire lands to Geo. Cotton (age 23). Encloses copy of my Lord's letter. The sweating sickness is bad in these parts, and has carried off two of Mr. Holgill's company, the surveyor of Wolsey's lands, who was at Beverley. The Duke (age 9) has removed hither from Pontefract. Sheriff Hutton [Map], 22 July. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: To my lord Legate. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 27 Jul 1528. R. O. 4560. John Chekyng To Cromwell.
His son Gregory (age 8) is not now at Cambridge, but in the country, where he works and plays alternately. He is rather slow, but diligent. He had been badly tutored, and could hardly conjugate three verbs when committed to Chekyng's care, though he repeated the rules by rote. If this is Palgrave's style of teaching, does not believe he will ever make a scholar. Will have to unteach him nearly all he has learned. He is now studying the things most conducive to the reading of authors, and spends the rest of the day in forming letters. The plague, happily, is abating. Pembroke Hall, 27 July.
Hol., Lat., pp. 2. Add.: Clarissimo viro et domino suo optimo, D. Crumwello in ædibus Remi (Wolsey). Ex Cantabrigia.
Letters and Papers 1528. 06 Aug 1528. R. O. 4610. Pasqual Spinula to Wolsey.
Was unwilling to wait upon him during the prevalence of the sickness, to explain to him the loss of his alum, which had been sequestrated and sold, and the papal briefs he has received on the subject. Now that matters are quiet, begs that Wolsey will take his case into consideration. London, 6 Aug. 1528. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 14 Aug 1528. R. O. 4633. The Sweating Sickness.
Number of the persons who died with the plague, or otherwise, in the city of London, from 5 to 12 Aug. Also, of the parishes clear from the infection.
ii. Similar list for the 14th Aug.
Pp. 10. Endd.: "So appeareth there be dead within the city of London, of the plague and otherwise, from the 6th day of this month of August to the 14th day, which be 8 days complete, the full number of 152 persons. And this day se'night your mastership shall be certified of the number that shall chance to depart in the meantime. Yours, as I am bound, John Champeneys."
Letters and Papers 1528. 31 Aug 1528. R. O. 4679. Clerk and Tayler to Wolsey.
Yesterday Francis sent us word of the death of Lautrec, and wishes us to be at court today, to prevent the inconveniences that are likely to follow. Spoke with him after dinner, with the ambassadors of Venice, Milan and Florence. His Majesty told us he had heard from the Marquis of Saluce that Lautrec died of the plague, after 24 hours' sickness. Francis greatly regrets his loss. He has ordered his captains to pay obedience to Saluce, who thinks he shall be able to take Naples. In that town there are not more than 5,000 or 6,000 foot and 300 horse, and in Lautrec's camp 10,000 foot and no horse. When we marvelled, he assured us there were not 80 horses in the camp. Francis also assured us that St. Poull should march forwards to Naples, as if that should keep Naples from rebellion. Their affairs are in some disorder. He has written to the Florentines for reinforcements, and sent Morette with ships from Marseilles. The French army in Normandy has been much beaten by weather, and he reckons it of little account. At this time of the year he thinks that Andrea Doria can do little hurt. The Venetians wish to detain part of St. Poull's army. No resolution was come to at their conference. St. Germain's, 31 Aug. Signed.
P.S. in Clerk's hand.—The Cardinal leaves Lyons today or tomorrow. "I have borrowed for him of the Pope's legate a fair well-trimmed and furnished mule, and four carriage mules; the which, with 20 horses of mine own, and four carriage mules also of mine own, and 10 horses of the Master of the Rolls, I shall send forwards tomorrow towards Orleans." St. Germain's, 31 Aug.
Letters and Papers 1528. 25 Sep 1528. Cleop. F. VI. 343. B. M. 4772. Tunstal To [Wolsey].
Intended to have come to Wolsey today to inform him what he had done in his progress in the diocese of London, but will not do so, as a servant of his has fallen ill, it is feared, of the great sickness. Has summoned all the clergy of his diocese, and taken their oaths as to their substance and has taken the valuation of the benefices of men who are not resident in the diocese. Has deputed collectors in every deanery for levying the King's loan. In London, the collector has paid Mr. Wiat 450l., and is collecting the rest. In the country they are likewise busy, but many of them write that few of the priests can pay ready money till after Michaelmas, when they have thrashed and sold their tithe corn; and, as the loan touches every man, none will lend money. Has taken the substance of many persons and monasteries which were excepted by a bill in his first instructions. As to those of whom he discovered that the King's demand by his letters was under the fourth part, has put the residue of the said fourth part in the collector's books, to be levied by them. In the case of some monasteries, he does not know for what the King has written, for the bill of exceptions does not always mention the sum. The abbots of St. Osythes and Bylegh, and the lady abbess of Barkyng, have received no letters, though he knows that letters were ordered to be sent to them. They have given him bills, by which it appears that the fourth part of the lands of St. Osythes amounts to 150l.; of Barking, to 155l. 2s. 4d.; and of Bylegh, to 49l. 10s.
Advises Wolsey to send letters to them for these sums, deducting what has been paid in accordance with former letters. Could not put these sums in the collector's books, not knowing for what the King had written. Will call upon the collectors to bring up the money as soon as levied. London, 25 Sept. Signed.
Pp. 2.
Letters and Papers 1528. 27 Sep 1528. R. O. 4782. SIR EDWARD GULDEFORD to WOLSEY.
Has sent to Calais four passengers (ships) for transporting cardinal Campeggio. Among the others "the Peter Baily, for his own person, which is the ship that your Grace hath passed in divers times, and hath a bed in her, and the cabin, appareled after the best fashion." Wishes to know whether the charge is to be at the King or Wolsey's cost. The Legate cannot stay more than one night at Dovor, as it is infected with the sickness, and as the priory is in that quarter of the town, has appointed the bailiff's house for the reception of the Legate. The town is prepared. Dovor, Sunday, 27 Sept. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 28 Sep 1528. Cal. B. I. 84. B. M. 4790. Henry Earl Of Cumberland (age 35) to Wolsey.
Reminds him that he was appointed by the King last term to settle the differences that arose between himself and lord Dacres (age 35) touching his office of warden of the West Marches. The term being adjourned in consequence of the sweating sickness, he received a summons for this next term; but, fearing that Dacres would ill treat the King's tenants in these parts, he procured a letter from the King to Dacres, commanding him not to interfere1; nevertheless, Dacres sends bailiffs, with from 10 to 400 persons, to cut down their corn, has imprisoned some of the tenants in the castle of Naward, and would show no authority for so doing. Would have been glad to defend the tenants, but it seemed to touch the honesty of himself and his brother Sir Thos. Clifford. Obtained letters from the duke of Richmond (age 9) to Dacres (age 35), commanding him in the King's name to desist, but to no purpose. A sessions of peace was appointed by warrant addressed to Sir Edw. Musgrave, the sheriff, in the names of Sir Thos. Clifford, Sir Christ. Dacre, Sir John Lowther, and Geoffrey Lancaster, justices; but Dacres wrote to the sheriff, commanding him to repair to Naward castle for the King's affairs, so that he should be absent on the day appointed, and also kept the said Geoffrey, justice of the quorum and custos rotulorum of the county, at the said castle, as appears by Lancaster's letters to Sir Thos. Clifford, the bearer of this. Begs Wolsey not to give credit to evil reports against him. Will be with him at the beginning of next term. Carleton, 28 Sept. Signed.
Pp. 5. Add.: "To my lord Legat." Endd.
Note 1. See 26 Jun 1528.
Letters and Papers 1528. 31 Oct 1528. R. O. 4891. Henry Duke Of Richmond (age 9) To Henry VIII.
Has passed this last summer without any peril of the rageous sweat that hath reigned in these parts. Thanks the King for the preservatives he sent. There are now with him my lord of Westmoreland (age 30) and his wife (age 29), and their son lord Nevell. Sheriff Hutton [Map].
Hol., p. 1. Add.
Letters and Papers 1528. 08 Nov 1528. R. O. 4916. John Chekyng to Cromwell.
Various reports were spread here about Cromwell, which he is glad proved false. Gregory (age 8) is well, et reliqui tui have now got cloaks to shield them from the cold. They have also a blazing fire to keep them comfortable. Little Gregory is becoming great in letters. Christopher (fn. 7) does not require much stirring up. Acknowledges a bundle of cloth received yesterday from Cromwell. Pembroke Hall, 8 Nov.
P.S.—The plague which sent us into the country has nearly consumed our money.
Hol., Lat., p. 1. Add.: Suorum studiorum nequaquam vulgari patrono, D. Thomæ Crumwello, viro ut claro ita multis nominibus inclyto. Ex Cantabrigia.
Letters and Papers 1528. 28 June. R. O. 4428. J. RUSSELL to WOLSEY.
Since the King's coming to Tittenhanger [Map] he has been very well, and merrier than he was since his departure from Greenwich. He likes your house very well; "and where he was to fore in great fear and trouble for this plague, and that he left some of his chamber in every place where he went, and as this night, thanked be God, there was none sick, whereof his Majesty is very well recomforted. I would not for all the good in England but that he had come to your Grace's house; and this day he has received the good Lord, and so has the more part that be about him, and he rejoices much that he has done so, and says that he is armed towards God and the world." He has eaten more meat today than he did three days before. When he heard you were coming hither, he was sorry that you should come in the "efexseon" (infection), especially as there is no lodging for you. Tittenhanger [Map], 28 June.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1528. 21 Aug. 4656. If he arrive at Paris before the Cardinal, he is to visit the bishop of Bath and Master of the Rolls, and go with them to the French king, to whom he shall deliver letters from the King and Wolsey, thanking him in both their names "that it would please the same to send a gentleman of his privy chamber hither into England to see, know and understand of the prosperous estate and health of them both; which (lauds be given unto God!) have escaped the great and furious danger of the pestilent plague of sweat lately visiting the realm of England; which plague at this day is well assuaged, and little or nothing heard thereof in any place."
Letters and Papers 1528. 21 Jun 1528. Vesp. C. IV. 237. B. M. St. P. I. 293. 4404. Brian Tuke to Cardinal Thomas Wolsey (age 55).
According to the purpose he expressed in his last letter to Wolsey, sent to Mr. Treasurer (age 38) to know if he should repair to the King. His messenger found Mr. Treasurer (age 38) sick of the sweat at Waltham [Map], and the King (age 36) removed to Hunsdon [Map], whither he followed him, and delivered him Wolsey's letters to the Bishop of London and Tuke, Tuke's to the Bishop, his answer and Tuke's to the Treasurer. The King asked the messenger what disease Tuke had. The messenger told him wrong; and the King bade Tuke come, though he had to ride in a litter, offering to send him one. Rode thither on his mule at a foot pace, with marvellous pain; for on my faith I void blood per virgam. Arrived yesterday afternoon. The King seemed to be satisfied in the matter of the truce, for which he said he at first sent for him, but now he must put him to other business, saying secretly that it was to write his will, which he has lately reformed.
As to the truce, he said the Spaniards had a great advantage in the liberty to go to Flanders, but the English had not like liberty to repair to Spain; and he also complains that my Lady Margaret is not bound to make restitution for injuries done by Spaniards out of the property of other Spaniards in Flanders. Answered that the liberty to go to Flanders was beneficial to England, which would thus obtain oil and other Spanish merchandise; and, besides, English cloths, which would have been sent to Spain, can now be sent to Flanders. Showed him also the advantage that French or English men-of-war might have, in doing any exploits beyond the French havens; for directly they have returned to safety on this side the Spanish havens, the Spaniards are without remedy, as all hostilities must cease in the seas on this side.
Told him how glad the French ambassadors were when Wolsey, with marvellous policy, brought the secretaries to that point. Assured him "it was tikle medeling with them, seeing how little my Lady Margaret's council esteemed the truce," by which the French were enabled to strengthen themselves in Italy, and their cost in the Low Countries was lost. The King doubted whether the Spaniards would be bound by my Lady Margaret's treaty. Told him she had bound herself that the Emperor should ratify it, and that she would recompence goods taken by Spaniards; adding that if this order had not been taken by Wolsey, the King's subjects passing to Flanders, Iceland, Denmark, Bordeaux, &c. would have been in continual danger of capture. "His highness, not willing to make great replication, said, a little army might have served for keeping of the seas against the Spaniards; and I said, that his army royal, furnished as largely as ever it was, could not save his subjects from many great harms in the length between Spain and Iceland."
The King, being then about to sit down to supper, bid Tuke to rest that night at a gentleman's place near at hand, and return to him this day, when he would speak with him about the other secret matter of his will. "And so, willing to have rewarded me with a dish, if I had not said that I eat no fish," took his leave, and departed two miles to the lodging. On his return this morning, found the King going into the garden, who, after his return, heard three masses, and then called Tuke to the chamber in which he supped apart last night. After speaking of the advantages of this house, and its wholesome air at this time of sickness, the King delivered to him "the book of his said will in many points reformed, wherein his Grace riped me," and appointed Tuke a chamber here, under his privy chamber, bidding him send for his stuff, and go in hand with his business. Expects, therefore, to be here five or six days at least, though he has only a bed that he brought on horseback, ready to lay down anywhere. Must borrow stuff meanwhile, and is disappointed of the physic which he had ordered at his house in Essex, whither he sent a physician to stay with him for a time, promising him a mark a day, horse meat and man's meat. Must bid him return till he has leave to depart, when he begs Wolsey to let him attend on his physician for eight or ten days; "else I shall utterly, for lack of looking to at this begining, destroy myself for ever." The King is expected to remain here eight or ten days. Hunsdon, Sunday, 21 June 1528.
Letters and Papers 1528. 23 Jun 1528. 4409. When I came to that part of your letter mentioning your counsel to the King for avoiding infection he thanked your Grace, and showed the manner of the infection; how folks were taken; how little danger there was if good order be observed; how few were dead of it; how Mistress Ann (Boleyn) (age 27) and my Lord Rochford (age 25) both have had it; what jeopardy they have been in by the turning in of the sweat before the time; of the endeavor of Mr. Buttes (age 42), who hath been with them in his return; and finally of their perfect recovery. He begs you will keep out of infection, and that you will use small suppers, drink little wine, "namely, that is big," and once in the week use the pills of Rasis; and if it come, to sweat moderately, and at the full time, without suffering it to run in, &c.
Letters and Papers 1529. 20 Jan 1529. R. O. 5191. D. Halnath (?) to the Prior of the Charterhouse, London.
Condoles with him on the great mortality they have sustained by the pestilence, in which they have lost four priests and two lay brethren. Hopes they died devoutly, as he has known divers since he entered the Order, "which hath specially caused me to make this great labor to come to London again." Wrote to the Prior at Michaelmas, by the prior of Shene, to have leave to come to London, or else to Shene, to be professed, or else to be bound by the general chapter. Offered them two years' probation. Thinks the prior of Shene would have taken him, but was prevented by the priors of Hinton and Axholme. If these wishes are not complied with, desires to go to Witham, where several cells are vacant. Would prefer this to being made officer of any house in the North country, as he cannot stand cold, "and aparty Northern men's conditions." Begs the prior and father vicar to make no more labor to make him an officer in a strange house, for they make all the monks envy him, "and when the charter cometh, then I am put in ad ordinis voluntatem, which is a sentence rather of tyranny than of charity." Complains that Spencer wrote untruly. If they will not call him home, begs that he be sent to Shene or else to Witham, or, as a last resource, to Bevall. "I love to be southwards, and I hate bondage." Axholme, 20 Jan. 1528.
Hol., p. 1. Add. With a heading, stating that the letter was written before the prior of Hinton's servant came to Axholme.
Letters and Papers 1529. 04 Jun 1529. 5636. Here we are still wearing our winter clothing, and use fires as if it were January. Never did I witness more inconstant weather. The plague commences to rage vigorously, and there is some fear of the sweating sickness. I am no longer compelled to remain in bed groaning, and therefore I consider myself in good health. London, 4 June 1529.
Ital.
Letters and Papers 1529. 04 Aug 1529. R. O. Ellis, 3 Ser. I. 345. 5825. Gardiner To Wolsey.
Has read his letter to the King, received last night, except the latter part of it concerning the king of Denmark. Since the King's resolve to visit the More he has heard that the sweat has been thereabouts this year. "The only name and view whereof is too terrible and fearful to his Highness' ears that he dare in no wise approach unto the place where it is noised to have been." He will instead visit Tittenhanger;—intends leaving Barnet for that purpose, Saturday se'nnight. As Wolsey will at that time be removing with his company to St. Alban's, the King thinks that Tittenhanger will be large enough for him. Wolsey's letter to Strangwish was well accepted. Waltham, 4 Aug.
Hol. Add. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1529. 18 Sep 1529. 5945. Even if I had not the above occasion to ask for my recall, I should be obliged to press for it for another cause. Since my brother's departure the plague has broken out among my household; and, in spite of repeated changes of lodging, my principal servants being dead, I have been unable to refuse leave to the others to go home, so that I am now quite alone. Considering the intercourse I have already had with people, I am in no great fear, but you may consider yourselves as having no ambassador here at all. Besides, I was told yesterday by the Grand Esquire (Boleyn) (age 52), who is to leave in 15 days, with the dean of the chapel (Stokesley), to go to the Emperor, that he does not think the King his master will let me speak to him for two months. It would be well, therefore, to send over at once him whom I suppose you have already chosen, with an answer to the despatch of my brother, and that he may come in post, and find me here, letting his train come after him, so that I may put him in the way with the King, and perhaps introduce him to some of the Council, if there are matters to discuss; which, however, I do not imagine, considering the assurance Wolsey has again renewed to me. The new ambassador need be in no fear of the plague, for the danger has much diminished, except in this neighbourhood, and I expect in 15 days it will have altogether abated. I have been this morning with the Emperor's ambassador, who has given me as good a reception as I could have asked for. I had previously asked Wolsey's advice about it. If his master conducts himself towards Francis in as honorable a manner as the ambassador promises, it will be well. London, 18 Sept.
P.S.—Enclosed is a memorandum of the sums furnished by this King, which he wishes to have declared in the despatch which he asks for, through my brother; in addition to which there is the part touching the fleur de lis, which they would like put with the others.
Fr. Add.
Letters and Papers 1530. 22 Jun 1530. S. B. 6469. PARLIAMENT.
Authority to Sir Tho. More (age 52), chancellor, Thomas duke of Norfolk (age 57), treasurer, Robert earl of Sussex (age 47), and John bishop of Carlisle to prorogue the Parliament from this present day, Wednesday, to the 1st of October next, on account of the pestilence in London and its suburbs. Del. Westm., 22 June 22 Hen. VIII.
Around 1535 David Owen (age 76) died. Possibly of the sweating sickness since letters of the time refer to sickness and plague. He was buried at St Mary's Church Easebourne Midhurst [Map]. Esses and Roses Collar.
Letters and Papers 1535. 27 Feb 1535. R. O. 275. Sir Edward Wotton (age 45) to Cromwell (age 50).
Remonstrates against Cromwell's urging him by his letters to resign his patent of the stewardship of the abbey of Malling, the King having written to the abbess in favor of master Thomas Wyatt. Cromwell may be as much assured of his heart as Mr. Wyatt, and since the death of his brother-in-law, Sir Henry Guildford, he has always depended on Cromwell's friendship. The grant he obtained under the convent seal was in fulfilment of a promise of the abbess many years past. Would have waited on the King before, but has been lately with his sister Guldeford (age 36) and others, who have been with his cousin, Edward Brown, son of Sir Matthew Brown (age 59), who has died of the common plague. Asks Cromwell to relate the matter to the King. Supposes that when the abbess made the grant to Cromwell she had forgotten her promise to him, for, though he knew from the first of the death of Mr. Fisher, he waited for five or six days before writing to the abbess, thinking that few then would apply for so small an office. On first reading his letter she had forgotten the promise which he claimed as having been made within two years and less after her being made abbess. She was not dissembling in her answers either to the King or Cromwell. No effect can grow in law or conscience of her promise to Cromwell, so long after her promise to him. Begs Cromwell to be good master to her and her poor house. Bocton Malherbe [Map], Saturday, 27 Feb.
Hol., pp. 3. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1535. 12 May 1535. R. O. 708. John Husee to Lady Lisle (age 41).
I received your letter today by Robert Johnson with the quails, which I have delivered, and for which all parties thank you. Mr. Basset is well, and is a great lawyer. Bremelcome has the water imperial, which shall be used according to your writing. As to the plague, Mr. Sulyer and Mr. Danestre will see to him as though he were their own kin. He breaks his fast daily before leaving his chamber. I have delivered him £3 as Bury has not yet come, and he is going to Mr. Danaster these holidays. The "febre" of his taffeta gown has made him a doublet. Of all this I will make plain reckoning at my coming. Today I have sent by John Awgur, master of the Julian of Erith, such vessel and liveries as my Lord wrote for. I hope the spices and wax have arrived, with Mr. James's cloak cloth, which I sent by Drywry. Mr. Wyndham cometh not up before the time, so I ride to him early tomorrow, and will be shortly after at Calais. London, 12 May.
Mr. Marshal1 is at Calais, and sped not to his mind.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
Note 1. Sir Edward Ryngeley.
Letters and Papers 1535. 21 Jul 1535. R. O. 1080. Roland Lee (age 48), Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, to Cromwell.
Thomas Rotheray has the measles. As the plague is in "Merisseis" (the Marches), I hintend to remove, and not go to Court till I know the King's pleasure. Write to the dean of the Chapel with my excuse. Wednesday.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary.
Letters and Papers 1535. 30 Jul 1535. R. O. 1142. Thomas Thacker to Cromwell.
Your household at the Rolls, the Friars Austins, and at Stepneth, are all in good health. Your works at Hackney and at the Friars Austings go well forward. Mr. Williamson, Ric. Lee, Sir John, and I, paid on Saturday 24 July £36 19s. 6½d. at Hackney. Four "parelles" for chimneys at Hackney, containing in all 17 feet, are not yet paid. At Friars Austins we paid £22 15s. 9½d. For Ewhurst, Sir Thomas Grene has fashioned everything till Friday 6 Aug. next. Henry Polsted has delivered me £280 8s. As Gostwick is not in London, Jynken Lloyde, your servant, has left with me £75 16s. 4½d., due by Hugh Vaghan for parcel of the King's rents of the lands late of Rice Griffith. Master Norton, of Kent, has sent you this day 12 "heron shoes," which Mr. Steward has received at the Rolls, as the city of London is sorely infected with the plague. Thomas Pykeryng says he has "inned" you 100 load of good hay, and you shall yet have 60 load or more at Nasyngbury. The Rolls, 30 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary.
Letters and Papers 1535. 24 Aug 1535. R. O. 172. Thomas Broke to Cromwell.
I was at the Rolls, as you desired, on Bartholomew Even, at the payment of Geo. Robynson concerning the matter of Mr. Dudley. After paying the money to him, and delivering his acquittance to Henry Polsted, I reminded him how small in value of his goods he assessed himself to the King; "which to him was nothing pleasant." As to your building at Austin Friars, the frame which was set up last year will be fully finished within these 14 days. The main frame on the street side is fully set up. They are now laying the gutters, and in three weeks they trust it shall be covered with tile. I have viewed your house at Hackney. The kitchen is finished, except the paving. The wet and dry larders, and the filling of the pool in the garden, are well forward. I have seen Master Richard's house at Stepney. He and his folks are well and anxious for your return, "and, according to Mr. Richard's commandment, I sweetly kissed Mastres Beatrice his maid four or five times for failing." Your household at the Rolls are in good health, and will be glad of your return if the plague and sickness cease. By report there was much more death in London before my coming home than since. I thank the King for his goodness when I was last with him. I desire remembrances to my friends of the Privy Chamber, especially to Norris, Henneage, Russell, Long, my fellow Mewtas, Mr. Controller, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, Baynton, Coffyn, and Uvedale. London, St. Bartholomew's Day. "By your true and faithful friend and fellow, Thomas Broke."
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1535. 03 Sep 1535. R. O. 259. John Wylliamson to Cromwell.
On the 2nd inst. I received your letter of the 31st Aug. by Mr. Vaghan, and according to your commandment have paid him £42 15s. 8d. My mother with all your household are well. I fear your house at Hackney will not be ready in 18 days as I wrote, because of the alterations. You will have as pleasant a place as shall be a great way about London. For your place by Friars Austins, towards the street, the kitchen and scullery are raised, the gutters leaded, the roof is lathing and tiling. From the kitchen towards the Friars, the offices are rising as fast as may be. The brick work, with the windows of freestone in your hall, are ready to lay on the floor of the hall. On Saturday, the 4th inst., there will be a great pay at Hackney, Frere Austins, and at Ewhurst. Thomas Thacker says he has no money, and I dare not deliver any without knowing your pleasure, though I consider the scarcity of victuals, the poverty of the workmen, and that without your payment every 14 days they would have no food. I have delivered to Thacker, for buildings and emptions, and the charges of your household, £140, taking his bill for the same. Richard Lee, Maxwell, and I, rest not from setting forth your works at Hackney and elsewhere. The plague rages in the city, but not so much as is spoken of. Friars' Austins, 3 Sept. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1535. 09 Sep 1535. R. O. 312. The Fellows of Magdalene College, Oxford, to Cromwell.
We have received the good and wholesome device directed to us by the King for the reformation of study, and cannot thank you sufficiently for setting it forward. Whereas our youth were heretofore brought up very corruptly for lack of the Greek tongue, and were so blindly instructed in the principles of logic that they could not tell whereabout they went when they learned, or what profit they got by it; after a great loss of time now they have that way and order prescribed to them, that in a few years this town, that hath hitherto been rejected as a place that maintained no learning nor profited the public weal shall be able to bring forth those that shall serve the Prince and the community. Although, in consequence of the labor of certain others that have always been led in this ignorance, and will see no better way, your commissioners have suspended some of these articles until the statutes be examined, we, who are the greater part, desire you not to give ear to sinistral information, for there is nothing in our statutes prohibiting these ordinances, but what allows "a lecture of Greek to be read to the company as the abolishment of their sophistry, Duns, and such like stuff, you so appointing who knoweth what you do in this thing better than they the contrary that would stop it." Although our college is well provided with lectures, it can provide a competent stipend for a Greek lecture. If among so great a number as we be in this college, other corrupt glosses of Duns should continue, and the study of Greek be neglected, a great part of the youth of this university would be deprived of the ordinance you have provided for them. If children and other young company be let to run to seek better learning abroad out of their own house, in other colleges, besides the danger in the time of plague, they will not return again without loss of time. We hope, therefore, you will continue beneficial to us in seeing these ordinances put in force. Oxford, Magdalene College, 9 Sept. Signed by 20 fellows.
Pp. 3. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1535. 10 Sep 1535. R. O. St. P. ii. 278. 331. William Brabazon to Cromwell.
Since Thomas Fitzgerald's departure, his followers and all his uncles are returned home. If the traitor ever comes back, the King's cost is wasted. His advice is "to discharge this land of all the sect of them." The Deputy is going to Dungarvan Castle, and before him have gone the Lord Treasurer, lord Leonard's company, and Sir John Seyntlaw with his retinue. They will be at the castle on Monday next, and make a running assault. Hears that Seyntlaw has been sent for to England. The King can evil spare him here, though it is more to his profit to be in England. Lord Leonard should come speedily, for the good ordering of the army.
Rides with the Chief Justice about the King's lands, which are most wasted. Advises the banishment of the Tooles, the Burnes, the Cavenaghs, and McMargho and his sect.
The present Lord Deputy is a good man of war, but not quick enough for this country, and somewhat covetous. Advises his recall. Does not think the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, who is now with Cromwell, fit for the office. The lord of Kilmenen would be the best man. Divers abbots and priors in England have great revenues of spiritualties here, which should be put to houses of religion, and the King to have temporal lands for them. Reminds Cromwell that the King should have the temporalities of the bishop of Dublin, who can have spiritual lands for them. By this means and attainders, the King will have 4,000 marks a year more. Thinks the commonalty here to be very true people and conformable to all good order. The Deputy intends to hinder the Chief Justice and Master of the Rolls of Ireland by writing to his friends in England; which were pity, seeing the pains they take in the King's affairs here. Does not now think 500 kerne necessary, but retained them for a time, that they might not be enemies. The captains are all in good health, notwithstanding the plague. Hears my lady of Kildare (age 38) has a book of the late earl of Kildare's lands. Cromwell should get it and send it hither. 10 Sept. Signed.
Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1535. 11 Sep 1535. R. O. 341. John Gostwyk to Cromwell.
This day I received your letter on horseback going home, and have delivered the three merchants the 20s. as the King's reward, as I am not to break the sum that came from York. As to your marvel that I have not received from the archbishop of Canterbury and the abbot of Westminster the money due to the King, I cannot see how I shall get it till next term. The Abbot's money is not yet due. On my return I shall quicken the Archbishop and other debtors with sharp letters, as you command, to pay up instantly. Concerning the killing and bestowing of your stag in the duke of Suffolk's park, I have already advertised you. By the Lord Mayor's certificate which I send you will see that the plague increases. London, Saturday, 11 Sept. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1535. 13 Sep 1535. 358. Hears that the sickness in London rather increases .... Will, therefore, stay at Old Ford, beside Stratford. Two only of the commissions for the spiritualty have come to his hands. Asks him to find out whether the King will prorogue the Parliament and adjourn the term till Hallowmas, or prorogue Parliament, as it was last, till Feb. 4.
Letters and Papers 1535. 15 Sep 1535. R. O. St. P. I. 448. 370. Sir Thomas Audeley, Chancellor, to Cromwell.
Has received the King's letters, dated the 13th inst., for writs to be made to all sheriffs to notify the prorogation of Parliament to 4 Feb. Will use diligence. Audeley, the Speaker, and some others, must assemble in the Houses 3 Nov. next, to prorogue the same. Is glad of the adjournment of the term, considering the increase of sickness in the city. His advice, since the King desires it, is that Parliament be prorogued till 4 Feb., and the term till Crastino Animarum, by which time, by coldness of the weather, the plague should cease; if not, it may then be prorogued till Hilary Term. To adjourn the whole term suddenly would be prejudicial. One justice must sit in every Court on the first day of the term to receive the King's writ for the adjournment. Asks whether the Exchequer shall be adjourned with the rest, and advises that all should be adjourned together.
The new sheriffs of London have granted Audeley the nomination of under-sheriff of Middlesex. Hears Cromwell has since written to the sheriffs for the same; and reminds him that last year he (Audeley) had such a grant, but abstained from using it, when Cromwell promised not to interrupt him again. Has few advancements for his servants, Cromwell has many; begs he may enjoy the grant. Humble commendations to the King and Queen. Old Forde, 15 Sept. Signed.
Letters and Papers 1535. 23 Sep 1535. R. O. 413. John Wylliamson to Cromwell.
I have received your letter by John Gresham, with seven pieces of diaper. I have been with Mr. Malete divers times concerning your livery coat, and he says the pattern of the coat for the privy chamber is not yet come, and therefore I have had a coat of "new color sad" to be made for you after my own device. I have sent your letter to Mr. Williams at Hampton Court, and he says that we shall have all that he can do in that behalf. Your works draw to an end. I have delivered to Thomas Thacker, for your buildings, &c. £100. They have been viewed by Mr. Vaghan, and, I trust, will be found as I have written. Sir Ric. a Lee, Sir John, and I are diligent in forwarding your works. One of your masons, dwelling against your great gate in Friar Austins, is sick of the plague. Three corses were buried at Hackney last St. Matthew's Day. Sir Thomas Greene is diligent. My mother and all are well. At the Rolls, 23 Sept. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1535. 24 Sep 1535. 431. Randall Tytley to Cromwell.
Petition stating that he has been a prisoner five years in Bread Street Counter [Map]; "and now of late one Mr. Broke was at the said Counter with charity from your good mastership, demanding of the prisoners how they were ordered, and commanded them, if they were not well ordered, to write to your good mastership for remedy."
Wrote accordingly the constitutions of the same Counter, and sent it to Mr. Brooke, to present to Cromwell; for doing which the keeper sent him to Newgate, where he is likely to die of the sickness of the house. At Bread Street every man pays for his bed, "some 4d., some 2d., if they be feather beds, and a mattress 1d.; " and if the prisoner wear any irons, he pays double; so that his beds, one week with another, amount to 30s. a year; although all the beds in the prison are scarcely worth one week's lodging; whereas the custom of the city is but a penny for the best feather bed within the prison, and ½d. for a mattrass, and if they complain they are sent to Newgate. If the friends of the prisoners bring them any charity, as bread, drink, cheese, &c., the keeper will suffer none to come to them, lest it hinder his own custom. If a prisoner come in for debt for £5 or above, he is forced to agree with his keeper at an exorbitant rate beyond his power; and if any one be in arrear for one night's lodging, and though he be able to pay when his friends come to him, he is thrust into the hole, and kept till he has sold all his clothes, and then there is no remedy but to Newgate with him, which has been the murder of many a tall man and true, able to do the King service. Moreover, if a man, after remaining long in prison, be released by the pity of his creditors, he is still detained for 8d., the keeper's fee of the door. The tapster also pays 6s. 8d. on every barrel, and is compelled to find the prisoners candles, which, on an average, cost 12d. a week; but the keeper pays only 3s. a barrel.
Large paper, pp. 2. Add.: Secretary.
Letters and Papers 1535. 30 Sep 1535. Vienna Archives. 484. Cromwell to Chapuys.
Took much pleasure in Chapuys' former letters, especially in the news of the Emperor's success. These more recent are still more acceptable as giving a succinct account of the whole expedition, so vivid that Cromwell imagined himself present. The King was greatly interested. As to the message Chapuys sent by his servant, in which he suspects delays, begs him to consider, whatever delay there may be, that nothing will be omitted which the honor of the King demands for the more secure and wholesome education of the lady Mary, seeing that no one feels more anxiety about her than her father. Begs Chapuys therefore to defer his proposal to visit her to some more convenient time, especially as he may have been deceived by a false report of inattention paid to her health, of which Cromwell assures him the utmost care is taken. The plague is so severe at London and neighbouring places that a man might seem wanting in attention who should go from thence to her. Will discuss matters with him at more length shortly. Winchester, 30 Sept. 1535.
Latin, pp. 2. From a modern copy docketed (by the archivist?): "A joindre à la lettre du 13 8bre."
Letters and Papers 1535. 06 Oct 1535. Add. MS. 28,588, f. 23. B. M. 557. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.
Has received the Empress's letter of Aug. 26. Chapuis writes that the king of England gives bishoprics to heretics who conform to his William He does not mention the liberty of the Queen, of which Thomas Petiplet, the King's chamberlain, spoke when he passed here on his way to the Emperor. Supposes it was fiction, as also was the rumor lately in Rome that a son of Thomas More had murdered (muerto) the king of England in revenge for his father's martyrdom. Sends a copy of the passion and martyrdom of Thomas More and a copy of the Pope's brief to the earl of Kildare, who has so nobly resisted the king of England and conquered the greater part of the land he holds in Ireland.
Hears, through France, that there is a plague in England, and that the King had absented himself in consequence.
Has received a letter from the ambassador, dated London, 25 Aug., stating that the Queen and Princess are well, and that a friar has been martyred in the archbishopric of York (Hiorc) in the same manner and for the same reason as the Carthusians. Rome, 6 Oct. 1535.
Sp., pp. 3. Modern copy.
Letters and Papers 1535. 06 Oct 1535. R. O. 549. Ri. Gwent, of the Arches, to Cromwell.
This St. Faith's Day, Dr. Olyver, Mr. Carne, Mr. Hewys, and I came from Uxbrige, where we have tarried a good while on account of the sickness at London. If it be your pleasure we will come and report to you how far forward we are in these new laws; but we dare not till we hear from you. I beg you will dispense with me that I may keep the court of Arches this day, and I shall sue further for your licence under the great seal. Many have come from far countries for expedition of their causes, but I dare determine none without your licence, considering that your general visitation doth now depend. Let me know by bearer your pleasure for this one court. This Crastino Fidis is the first court done in the Arches and the Prerogative the morrow after. Doctors' Commons, St. Faith's Day.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Sealed.
Letters and Papers 1535. 08 Oct 1535. MS. 28, 588, f. 25. B. M. 565. Count of Cifuentes to Charles V.
Wrote on the day of the Pope's departure for Perosa. He is now returned, and is well, and desirous of seeing the Emperor. Was told by the Pope that the cardinal of Paris had said that the French king had sent to the king of England the brief touching help to be given for his deprivation, that he might the better understand the Pope's wishes, and be persuaded to return to his obedience to the Apostolic See. The messenger had not returned, as there was plague in London, and the King had gone inland. His Holiness denied that the French king had done this with his knowledge, but he believed that it would do good. Thought this unlikely; but the king of France would make his profit out of the brief with the king of England. The Pope said that he had been told that the Emperor had also sent on to the king of England the Pope's brief to himself on the same matter, which is incredible. Said that even if it were here, his intentions were very different to those of the French king. He replied that he was sure of that, and that he was contented with the answers given to the Nuncio about the Council, Camarino, and the Emperor's visit to Rome. The Pope said also that the king of England was labouring with certain princes and estates in Germany to prevent the Council. He had men there, and was sending others.
Letters and Papers 1535. 20 Oct 1535. R. O.646. Rowland Morton to Cromwell.
I send you a list of those in this county who have taken the oath to the Act of Succession, although I never could get a sight of the Commission. You will see my diligence by the records presented to you, both now and at Tewkesbury. Of the 22 hundreds into which the county is divided, eight were left to me, not only by the Act of Succession but likewise in the county of Worcester, besides the taxation of the subsidy in both, the tenth of the spiritualty, the commission of musters,&c., to my great labor and charge. The acceptance of my services would be of great solace to me. "Now heartless without refuge, unless your mastership tender the same, I open my stomach as a poor man loaded and overcharged with worldly burdens." Therefore I beg you will dispense with my personal appearance at London this "soure" time of sickness. Twynnynge, 20 Oct. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add.: Secretary.
Letters and Papers 1535. 24 Oct 1535. R. O. 676. Stephen Bishop of Winchester (age 52) to Cromwell.
After a good passage, and the loss today of my servant Wodal by the great sickness, wherewith he was infected at his late being in London longer than I would he should, tomorrow I leave for the French court. My journey, though slow, is, I fear me, "more speedy than my horse, by reason of their travail on the seas, will maintain." The bailly of Troyes left me word to make no haste. If you think greater speed necessary, I shall use the post. I write you this that you may explain to the King the delay in my journey, which, in the "strange watery weather" in France, is more cumbrous than wont. Calays, 24 Oct. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Chief Secretary. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1535. 28 Oct 1535. R. O. 700. John Graynfyld to Lord Lisle (age 71).
I have received your letter by your servant Bryant, and sped him of your requests. My Lord Chancellor prays you not to be so liberal in granting these petitions. I told him it was usual with your predecessors. He said, Never came so many; and told me to inform you that the certificate of the spiritualty was not correct, and that displeasure would be taken if it were known. I told him you would not certify from any partiality. He asked me why you had not certified Stanyngfyld. I told him "hit wasse a neuter;" and he said you ought to certify it as within the English pale, and that the King's subject was master of the house; also that you had omitted to certify the house of the sisters by the walls of Calais. Your lease of Sybberton is made sure. Please remember the matter between Golfon (Golston) and me. My Lord Leonard Graye (age 56) has gone into Ireland again, and many gunners with him. The King gave him 500 marks and £100 land to him and his heirs, besides his previous grant of 300 marks land. Also the King gave him a ship well trimmed, and the Queen (age 34) a chain of gold from her middle, worth 100 marks, and a purse of 20 sovereigns. The death is well stopped in London. All manner of grain is at a great price. St. Simon and St. Jude's Day.
Commends himself to his brother Sir Ric. Graynfyld and Mr. Porter.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.
Letters and Papers 1535. Nov 1535. R. O. 913. Richard Gylham to Mr. Porter.1
I have buried four persons of pestilence since Saturday, and I have one more to bury today. Yesterday I was in the house where the plague is very sore, and therefore dare not come to Mr. Auditor. I send a copy of my patent from the prior and convent of Moche Malverne for him to see. Whatever way he takes with the lease I will stand to it.
The charges which the prior and convent should pay out of the vicarage of Moche Malverne are as follows:—To the vicar of Malverne, all manner of charges discharged to the King and the ordinary, £8 To the archdeacon, for proxy at Easter, 9s. 5½d., and for synnage money, 12d. To the bishop of Worcester:—for the Communion at Easter, six gallons of wine 6s., bread 5d.; for the Communion through the whole year, 8s. 2d. These are all the charges which I as yet pay, except the archdeacon, for he is unpaid for five years.
Some years the vicarage is not worth £6 13s. 4d. The prior should pay me £8 yearly, and discharge me of 16s. to the King for my tenths. "I was not very well since I was in the house where the plague was." Moch Malverne, this present day of November.
The whole sum that goeth out with the vicar's wages is £9 14s. 6d. There is 16s. more which the King should pay for the prior to me.
Hol., pp. 2.
Note 1. There is no clear indication of the date of this document except that it was written in a plague year. From the reference to the bishop of Worcester, however, it was probably not during the time Ghinucci held that bishopric. Gylham was "curate" (i.e., vicar of Much Malvern,) in 1585. SeeValor Eccl. iii. 246.
Letters and Papers 1535. 16 Dec 1535. 983. The dearth has increased twofold in England. The preachers publicly say that it is the fault of those who obey the Apostolic See. Rome, 16 Dec. 1535.
Sp., pp. 3, modern copy.
Letters 1536. 01 Apr 1536. R. O. 608. John Husee to Lady Lisle (age 42).
I have written to my Lord at large how everything stands. I have done as much as I can for my life. I received your letters by Mr. Porter's servant, which I will deliver at my coming to London, and send you a speedy answer of lord Dawbeney's letter, and see the other conveyed into Devonshire, for I know Mr. Roolles is gone long since. As to the book, I have received none, and you do not write by whom you send it. Mr. Danastre will do all the law will bear. Mr. Basset is merry, and wants a horse against his riding into the country, and also money. Mr. George was a little unwell, but is better. I am sorry the plague is beginning there. At my return to London I will do my best to send your gentlewoman, who, I hope, will be there before Easter. I cannot yet meet with Thomas Seller. He has been with Mr. Basset two or three times. You will receive by Goodalle your kirtle with sleeves of the Queen's (age 35) gift. Campion and Mr. Skut have been with me for money; also the broiderer and the saddler. Dover, 1 April. Hol., p. 1. Add.
Letters 1536. 02 May 1536. R. O. 789. Thomas Warley to Lady Lisle (age 42).
I was at Lincoln's Inn on Saturday last with my master, your son (age 16), who is in good health and desires your blessing, which he is worthy to have, as he is a towardly gentleman and a wise. As I knew that two gentlemen of the Inner Temple, named Nedam, died last week of the sickness, I advised Mr. Basset to go to Mr. Danaster's in the country; but he said he was not afraid, and was far enough from the contagious air, and would wait till your Ladyship sends him a gelding. Bremelcome, who waits on him, is an honest man and gives diligent attendance. Mr. Danastre thanks you for the wine and other pleasures, and says if he sees any danger he will remove Mr. Bassett.
Water Skynner, who was post to the Lord Chancellor, came over in good season, for on Sunday before mass the King made him post for the abbeys which are to be put down, with fees and wages as other posts, which he had not before. I send by Burdoke, of Calais, a letter from Mr. Wait, of the Temple. I did not know of Mr. Huggan's death till Mr. Vice-treasurer was departed. If I had, I would have proved him for the room, and given him a satin gown. I wrote by Collins that the King would have been at Rochester tonight, but he has changed his mind, which was not known till Sunday at 11 o'clock, and will go to Dover next week. The Council sit daily, so that suitors must abide their good hour. I delivered an abridgement and particulars of my bill of supplication to the King. I live in hope, fed with sweet words, and make all the means I can to be despatched. I trust my Lord and you will take no displeasure at my long absence, which is sore against my will. The arbitrators between Hastyngs and me find that he is indebted to me, but they stay to make their award, as he says he cannot pay. "Robert Whettell brags freshly in the court in a coat of crimson taffata, cut and lined with yellow sarcenet, a shirt wrought with gold, his hosen scarlet, the breeches crimson velvet, cut and edged and lined with yellow sarcenet, his shoes crimson velvet, and likewise his sword, girdle, and scabbard, a cloak of red frisado, a scarlet cap, with feathers red and yellow; he hath many lookers on." Lovell's room, for which I labored to my Lord and you, has been given since my being here. I am sorry to hear of the sickness in Calais. London, 2 May 1536.
Here is a priest named Sir Richard Chicheley, B.D., well seen in physic, astronomy, and surgery, and can sing his plain song well, and is well apparelled. He would fain serve my Lord and you in Calais, if you would help him to a chantry and meat and drink. He demands no more. If he were there, I think Philbert and he would reason of physic. Also, he says, he is cunning in stilling of waters.
Hol., pp. 4. Add.: In Calais.
A Boke Or Counsel Against The Disease Commonly Called The Sweating Sicknesse. 1551. The fifth time of this fearful Ephemera of Englande, and pestilent sweat, is this in the yeare 1551, of oure Lord God, and the fifth year of our Sovereign Lord King Edward the Sixth, beginning at Shreweshury in the middle of April, proceeding with great mortality to Ludlow, Presteigne, and other places in Wales, then to West Chester, Coventry, Oxford, and other towns in the South, and such as were in and about the way to London, whether it came notably the seventh of July, and there continuing sore, with the losse of seven hundred and sixty one from the fourth day until the eleventh day, besides those that died in the seventh and eighth days, of which no register was kept, for that it abated until the thirtieth day of the same, with the losse of forty-two hundred or more. Then ceasing there, it went from thence through all the east parts of England into the North until the end of August, at which time it diminished, and in the end of September fully ceased.
Grafton's Chronicle. Apr 1551. In this Parliament the booke of common prayer , which in some part had bene corrected and amended , was newly confirmed and established . And in the end of this Parliament there chanced a great and contagious sicknesse to happen in the realm, which was called the sweatyng sicknesse, wherof a great number of people died in a time , namely in the City of London . And it seemed that God had appointed the sade sickness only for the plague of Englishmen , for the most that died thereof were men and not women nor children . And it so folowed the Englishmen , that such Merchants of England as were in Flanders and Spain, and other Countries beyond the sea were visited therewithall , and none other nation infected therewith . And it began first in April in the North parts , and so came through the realm , and continued until September next followyng. The disease was sudden and grievous , so that some being in perfect health in one houre, were gone and dead within four hours next following . And the same being whote and terrible enforced the people greatly to call upon God , and to do many deeds of Charity. But as the disease ceased , so the devotion quickly decayed .
Annales of England by John Stow. The 15 of April, the infections sweating sicknesse began at Shrewsbury, Shropshire [Map], -- which ended not in the North part of England untill the ende of September. "In this space what number died, it cannot be well accompted, but certaine it is that in London in fewe daies 960. gave up the ghost: if began in London the 9. of July, and the 12. of July it was most vehement, which was so terrible, that people being in best health, were sodainly taken, and dead in foure and twenty houres, and twelve, or lesse, for lacke of skill in guiding them in their sweat. And it is to be noted, that this mortalitie fell chiefely or rather on men, and those also of the best age, as betweene thirty and forty yeares, fewe women, nor children, nor olde men died thereof. Sleeping in the beginning was present death, for if they were suffered to sleepe but half a quarter of an houre, they never spake after, nor had any knowledge, but when they wakened fell into panges of death. This was a terrible time in London, for many one lost sodainly his friends, by the sweat, and their money by the proclamation. Seven honest householders did sup together, and before eight of the clocke in the next morning, four them were dead: they that were taken with full stomacks escaped hardly . This sickenesse followed English men as well within the realme, as in strange countries: wherefore this nation was much afeard of it, and for the time began to repent and remember God but as the disease relented, the devotion deceased. The first weeke died in London 800 persons.
On 04 Jul 1551 Gregory Cromwell 1st Baron Cromwell Oakham (age 31) died of sweating sickness. His son Henry Cromwell 2nd Baron Cromwell Oakham (age 13) succeeded 2nd Baron Cromwell Oakham.
Around 07 Jul 1551 Edward Grey 3rd Baron Grey of Powis (age 48) died of sweating sickness without legitimate issue.
Henry Machyn's Diary. The vij day of July begane a nuw swet in London, and ... ded my lord Crumwell (deceased) in Leseter-shyre, and was bered [with a stand] ard, a baner of armes, and cote, elmett, sword, targett, and sc [ochyons, and] harold; and the sam tyme ded my lord Powes (age 48), and the x day [at W]ollwyche, sir John Lutterell (age 32), knyght, a nobull captayne.
Note. Death of lord Cromwell. Gregory lord Cromwell died on the 4th of July 1551, and was buried at Laund in Leicestershire: his mural monument there is engraved in Nichols's History of that County, vol. iii. pl. xlv.
Note. Death of lord Powis. Edward third lord Grey of Powis. The funeral of his widow, a daughter of Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, occurs in p. 163.
Note. Sir John Luttrell, of Dunster castle, co. Somerset, knighted at the taking of Leith in 1547, and made a knight banneret soon after, at the taking of Yester. Just before his death he had been divorced from his wife, for Strype notices "A Commission to sir William Petre, secretary, sir Richard Read, &c. upon due proof of the manifest adultery of the lady Mary Luttrel, to separate and divorce her from sir John Luttrel her husband. Dated in June, 1551." (Memorials, Book ii. chap. 29.) She was the daughter of sir John Griffith, K.B. and was remarried to James Godolphin, of Cornwall.
Henry Machyn's Diary. The viij day of July [1551] was a plage, and a proclamasyon that [a testern shou]ld be but ixd, and a grot iijd; and anodur proclamasyon cam [out the] xviij day of August, that testerns cryd at vjd a pese; a grot [at ijd]; ijd but jd; and a jd ob.; and a alpeny a fardyng.
Note. Proclamations for depreciation of the coinage. Printed copies of these proclamations are in the collection in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, and their substance is stated in Ruding's Annals of the Coinage, 4to. 1817, ii. 107. Mr. Ruding, in a note in that page, throws some discredit on king Edward's accuracy as to dates in his Diary; but on that point it may be remarked that the proclamations were clearly prepared by the privy council some days before it was thought proper to make them public. The proclamation which according to the present diary was made known in London on the 8th of July, is printed with a blank date, "the of June."
A remarkable example of the effect produced by this depreciation of the currency is given in the account of Arden's murder in the Wardmote book of Feversham. The proceeds of the murderers' effects, after the payment of expenses, amounted "after the old rate," to 120l. "whereof there was lost by abasing or fall of the said money 60l." In consequence of this act of government rumours were current that further abasements were contemplated; and "By the letteres from London" it was reported "that on the 25. daye of July, or on St. James' daye, was a proclamation declaringe it was not the kinge nor his counseles intente to altere or abase any more his coynes yet; for heare wee greate rumors that in all haste, and that prively, the kinge and counsell was busye aboute the alteringe thearof, to be done out of hand, whearuppon many men wane their debts, which else would not have byn payde this vij. yeares." (MS. Harl. 353, f. 107.)
In the journals of the Privy Council are frequent entries relative to the prosecution of persons guilty of predicting further depreciations.
Diary of Edward VI. 10 Jul 1551. At this time cam the sweat into London, wich was more vehement then the old sweat. For if one toke cold he died within 3 houres, and if he skaped it held him but 9 houres, or 10 at the most. Also if he slept the first 6 houres, as he should be very desirous to doe, then he raved, and should die raving.
On 10 Jul 1551 John Luttrell (age 32) died of sweating sickness.
Henry Machyn's Diary. The x day of July [1551] the Kynges (age 13) grace removyd from Westmynster unto Hamtun courte [Map], for ther ded serten besyd the court, and [that] causyd the Kynges grase to be gone so sune, for ther ded in Lo[ndon] mony marchants and grett ryche men and women, and yonge men and [old], of the nuw swett,-the v of K. E. vjth.
Diary of Edward VI. 11 Jul 1551. It [the Sweating Sickness] grue so much, for in London the 10 day ther died 70 in the liberties, and this day 120, and also one of my gentlemen, another of my gromes, fell sike and died, that I removed to Ampton court [Map] with very few with me.
Note. The epidemic called the sweating sickness, which remains a mystery today, had visited England before but this was the last major outbreak to occur, and thereafter vanished.
On 12 Jul 1551 Thomas Speke (age 43) died, probably of sweating sickness.
On 14 Jul 1551 the two Brandon brothers died of sweating sickness at the Bishop of Lincoln's Palace, Buckden [Map]. They were buried at St Mary's Church, Buckden [Map].
Henry Brandon 2nd Duke of Suffolk (age 15) died of sweating sickness . His brother Charles Brandon 3rd Duke of Suffolk (age 14) succeeded 3rd Duke Suffolk.
Charles Brandon 3rd Duke of Suffolk (age 14) died of sweating sickness an hour or so after his brother. Duke Suffolk extinct.
Charles Brandon 3rd Duke of Suffolk: In 1537 he was born to Charles Brandon 1st Duke of Suffolk and Catherine Willoughby Duchess Suffolk. Henry Machyn's Diary. 22 Sep 1551. The xxij day of September was the monyth ['s mind of the] ij dukkes of Suffoke [Note. Henry Brandon 2nd Duke of Suffolk and Charles Brandon 3rd Duke of Suffolk] in Chambryge-shyre, with [ij] standards, ij baners grett of armes and large, and banars rolles of dyver armes, with ij elmets, ij [swords, ij] targetts crownyd, ij cotes of armes, ij crests, and [ten dozen] of schochyons crounyd; and yt was grett pete of [their] dethe, and yt had plesyd God, of so nobull a stok they wher, for ther ys no more left of them.
Henry Machyn's Diary. 16 Jul 1551. The xvj day of July ded of the swet the ij yonge dukes of Suffoke [Note. Henry Brandon 2nd Duke of Suffolk (deceased) and Charles Brandon 3rd Duke of Suffolk (deceased)] of the swet, boyth in one bed in Chambryge-shyre [Map]; and [buried] at (blank in MS.); and ther ded from the viij day of July unto the xix ded of the swett in London of all dyssesus, viijc. iijxx. and xij. and no more in alle, and so the chanseller is serteffyd.
Note. Death of the two young dukes of Suffolk. Henry and Charles Brandon, the only sons of Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk. Their mother was his second wife, Katharine (age 32), daughter and sole heir of William lord Willoughby de Eresby. (See some excellent letters of hers in Miss Wood's collection, vol. iii.) The report which reached our diarist is incorrect in two respects: the noble youths did not die "in one bed" nor "in Cambridgeshire." Their deaths took place at the bishop of Lincoln's palace [Map] at Bugden, in the county of Huntingdon. A narrative, entitled "Epistola de vita et obitu duorum fratrum Suffolciensium, Henrici et Caroli Brandon," written by sir Thomas Wilson, was shortly after printed. Two interesting extracts from this rare volume will be found in the Gentleman's Magazine for Sept. 1825, vol. xcv. ii. 206. The young men, accompanied by their mother, had just arrived at Bugden, when the duke was suddenly taken ill of the fatal sweat, which in five hours deprived him of life. The younger brother Charles, though placed in a distant chamber, immediately learned what had happened, and being asked by the physician upon what he was meditating, replied, "I am thinking how hard it is to be deprived of one's dearest friend." "Why do you say so?" said he. He answered, "How can you ask me? My brother is dead. However, it is of little matter, I shall soon follow him." And so he did, in half an hour. Sir Thomas Wilson admits the title of duke to the younger brother immediately on the elder's demise, and so we find from our Diary "the ij. dukes" were so called in London. The other extract given in the Gentleman's Magazine is a very high character (in Latin) of the young duke Henry, written by Dr. Walter Haddon, regius professor of civil law in the university of Cambridge: of this Strype (Memorials, Book ii. c. 4,) has given the substance in a translated form. Sir Thomas Wilson, in his Arte of Rhetorique, has also an interesting passage describing the characters of these young noblemen; and some Latin verses on their death, "Carmina in Mortem," &c. were written by Michael Reniger, and printed in 1552, 4to. The circumstance that their mother the duchess was the great patroness of the reforming divines accounts for the extraordinary interest excited by their death. An engraving in Chamberlain's Holbein Heads is taken from two miniatures, supposed to represent these brothers: but if the dates given in the inscriptions are compared, they will be found both to belong to the elder boy.
Note. Mortality from the sweating sickness. Two other reports of this have come down to us, and, though the figures do not exactly correspond, yet they seem all to have been derived from official returns, and there is also some difference in the periods of time. "Letters from London reporte there died in London of the sweatynge sicknes from the 7. of July till the 20. of the same 938 persons, but howe many have died since to this daye, beinge the 23., I knowe not. I truste it is nowe cleane gone." (MS. Harl. 353, f. 107.) Shortly after the disease had terminated, the celebrated Dr. Caius wrote a treatise upon it, which was printed in the following year, under the title of "A boke or counseill against the disease commonly called the sweate, or sweatyng sicknesse. Made by John Caius, doctour in physicke. 1552." Printed by Richard Grafton in black letter, 40 leaves, 12mo. The Dedication to the earl of Pembroke is dated 1st April, 1552. (Caius also wrote a Latin treatise on the same subject, of which a late edition, entitled "Johannis Caii de Ephemera Britannica liber unus," was printed in London, 8vo. 1721.) From this curious volume we learn that the disease first appeared with the army of Henry the Seventh, which arrived at Milford, out of France, the 7 Aug. 1485; next in 1506; again in 1517; a fourth time in 1528; and a fifth in 1551, shortly before the composition of his treatise. On this occasion, "Beginning at Shrewesbury in the middest of April, proceadinge with greate mortalitie to Ludlowe, Prestene, and other places in Wales, then to Westchestre, Coventre, Oxenfoorde, and other tounes in the Southe, and suche as were in and aboute the way to London, whether it came notablie the seventh of July, and there continuing sore, with the loss of vijC.lxi. from the ix. day until the xvi. daye, besides those that died in the vii. and viii. dayes, of whom no registre was kept, from that it abated until the xxx. day of the same, with the loss of C.xlii. more. Then ceasing there, it wente from thence throughe al the east partes of England into the northe, untill the ende of Auguste, at which tyme it diminished, and in the ende of Septembre fully ceassed." The following singular passage relating to this disease occurs in a report of the preaching of Thomas Hancocke, minister of Poole in Dorsetshire. "—in his doctrine he taught them that God had plagued this Realme most justly for their sins with three notable plagues. The first plague was a warning to England, which was the Posting Sweat, that posted from town to town thorow England, and was named Stop-Gallant: for it spared none. For there were some dauncing in the Court at nine a'clock that were dead at eleven. In the same sweat also at Cambridge dyed two worthy imps, the duke of Suffolk his sons, Charles and his brother." (Strype, Memor. iii. chap. vii.) The singular name here noticed occurs also in the register of Uffculme, Devonshire, where the disease prevailed in the month following its devastation in London. "Out of 38 burials entered in that year, 27 were in the first 11 days of August, and 16 of them in three days. The disease of which these persons died is called, in the parish-register, the hote sickness or stup-gallant." Magna Britannia, by Lysons, who adds that he had not been able to find the term elsewhere.
The Parish Register of Halifax Preface. In Aug 1551 the sweating sickness swept over the parish. Between Aug. 2nd and 24th, of 45 deaths, 42 were due to this visitation, which seems to have subsided almost as quickly as it arose, only two deaths being recorded as due to this cause after the latter date. But the most notable feature in this part of the Register is the entry of the burials of the bodies of the criminals who had been gibbeted. They are 29 in number, but include no names hitherto unknown, although the first of them is not given in the latest list.1
Note 1. The Yorkshire Coiners (p. 280) by H. Ling Roth.
On 13 Jul 1551 John Wallop (age 61) died of sweating sickness.
A Boke Or Counsel Against The Disease Commonly Called The Sweating Sicknesse. 1552. A boke or counsel against the disease commonly called the sweate or sweating sicknesse made by John Caius doctor in physick very necessary for every person and much requisite to be had in the hands of all sortes, for their better instruction, preparation and defence, against the sudden coming, and fearful assaultyng of the same disease. 1552.
Historical Memoirs of Tiverton Part IV. Jul 1644. In the beginning of July, the51 Earl of Eſſex paſſed through Charles I. . Tiverton, with all-his forces.
This year also an52 epidemic disorder reigned in the town and parish, called the sweating sickness: 443 persons died in the year, about one person in seventeen of all the inhabitants of the parish, of which 105 were buried in the month of October. The town was so much deserted, that grass generally grew in the streets and lanes.
Note 51. This account also is taken from the Manuscript Diary of Farmer Robert Roberts; under which article he hath also written, that Mr. Thomas Lawrence, who came from Tiverton, reported to him, that the Earl had 350 and odd carriages, and of horse belonging thereunto for draught 2000.
In another part he writes, that the last day of May the Queen came to Exon, and toke up Bedford house. In June the Queen lay in Crediton, at Mr. Tucker's house ; and from thence shee rode to Limson, with all her troope. At the same time Prince Morrish came to Crediton, with all his foreses. Also, that on the 25th of July, this year, King Charles I and Prince Charles were in the great meadow at Crediton, with his army.
Note 52. See Parish Register, Blundell's and Hewett's Memoirs, date 1646. This date is not consistent with that in the Register, which describes the fatal effects of the sickness in the year 1644.
Historical Memoirs of Tiverton Part V. Richard165 Newte, A. M. third son of 166Henry Newte, of Tiverton, Gent, was born at Tiverton in 1612, and bred at Mr. Blundell's school till he was sixteen years old, when he was ſent to the university of Oxford, and admitted member of Exeter College, made B. A. and Fellow of that house. After taking the degree of A. M. in 1636, he commenced tutor, and became eminent in his college, having many young gentlemen of the western counties for his pupils. He was constant reader of an Hebrew lecture several years, and said to be well acquainted with other Eastern languages, the French and Italian, and academical learning in general. He was inducted to the rectory or portion of Tidcombe, in Tiverton, 25th September, 1641; afterwards, 28th October, in the same year, to the rectory or portion of Clare. Soon after the commencement of the civil wars he retreated into Holland, from thence to Flanders, afterwards to France, in which country he was well received, tho' frequently engaged in controversies with the Romish priests, in defence of the Protestant episcopal church : from France he went thro' Switzeriand to Italy, but not into Rome, from the fear of subjecting himself to the resentment of those he had debated with in France, whom he accidentally pereived to pass by him on the road towards that city. From Italy he returned in a ship to Topsham, in the year 1646, where, on enquiry, he found the devastations of the war had ruined his parsonage-house, and greatly injured his lands; that the sweating sickness had desolated the town, and was not yet,wholly removed; notwithstanding which he came to Tiverton, preached at first in the church, and afterwards, at the request of the people, in a field, prepared for that purpose, to avoid infection, which much endeared him to the people.
Note 165. Parish Register, Walker's Sufferings of the Epiſcopal Clergy, Palmer's Nonconformist's Memorial, and Prince's Worthies of Devon. Mr. Prince corresponded with his son, John Newte, who probably furnished him with some of these anecdotes. The present Rector of Tidcombe, Rev. John Newte, favoured me with a sight of one of Mr. Prince's original letters of enquiry for anecdotes of eminent men in the vicinity of Tiverton, particularly of Peter Blundell, founder of the grammar school.
I beg leave to acknowledge in this note the many other communications received from Mr. and Mrs. Newte, and the obliging offer of books or manuscripts in their posession, that might afford me any assistance in compiling these Historical Memoirs.
Note 166. The etymology of this name is said to be of Danish origin, from Canute, or Cnute.
Historical Memoirs of Tiverton Appendix. The number of Baptisms, Marriages, and Burials, recorded in the Parish Regifter of St. Peter's2 church, Tiverton, in the several following periods of six years each.
Table of Baptisms, Marriage and Burials
From 1st January, 1560, to 1st January 1565 - 484 137 327
1st March, 1581, to 1st March, 1587 - 704 170 549
1st March, 1601, to 1st March, 1607 - 789 239 484
1st March, 1620, to 1st March, 1626 - 1226 315 808
1st March, 1640, to 1st 3 March, 1646 - 1272 270 1411
1st March, 1660, to 1st March, 1666 - 914 221 906
1st March, 1680, to 1st March, 1686 — 1101 322 1060
1st March, 1700, to 1st March, 1706 — 1116 331 1175
1st March, 1720, to 1st March, 1726 - 1070 284 1175
1st March, 1740, to 1st 4 March, 1746 895 340 1472
1st January, 1760, to 1st January, 1766 891 292 915
1st January, 1780, to 1st January, 1786 1144 367 1038
25th March, 1784, to 25th March, 1790 1216 321 960
Note 2. Besides the above register list, there is reason to believe that some persons were buried annually in the several chapel-yards in the parish; I have therefore calculated the suppoſed number in the computation of population (see Appendix, No. 30) from the Register of Cove chapel, in the yard belonging to which four persons have been buried annually, on an average, from the year 1700 to the present time.
Note 3. The sweating sickness carried off about 300 persons extraordinary in the year 1644, which are not included in the calculation, to determine the number living.
Note 4. The spotted fever carried off about 400 persons extraordinary in the year 1741, excluded also from the calculation.
Holinshed's Chronicle 1551. About this time the Kings Majesty calling his high court of parliament, held the same at Westminster the three and twentith day of January, in this fifth yeaer of his reign, and there continued it, until the fifteenth day of April in the sixth yeare of his said reign. In this parliament the Book of Common Prayer, which in some part had been corrected and amended, was newly confirmed and established. In the end of this parliament, namely the fifteenth of April the infectious sweating sicknesse began at Shrewsbury, which ended not in the north part of England until the end of September. In this space what number died, it cannot be well accounted: but certeine it is, that in London in few day nine hundred and sixtie gave up the ghost. It began in London the ninth of July, and the twelfth of July it was most vehement which was so terrible, that people being in best helth, were suddenly taken, and dead in four and twenty hours, and twelve, or less, for lacke of skill in guiding them in their sweat. And it is to be noted, that this mortality fell chiefly or rather upon men, and those also of the best age, as between thirty & forty yeers. The speedy riddance of life procured by this sickness, did so terrify people of all sorts, that such as could make shift, either with money or friendship, changed their soil, and leaving places of concourse, betook them (for the time) to abodes, though not altogether solitary, yet less frequented: to conclude, manifold means were made for safety of life. The first week died in London eight hundred persons.
The manner of this sweat was such, that if men did take any cold outwardly, it stroke the sweat in, and immediatly killed them. If they were suffered to sleep, commonly they swooned in their sleep and departed, or else died immidiatly upon their waking. But the way to escape danger was close keeping moderatly with some air and a little drink, and the same to be posset-ale, and so to keep them thirty houres, and then was the danger past; but beware of sudden cold. Before men had learned the manner of keeping, an infinite number perished. This disease at that time followed Englishmen and none other nation; for in Antwerpe and other countries, our Englishmen being there amongst diverse other nations, only our Englishmen were sick thereof, and none other persons. The consideration of which thing made this nation much afraid thereof, who for the time began to repent and give alms, and to remember God from whom that plague might well seem to be sent among us. But as the disease in time ceased, so our devotion in short time decayed. At this time also the King with the advise of his privy councel, and having also great conference with merchants and others, perceiving that by such coins and copper monies, as had beene coined in the time of the King his father, and now were commonly current in the realm; and indeed a great number of them not worth half the value that they were current at, to the great dishonor of the Kings Maiesty and the realm, and to the deceit and no little hinderance of all the kings maiesties good subiects, did now purpose not only the abasing of the said copper moneys, but also meant wholly to reduce them into bullion, to the intent to deliver fine and good monies for them. And therefore in the month of July by his graces proclamation, he abased the piece of twelve pence, commonly called a teston unto nine pence, and the piece of four pence unto three pence. And in August next following, the piece of nine pence was abased to six pence, and the piece of three pence unto two pence, and the pennie to an half-pennie.
Holinshed's Chronicle 1485. For suddenlie a deadlie burning sweat so assailed their bodies and distempered their bloud with a most ardent heat, that scarse one amongst an hundred that sickened did escape with life: for all in maner as soone as the sweat tooke them, or within a short time after yeelded the ghost. Beside the great number which deceassed within the citie of London, two maiors successiuelie died within eight daies and six Aldermen. At length, by the diligent obseruation of those that escaped (which marking what things had doone them good, and holpen to their deliuerance, vsed the like againe.) When they fell into the same disease, the second or third time, as to diuerse it chanced, a remcclie was found for that mortall maladie, Avhich was this. If a man on the day time were taken with the sweat, then should he streight lie downe with all his clothes and garments, and continue in his sweat foure and twentie houres, after so moderate a sort as might be.
Hall's Chronicle 1499. The next yere after there was a great plague, whereof men died in many places very sore, but specially and most of all in the city of London, where died in that year thirty thousand. Also in this year was burned a place of the Kings called the Manor of Sheen situate, and lying nigh the Thames side, which he after built again sumptuously and costly, and changed the name of Sheen, and called it Richmond, because his father and he were Earls of Richmond. The King perceiving this plague and contagious disease, rather to increase then decrease, whether it was to avoid the occasion of the sickness, or to allure the Archduke Philip of Burgundy to come with him, he personally took his ship at Dover, in the beginning of May, and sailed to Calais, to the intent to provide and see the watches, which have been accustomed to be diligently kept and maintained against the incursions of his adversaries, & there he made politic ordinances and straight laws.
Blundell's School Chapter 5. In September, 1644, Lord Goring and Sir John Berkley united their forces at Tiverton, and Berkley's horse, engaging the enemy in or near the town, forced them to beat a retreat. The possession of Tiverton was just then of considerable value to the King, forming as it did one of regular stages for the royal forces in their march from Plymouth. It would appear also to have been important from a strategic point of view, being, to use the phrase then current, "upon a passe."
Whilst these events were in progress, a new disaster loomed on the horizon. This was the plague or sweating sickness. Cases of the sort had occurred in the two previous months, but the epidemic was most virulent in October. In this month alone 105 persons are recorded to have died. The total number of victims was 450, and largely on account of this visitation the town was almost forsaken. The hasty burial of so many corpses in a few feet of earth afterwards excited fears lest the pestilence should return, and the south and east parts of St. Peter's Churchyard, where most of the interments took place, were raised much above their original level by heaps of earth which, in the hope of pre- venting infection, were thrown down there. The market was held in a field (which from that circumstance received the name of Shambles) near the two-mile-stone on the Halberton road ; and it has been conjectured that Little Silver, which is said to have been colonized as a harbour of refuge during a time of pestilence, may have sprung up at this period. Certainly what with cavalry skirmishes, the oppressions of Colonel Connocke, and the plague, Tiverton was then no very enviable spot to dwell in.
Blundell's School Chapter 3. The last event to which I shall allude, before bringing this abnormally long chapter to a close, is the visitation of the plague in 1591. It is said to have been introduced by a pedlar bearing the appropriate name of Walker. At the end of the parish register (Book I.) we find written "Note, dyed in the Plague 1591 about 500 people, page 145," and on the page in question the burials are headed " I'hese same dyed of the Pestilence." To escape the disease hundreds fled the town, and as an old MS. has it " the grass grewe in the streetes and lanes."
