Before 1610 [his father] Thomas Butler Viscount Thurles 1581-1619 and Elizabeth Poyntz 1587-1673 were married.
On 19 Oct 1610 James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 was born to [his father] Thomas Butler Viscount Thurles 1581-1619 (29) and Elizabeth Poyntz 1587-1673 (23).
On 15 Dec 1619 [his father] Thomas Butler Viscount Thurles 1581-1619 (38) drowned accidentally at Skerries having been sent to England to answer charges of having garissoned Kilkenny Castle, Kilkenny, County Kilkenny.
In Dec 1629 James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (19) and [his wife] Elizabeth Preston Duchess Ormonde 1615-1684 (14) were married. They were second cousins once removed.
In 1632 [his son] Thomas Butler 1632-1632 was born to James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (21) and Elizabeth Preston Duchess Ormonde 1615-1684 (16).
On 24 Feb 1633 [his grandfather] Walter Butler 11th Earl Ormonde 4th Earl Ossory 1559-1633 (74) died. James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (22) succeeded 12th Earl Ormonde, 5th Earl Ossory. Elizabeth Preston Duchess Ormonde 1615-1684 (17) by marriage Countess Ormonde.
On 08 Jul 1634 [his son] Thomas Butler 6th Earl Ossory 1634-1680 was born to James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (23) and Elizabeth Preston Duchess Ormonde 1615-1684 (18) at Kilkenny Castle, Kilkenny, County Kilkenny.
In 1636 [his son] James Butler 1636-1645 was born to James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (25) and Elizabeth Preston Duchess Ormonde 1615-1684 (20).
On 15 Jul 1639 [his son] Richard Butler 1st Earl Arran 1639-1685 was born to James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (28) and Elizabeth Preston Duchess Ormonde 1615-1684 (23).
On 29 Jun 1640 [his daughter] Elizabeth Butler Countess Chesterfield 1640-1665 was born to James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (29) and Elizabeth Preston Duchess Ormonde 1615-1684 (24).
In 1643 [his son] John Butler 1st Earl Gowran 1643-1677 was born to James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (32) and Elizabeth Preston Duchess Ormonde 1615-1684 (27).
In 1646 [his daughter] Mary Butler Duchess Devonshire 1646-1710 was born to James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (35) and Elizabeth Preston Duchess Ormonde 1615-1684 (30).
Around 1647 Peter Lely Painter 1618-1680 (28). Portrait of James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (36).
Between 15 Sep 1648 and 27 Nov 1648 the Treaty of Newport attempted to reconcile King Charles I of England, Scotland and Ireland 1600-1649 (47) (who was imprisoned at nearby Carisbrooke Castle) with Parliament. Denzil Holles 1st Baron Holles 1599-1680 (48) and Henry Vane "The Younger" 1613-1662 (35) represented Parliament. James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (37) represented King Charles. The Treaty eventually came to nothing.
Parliament was also represented by John Crew 1st Baron Crew 1598-1679 (50), John Glynne Judge 1602-1666 (46), Nathaniel Fiennes 1608-1669 (40), William Pierrepoint of Thoresby 1608-1678 (40), Algernon Percy 10th Earl of Northumberland 1602-1668 (45), William Fiennes 1st Viscount Saye and Sele 1582-1662 (66), Philip Herbert 4th Earl Pembroke 1st Earl Montgomery 1584-1650 (63), William Cecil 2nd Earl Salisbury 1591-1668 (57), James Cranfield 2nd Earl Middlesex 1621-1651 (27) and Thomas Wenman 2nd Viscount Wenman 1596-1665 (52).
In 1649 James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (38) was appointed 444th Knight of the Garter by Charles II King England Scotland and Ireland 1630-1685 (18).
John Evelyn's Diary 13 March 1650. 13 Mar 1650. Saw a triumph in Monsieur del Camp's Academy, where divers of the French and English noblesse, especially my Lord of Ossory, and Richard, sons to the Marquis of Ormond (39) (afterward Duke), did their exercises on horseback in noble equipage, before a world of spectators and great persons, men and ladies. It ended in a collation.
John Evelyn's Diary 29 January 1651. 29 Jan 1651. Dr. Duncan preached on 8 Matt. v. 34, showing the mischief of covetousness. My Lord Marquis of Ormonde (40) and Inchiquin (37), come newly out of Ireland, were this day at chapel.
On 02 Apr 1656 the Treaty of Brussels agreeing mutual support between England (Royal) and Spain was signed by Henry Wilmot 1st Earl Rochester 1612-1658 (43) and James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (45) on behalf of Charles II King England Scotland and Ireland 1630-1685 (25), and Alonso Cárdenas on behalf of Philip IV King Spain 1605-1665 (50).
On 14 Nov 1659 [his son] Thomas Butler 6th Earl Ossory 1634-1680 (25) and Emilia Nassau Beverweert Countess Ossory 1635-1688 (24) were married at Den Bosch.
John Evelyn's Diary 06 July 1660. 06 Jul 1660. His Majesty (30) began first to TOUCH FOR THE EVIL! according to custom, thus: his Majesty (30) sitting under his state in the Banqueting House, the chirurgeons cause the sick to be brought, or led, up to the throne, where they kneeling, the King (30) strokes their faces, or cheeks with both his hands at once, at which instant a chaplain in his formalities says, "He put his hands upon them, and he healed them". This is said to every one in particular. When they have all been touched, they come up again in the same order, and the other chaplain kneeling, and having angel gold strung on white ribbon on his arm, delivers them one by one to his Majesty (30), who puts them about the necks of the touched as they pass, while the first chaplain repeats, "That is the true light who came into the world". Then follows, an Epistle (as at first a Gospel) with the Liturgy, prayers for the sick, with some alteration; lastly the blessing; and then the Lord Chamberlain and the Comptroller of the Household bring a basin, ewer, and towel, for his Majesty (30) to wash.
The King received a congratulatory address from the city of Cologne, in Germany, where he had been some time in his exile; his Majesty (30) saying they were the best people in the world, the most kind and worthy to him that he ever met with. I recommended Monsieur Messary to be Judge Advocate in Jersey, by the Vice-Chamberlain's mediation with the Earl of St. Albans; and saluted my excellent and worthy noble friend, my [his son] Lord Ossory (25), son to the Marquis of Ormond (49), after many years' absence returned home.
John Evelyn's Diary 28 July 1660. 28 Jul 1660. I heard his Majesty's (30) speech in the Lords' House, on passing the Bills of Tonnage and Poundage; restoration of my Lord Ormond (49) to his estate in Ireland; concerning the commission of sewers, and continuance of the excise. In the afternoon I saluted my old friend, the Archbishop of Armagh, formerly of Londonderry (Dr. Bramhall (66)). He presented several Irish divines to be promoted as Bishops in that kingdom, most of the Bishops in the three kingdoms being now almost worn out, and the Sees vacant.
On 30 Mar 1661 James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (50) was created 1st Duke Ormonde by Charles II King England Scotland and Ireland 1630-1685 (30). [his wife] Elizabeth Preston Duchess Ormonde 1615-1684 (45) by marriage Duchess Ormonde.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 23 April 1661. 23 Apr 1661. About 4 I rose and got to the Abbey, where I followed Sir J. Denham, the Surveyor, with some company that he was leading in. And with much ado, by the favour of Mr. Cooper, his man, did get up into a great scaffold across the North end of the Abbey, where with a great deal of patience I sat from past 4 till 11 before the King came in. And a great pleasure it was to see the Abbey raised in the middle, all covered with red, and a throne (that is a chair) and footstool on the top of it; and all the officers of all kinds, so much as the very fidlers, in red vests. At last comes in the Dean and Prebends of Westminster, with the Bishops (many of them in cloth of gold copes), and after them the Nobility, all in their Parliament robes, which was a most magnificent sight.
Then the Duke (27), and the King with a scepter (carried by my Lord Sandwich (35)) and sword and mond1 before him, and the crown too. The King in his robes, bare-headed, which was very fine. And after all had placed themselves, there was a sermon and the service; and then in the Quire at the high altar, the King passed through all the ceremonies of the Coronacon, which to my great grief I and most in the Abbey could not see.
The crown being put upon his head, a great shout begun, and he came forth to the throne, and there passed more ceremonies: as taking the oath, and having things read to him by the Bishop; and his lords (who put on their caps as soon as the King put on his crown)2 and bishops come, and kneeled before him. And three times the King at Arms went to the three open places on the scaffold, and proclaimed, that if any one could show any reason why Charles Stewart should not be King of England, that now he should come and speak.
And a Generall Pardon also was read by the Lord Chancellor (52), and meddalls flung up and down by my Lord Cornwallis (50), of silver, but I could not come by any. But so great a noise that I could make but little of the musique; and indeed, it was lost to every body. But I had so great a lust to.... that I went out a little while before the King had done all his ceremonies, and went round the Abbey to Westminster Hall, all the way within rayles, and 10,000 people, with the ground covered with blue cloth; and scaffolds all the way. Into the Hall I got, where it was very fine with hangings and scaffolds one upon another full of brave ladies; and my wife in one little one, on the right hand. Here I staid walking up and down, and at last upon one of the side stalls I stood and saw the King come in with all the persons (but the soldiers) that were yesterday in the cavalcade; and a most pleasant sight it was to see them in their several robes. And the King came in with his crown on, and his sceptre in his hand, under a canopy borne up by six silver staves, carried by Barons of the Cinque Ports3, and little bells at every end. And after a long time, he got up to the farther end, and all set themselves down at their several tables; and that was also a brave sight: and the King's first course carried up by the Knights of the Bath.
And many fine ceremonies there was of the Heralds leading up people before him, and bowing; and my Lord of Albemarle's (52) going to the kitchin and eat a bit of the first dish that was to go to the King's table.
But, above all, was these three Lords, Northumberland (58), and Suffolk (42), and the Duke of Ormond (50), coming before the courses on horseback, and staying so all dinner-time, and at last to bring up [Dymock] the King's Champion, all in armour on horseback, with his spear and targett carried before him. And a Herald proclaims "That if any dare deny Charles Stewart to be lawful King of England, here was a Champion that would fight with him4;" and with these words, the Champion flings down his gauntlet, and all this he do three times in his going up towards the King's table. At last when he is come, the King drinks to him, and then sends him the cup which is of gold, and he drinks it off, and then rides back again with the cup in his hand.
I went from table to table to see the Bishops and all others at their dinner, and was infinitely pleased with it. And at the Lords' table, I met with William Howe, and he spoke to my Lord for me, and he did give me four rabbits and a pullet, and so I got it and Mr. Creed and I got Mr. Michell to give us some bread, and so we at a stall eat it, as every body else did what they could get. I took a great deal of pleasure to go up and down, and look upon the ladies, and to hear the musique of all sorts, but above all, the 24 violins.
About six at night they had dined, and I went up to my wife, and there met with a pretty lady (Mrs. Frankleyn, a Doctor's wife, a friend of Mr. Bowyer's), and kissed them both, and by and by took them down to Mr. Bowyer's. And strange it is to think, that these two days have held up fair till now that all is done, and the King gone out of the Hall; and then it fell a-raining and thundering and lightening as I have not seen it do for some years: which people did take great notice of; God's blessing of the work of these two days, which is a foolery to take too much notice of such things. I observed little disorder in all this, but only the King's footmen had got hold of the canopy, and would keep it from the Barons of the Cinque Ports5, which they endeavoured to force from them again, but could not do it till my Lord Duke of Albemarle (52) caused it to be put into Sir R. Pye's' (76) hand till tomorrow to be decided.
At Mr. Bowyer's; a great deal of company, some I knew, others I did not. Here we staid upon the leads and below till it was late, expecting to see the fire-works, but they were not performed to-night: only the City had a light like a glory round about it with bonfires. At last I went to Kingstreet, and there sent Crockford to my father's and my house, to tell them I could not come home tonight, because of the dirt, and a coach could not be had. And so after drinking a pot of ale alone at Mrs. Harper's I returned to Mr. Bowyer's, and after a little stay more I took my wife and Mrs. Frankleyn (who I proffered the civility of lying with my wife at Mrs. Hunt's to-night) to Axe-yard, in which at the further end there were three great bonfires, and a great many great gallants, men and women; and they laid hold of us, and would have us drink the King's health upon our knees, kneeling upon a faggot, which we all did, they drinking to us one after another. Which we thought a strange frolique; but these gallants continued thus a great while, and I wondered to see how the ladies did tipple.
At last I sent my wife and her bedfellow to bed, and Mr. Hunt and I went in with Mr. Thornbury (who did give the company all their wine, he being yeoman of the wine-cellar to the King) to his house; and there, with his wife and two of his sisters, and some gallant sparks that were there, we drank the King's health, and nothing else, till one of the gentlemen fell down stark drunk, and there lay spewing; and I went to my Lord's pretty well.
But no sooner a-bed with Mr. Shepley but my head began to hum, and I to vomit, and if ever I was foxed it was now, which I cannot say yet, because I fell asleep and slept till morning. Only when I waked I found myself wet with my spewing. Thus did the day end with joy every where; and blessed be God, I have not heard of any mischance to any body through it all, but only to Serjt. G Lynne, whose horse fell upon him yesterday, and is like to kill him, which people do please themselves to see how just God is to punish the rogue at such a time as this; he being now one of the King's Serjeants, and rode in the cavalcade with Maynard (57), to whom people wish the same fortune. There was also this night in King-street, [a woman] had her eye put out by a boy's flinging a firebrand into the coach. Now, after all this, I can say that, besides the pleasure of the sight of these glorious things, I may now shut my eyes against any other objects, nor for the future trouble myself to see things of state and show, as being sure never to see the like again in this world.
Note 2. As yet barons had no coronet. A grant of that outward mark of dignity was made to them by Charles soon after his coronation. Queen Elizabeth had assigned coronets to viscounts. B.
Note 3. Pepys was himself one of the Barons of the Cinque Ports at the Coronation of James II.
Note 4. The terms of the Champion's challenge were as follows: "If any person of what degree soever, high or low, shall deny or gainsay our Soveraigne Lord King Charles the Second, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, Sonne and next heire to our Soveraigne Lord Charles the First, the last King deceased, to be right heire to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme of England, or that bee ought not to enjoy the same; here is his champion, who sayth that he lyeth and is a false Traytor, being ready in person to combate with him, and in this quarrell will venture his life against him, on what day soever hee shall be appointed"..
Note 5. Bishop Kennett gives a somewhat fuller account of this unseemly broil: "No sooner had the aforesaid Barons brought up the King to the foot of the stairs in Westminster Hall, ascending to his throne, and turned on the left hand (towards their own table) out of the way, but the King's footmen most insolently and violently seized upon the canopy, which the Barons endeavouring to keep and defend, were by their number and strength dragged clown to the lower end of the Hall, nevertheless still keeping their hold; and had not Mr. Owen York Herald, being accidentally near the Hall door, and seeing the contest, caused the same to be shut, the footmen had certainly carried it away by force. But in the interim also (speedy notice hereof having been given the King) one of the Querries were sent from him, with command to imprison the footmen, and dismiss them out of his service, which put an end to the present disturbance. These footmen were also commanded to make their submission to the Court of Claims, which was accordingly done by them the 30th April following, and the canopy then delivered back to the said Barons". Whilst this disturbance happened, the upper end of the first table, which had been appointed for the Barons of the Cinque Ports, was taken up by the Bishops, judges, &c., probably nothing loth to take precedence of them; and the poor Barons, naturally unwilling to lose their dinner, were necessitated to eat it at the bottom of the second table, below the Masters of Chancery and others of the long robe.-B.
John Evelyn's Diary 24 April 1661. 24 Apr 1661. I presented his Majesty (30) with his "Panegyric" in the Privy Chamber, which he was pleased to accept most graciously; I gave copies to the Lord Chancellor (52), and most of the noblemen who came to me for it. I dined at the Marquis of Ormond's (50) where was a magnificent feast, and many great persons.
John Evelyn's Diary 03 May 1661. 03 May 1661. I went to see the wonderful engine for weaving silk stockings, said to have been the invention of an Oxford scholar forty years since; and I returned by Fromantil's, the famous clockmaker, to see some pendules, Monsieur Zulichem being with us.
This evening, I was with my Lord Brouncker (50), Sir Robert Murray (53), Sir Patrick Neill, Monsieur Zulichem, and Bull (all of them of our Society, and excellent mathematicians), to show his Majesty (30), who was present, Saturn's annulus, as some thought, but as Zulichem affirmed with his balteus (as that learned gentleman had published), very near eclipsed by the moon, near the Mons Porphyritis; also, Jupiter and satellites, through his Majesty's (30) great telescope, drawing thirty-five feet; on which were divers discourses.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 16 May 1661. 16 May 1661. Up early to see whether the work of my house be quite done, and I found it to my mind. Staid at home all the morning, and about 2 o'clock went in my velvet coat by water to the Savoy, and there, having staid a good while, I was called into the Lords, and there, quite contrary to my expectations, they did treat me very civilly, telling me that what they had done was out of zeal to the King's service, and that they would joyne with the governors of the chest with all their hearts, since they knew that there was any, which they did not before. I give them very respectful answer and so went away to the Theatre, and there saw the latter end of "The Mayd's Tragedy", which I never saw before, and methinks it is too sad and melancholy.
Thence homewards, and meeting Mr. Creed I took him by water to the Wardrobe with me, and there we found my Lord newly gone away with the Duke of Ormond (50) and some others, whom he had had to the collation; and so we, with the rest of the servants in the hall, sat down and eat of the best cold meats that ever I eat on in all my life. From thence I went home (Mr. Moore with me to the waterside, telling me how kindly he is used by my Lord and my Lady since his coming hither as a servant), and to bed.
John Evelyn's Diary 15 November 1661. 15 Nov 1661. I dined with the Duke of Ormond (51), who told me there were no moles in Ireland, nor any rats till of late, and that in but one county; but it was a mistake that spiders would not live there, only they were not poisonous. Also, that they frequently took salmon with dogs.
John Evelyn's Diary 06 January 1662. 06 Jan 1662. This evening, according to custom, his Majesty (31) opened the revels of that night by throwing the dice himself in the privy chamber, where was a table set on purpose, and lost his £100. (The year before he won £1,500.) The ladies also played very deep. I came away when the Duke of Ormond (51) had won about £1,000, and left them still at passage, cards, etc. At other tables, both there and at the groom-porter's, observing the wicked folly and monstrous excess of passion among some losers; sorry am I that such a wretched custom as play to that excess should be countenanced in a Court, which ought to be an example of virtue to the rest of the Kingdom.
John Evelyn's Diary 16 January 1662. 16 Jan 1662. Having notice of the Duke of York's (28) intention to visit my poor habitation and garden this day, I returned, when he was pleased to do me that honor of his own accord, and to stay some time viewing such things as I had to entertain his curiosity. Afterward he caused me to dine with him at the Treasurer of the Navy's house, and to sit with him covered at the same table. There were his Highness (28), the Duke of Ormond (51), and several Lords. Then they viewed some of my grounds about a project for a receptacle for ships to be moored in, which was laid aside as a fancy of Sir Nicholas Crisp (63). After this, I accompanied the Duke (28) to an East India vessel that lay at Blackwall, where we had entertainment of several curiosities. Among other spirituous drinks, as punch, etc., they gave us Canary that had been carried to and brought from the Indies, which was indeed incomparably good. I returned to London with his Highness (28). This night was acted before his Majesty (31) "The Widow", a lewd play.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 08 May 1662. 08 May 1662. At the office all the morning doing business alone, and then to the Wardrobe, where my Lady going out with the children to dinner I staid not, but returned home, and was overtaken in St. Paul's Churchyard by Sir G. Carteret (52) in his coach, and so he carried me to the Exchange, where I staid awhile. He told me that the Queen (23) and the fleet were in Mount's Bay on Monday last, and that the Queen (23) endures her sickness pretty well. He also told me how Sir John Lawson (47) hath done some execution upon the Turks in the Straight, of which I am glad, and told the news the first on the Exchange, and was much followed by merchants to tell it.
So home and to dinner, and by and by to the office, and after the rest gone (my Lady Albemarle (43) being this day at dinner at Sir W. Batten's (61)) Sir G. Carteret (52) comes, and he and I walked in the garden, and, among other discourse, tells me that it is Mr. Coventry (34) that is to come to us as a Commissioner of the Navy; at which he is much vexed, and cries out upon Sir W. Pen (41), and threatens him highly.
And looking upon his lodgings, which are now enlarging, he in passion cried, "Guarda mi spada; for, by God, I may chance to keep him in Ireland, when he is there:" for Sir W. Pen (41) is going thither with my Lord Lieutenant (51). But it is my design to keep much in with Sir George (52); and I think I have begun very well towards it.
So to the office, and was there late doing business, and so with my head full of business I to bed.
John Evelyn's Diary 31 May 1662. 31 May 1662. I saw the Queen (23) at dinner; the Judges came to compliment her arrival, and, after them, the Duke of Ormond (51) brought me to kiss her hand.
John Evelyn's Diary 21 August 1662. 21 Aug 1662. I was admitted and then sworn one of the Council of the Royal Society, being nominated in his Majesty's (32) original grant to be of this Council for the regulation of the Society, and making laws and statutes conducible to its establishment and progress, for which we now set apart every Wednesday morning till they were all finished. Lord Viscount Brouncker (51) (that excellent mathematician) was also by his Majesty (32), our founder, nominated our first President. The King (32) gave us the arms of England to be borne in a canton in our arms, and sent us a mace of silver gilt, of the same fashion and size as those carried before his Majesty (32), to be borne before our president on meeting days. It was brought by Sir Gilbert Talbot (56), master of his Majesty's jewel house.
John Evelyn's Diary 22 August 1662. 22 Aug 1662. I dined with my Lord Brouncker (51) and Sir Robert Murray (54), and then went to consult about a newly modeled ship at Lambeth, the intention being to reduce that art to as certain a method as any other part of architecture.
On 26 Oct 1662 [his son-in-law] William Cavendish 1st Duke Devonshire 1640-1707 (22) and Mary Butler Duchess Devonshire 1646-1710 (16) were married.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 03 November 1662. 03 Nov 1662. Up and with Sir J. Minnes (63) in his coach to White Hall, to the Duke's; but found him gone out a-hunting.
Thence to my Lord Sandwich (37), from whom I receive every day more and more signs of his confidence and esteem of me. Here I met with Pierce the chyrurgeon, who tells me that my Baroness Castlemaine's (21) is with child; but though it be the King's, yet her Lord (28) being still in town, and sometimes seeing of her, though never to eat or lie together, it will be laid to him. He tells me also how the Duke of York (29) is smitten in love with my [his daughter] Lady Chesterfield (22)1 (a virtuous lady, daughter to my Lord of Ormond (52)); and so much, that the Duchess of York (25) hath complained to the King (32) and her father (53) about it, and my [his daughter] Lady Chesterfield (22) is gone into the country for it. At all which I am sorry; but it is the effect of idleness, and having nothing else to employ their great spirits upon.
Thence with Mr. Creede and Mr. Moore (who is got upon his legs and come to see my Lord) to Wilkinson's, and there I did give them and Mr. Howe their dinner of roast beef, cost me 5s., and after dinner carried Mr. Moore as far as Paul's in a coach, giving him direction about my law business, and there set him down, and I home and among my workmen, who happened of all sorts to meet to their making an end of a great many jobbs, so that after to-morrow I shall have but a little plastering and all the painting almost to do, which was good content to me. At night to my office, and did business; and there came to me Mr. Wade and Evett, who have been again with their prime intelligencer, a woman, I perceive: and though we have missed twice, yet they bring such an account of the probability of the truth of the thing, though we are not certain of the place, that we shall set upon it once more; and I am willing and hopefull in it. So we resolved to set upon it again on Wednesday morning; and the woman herself will be there in a disguise, and confirm us in the place. So they took leave for the night, and I to my business, and then home to my wife and to supper and bed, my pain being going away. So by God's great blessing my mind is in good condition of quiet.
Note 1. [his daughter] Lady Elizabeth Butler (22), daughter of James Butler (52), first Duke of Ormond, second wife of [his son-in-law] Philip Stanhope (28), second Earl of Chesterfield. She died July, 1665 (see "Memoires de Grammont", chap. viii.). Peter Cunningham thinks that this banishment was only temporary, for, according to the Grammont Memoirs, she was in town when the Russian ambassador was in London, December, 1662, and January, 1662- 63. "It appears from the books of the Lord Steward's office... that [his son-in-law] Lord Chesterfield (28) set out for the country on the 12th May, 1663, and, from his 'Short Notes' referred to in the Memoirs before his Correspondence, that he remained at Bretby, in Derbyshire, with his wife, throughout the summer of that year" ("Story of Nell Gwyn", 1852, p. 189).
Diary of Samuel Pepys 01 June 1663. 01 Jun 1663. So home to supper and to bed. This day I hear at Court of the great plot which was lately discovered in Ireland, made among the Presbyters and others, designing to cry up the Covenant, and to secure Dublin Castle and other places; and they have debauched a good part of the army there, promising them ready money1. Some of the Parliament there, they say, are guilty, and some withdrawn upon it; several persons taken, and among others a son of Scott's, that was executed here for the King's (62) murder. What reason the King (33) hath, I know not; but it seems he is doubtfull of Scotland: and this afternoon, when I was there, the Council was called extraordinary; and they were opening the letters this last post's coming and going between Scotland and us and other places. Blessed be God, my head and hands are clear, and therefore my sleep safe.
Note 1. This was known as "Blood's Plot", and was named after Colonel Thomas Blood (45), afterwards notorious for his desperate attack upon the Duke of Ormond (52) in St. James's Street (1670) and for his robbery of the crown jewels in the Tower (1671). He died August 24th, 1680.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 02 June 1663. 02 Jun 1663. Up and by water to White Hall and so to St. James's, to Mr. Coventry (35); where I had an hour's private talk with him. Most of it was discourse concerning his own condition, at present being under the censure of the House, being concerned with others in the Bill for selling of offices. He tells me, that though he thinks himself to suffer much in his fame hereby, yet he values nothing more of evil to hang over him for that it is against no statute, as is pretended, nor more than what his predecessors time out of mind have taken; and that so soon as he found himself to be in an errour, he did desire to have his fees set, which was done; and since that he hath not taken a token more. He undertakes to prove, that he did never take a token of any captain to get him employed in his life beforehand, or demanded any thing: and for the other accusation, that the Cavaliers are not employed, he looked over the list of them now in the service, and of the twenty-seven that are employed, thirteen have been heretofore always under the King (33); two neutralls, and the other twelve men of great courage, and such as had either the King's particular commands, or great recommendation to put them in, and none by himself. Besides that, he says it is not the King's nor Duke's opinion that the whole party of the late officers should be rendered desperate. And lastly, he confesses that the more of the Cavaliers are put in, the less of discipline hath followed in the fleet; and that, whenever there comes occasion, it must be the old ones that must do any good, there being only, he says, but Captain Allen (51) good for anything of them all. He tells me, that he cannot guess whom all this should come from; but he suspects Sir G. Carteret (53), as I also do, at least that he is pleased with it. But he tells me that he will bring Sir G. Carteret (53) to be the first adviser and instructor of him what to make his place of benefit to him; telling him that Smith did make his place worth £5000 and he believed £7000 to him the first year; besides something else greater than all this, which he forbore to tell me. It seems one Sir Thomas Tomkins (58) of the House, that makes many mad motions, did bring it into the House, saying that a letter was left at his lodgings, subscribed by one Benson (which is a feigned name, for there is no such man in the Navy), telling him how many places in the Navy have been sold. And by another letter, left in the same manner since, nobody appearing, he writes him that there is one Hughes and another Butler (both rogues, that have for their roguery been turned out of their places), that will swear that Mr. Coventry (35) did sell their places and other things. I offered him my service, and will with all my heart serve him; but he tells me he do not think it convenient to meddle, or to any purpose, but is sensible of my love therein.
So I bade him good morrow, he being out of order to speak anything of our office business, and so away to Westminster Hall, where I hear more of the plot from Ireland; which it seems hath been hatching, and known to the Lord Lieutenant (52) a great while, and kept close till within three days that it should have taken effect. The term ended yesterday, and it seems the Courts rose sooner, for want of causes, than it is remembered to have done in the memory of man.
Thence up and down about business in several places, as to speak with Mr. Phillips, but missed him, and so to Mr. Beacham, the goldsmith, he being one of the jury to-morrow in Sir W. Batten's (62) case against Field. I have been telling him our case, and I believe he will do us good service there.
So home, and seeing my wife had dined I went, being invited, and dined with Sir W. Batten (62), Sir J. Minnes (64), and others, at Sir W. Batten's (62), Captain Allen (51) giving them a Foy' dinner, he being to go down to lie Admiral in the Downs this summer. I cannot but think it a little strange that having been so civil to him as I have been he should not invite me to dinner, but I believe it was but a sudden motion, and so I heard not of it.
After dinner to the office, where all the afternoon till late, and so to see Sir W. Pen (42), and so home to supper and to bed. To-night I took occasion with the vintner's man, who came by my direction to taste again my tierce of claret, to go down to the cellar with him to consult about the drawing of it; and there, to my great vexation, I find that the cellar door hath long been kept unlocked, and above half the wine drunk. I was deadly mad at it, and examined my people round, but nobody would confess it; but I did examine the boy, and afterwards Will, and told him of his sitting up after we were in bed with the maids, but as to that business he denies it, which I can [not] remedy, but I shall endeavour to know how it went. My wife did also this evening tell me a story of Ashwell stealing some new ribbon from her, a yard or two, which I am sorry to hear, and I fear my wife do take a displeasure against her, that they will hardly stay together, which I should be sorry for, because I know not where to pick such another out anywhere.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 02 March 1664. 02 Mar 1664. Up, my eye mightily out of order with the rheum that is fallen down into it, however, I by coach endeavoured to have waited on my Lord Sandwich (38), but meeting him in Chancery Lane going towards the City I stopped and so fairly walked home again, calling at St. Paul's Churchyarde, and there looked upon a pretty burlesque poem, called "Scarronides, or Virgile Travesty"; extraordinary good.
At home to the office till dinner, and after dinner my wife cut my hair short, which is growne pretty long again, and then to the office, and there till 9 at night doing business.
This afternoon we had a good present of tongues and bacon from Mr. Shales, of Portsmouth.
So at night home to supper, and, being troubled with my eye, to bed.
This morning Mr. Burgby, one of the writing clerks belonging to the Council, was with me about business, a knowing man, he complains how most of the Lords of the Council do look after themselves and their own ends, and none the publique, unless Sir Edward Nicholas (70). Sir G. Carteret (54) is diligent, but all for his own ends and profit. My Lord Privy Seale (58), a destroyer of every body's business, and do no good at all to the publique. The Archbishop of Canterbury (65) speaks very little, nor do much, being now come to the highest pitch that he can expect. He tells me, he believes that things will go very high against the Chancellor (55) by Digby (51), and that bad things will be proved. Talks much of his neglecting the King (33); and making the King (33) to trot every day to him, when he is well enough to go to visit his cozen Chief-Justice Hide (69), but not to the Council or King. He commends my Lord of Ormond (53) mightily in Ireland; but cries out cruelly of Sir G. Lane (44) for his corruption; and that he hath done my Lord great dishonour by selling of places here, which are now all taken away, and the poor wretches ready to starve. That nobody almost understands or judges of business better than the King (33), if he would not be guilty of his father's fault to be doubtfull of himself, and easily be removed from his own opinion. That my Lord Lauderdale (47) is never from the King's care nor council, and that he is a most cunning fellow. Upon the whole, that he finds things go very bad every where; and even in the Council nobody minds the publique.
John Evelyn's Diary 04 March 1664. 04 Mar 1664. Came to dine with me the Earl of Lauderdale (47), his Majesty's (33) great favorite, and Secretary of Scotland; the Earl of Teviot (38); my Lord Viscount Brouncker (53), President of the Royal Society; Dr. Wilkins (50), Dean of Ripon; Sir Robert Murray (56), and Mr. Hooke (28), Curator to the Society.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 18 June 1664. 18 Jun 1664. From morning till 11 at night (only a little at dinner at home) at my office very busy, setting many businesses in order to my great trouble, but great content in the end.
So home to supper and to bed. Strange to see how pert Sir W. Pen (43) is to-day newly come from Portsmouth with his head full of great reports of his service and the state of the ships there. When that is over he will be just as another man again or worse. But I wonder whence Mr. Coventry (36) should take all this care for him, to send for him up only to look after his Irish business with my Lord Ormond (53) and to get the Duke's leave for him to come with so much officiousness, when I am sure he knows him as well as I do as to his little service he do.
John Evelyn's Diary 21 July 1664. 21 Jul 1664. I dined with my Lord Treasurer (57) at Southampton House, where his Lordship used me with singular humanity. I went in the afternoon to Chelsea, to wait on the Duke of Ormond (53), and returned to London.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 11 August 1664. 11 Aug 1664. Up, and through pain, to my great grief forced to wear my gowne to keep my legs warm. At the office all the morning, and there a high dispute against Sir W. Batten (63) and Sir W. Pen (43) about the breadth of canvas again, they being for the making of it narrower, I and Mr. Coventry (36) and Sir J. Minnes (65) for the keeping it broader.
So home to dinner, and by and by comes Mr. Creed, lately come from the Downes, and dined with me. I show him a good countenance, but love him not for his base ingratitude to me. However, abroad, carried my wife to buy things at the New Exchange, and so to my Lady Sandwich's (39), and there merry, talking with her a great while, and so home, whither comes Cocker (33) with my rule, which he hath engraved to admiration, for goodness and smallness of work: it cost me 14s. The doing, and mightily pleased I am with it.
By and by, he gone, comes Mr. Moore and staid talking with me a great while about my Lord's businesses, which I fear will be in a bad condition for his family if my Lord should miscarry at sea.
He gone, I late to my office, and cannot forbear admiring and consulting my new rule, and so home to supper and to bed. This day, for a wager before the King (34), my Lords of Castlehaven (47) and [his son] Arran (25) (a son of my Lord of Ormond's (53)), they two alone did run down and kill a stoute bucke in St. James's parke.
John Evelyn's Diary 15 October 1664. 15 Oct 1664. Dined at the Lord Chancellor's (55), where was the Duke of Ormond (53), Earl of Cork, and Bishop of Winchester (66). After dinner, my Lord Chancellor (55) and his lady (47) carried me in their coach to see their palace (for he now lived at Worcester-House in the Strand), building at the upper end of St. James's street, and to project the garden. In the evening, I presented him with my book on Architecture, as before I had done to his Majesty (34) and the Queen-Mother (54). His lordship caused me to stay with him in his bedchamber, discoursing of several matters very late, even till he was going into his bed.
John Evelyn's Diary 29 October 1664. 29 Oct 1664. Was the most magnificent triumph by water and land of the Lord Mayor. I dined at Guildhall at the upper table, placed next to Sir H. Bennett (46), Secretary of State, opposite to my Lord Chancellor (55) and the Duke of Buckingham (36), who sat between Monsieur Comminges, the French Ambassador, Lord Treasurer (57), the Dukes of Ormond (54) and Albemarle (55), Earl of Manchester (62), Lord Chamberlain, and the rest of the great officers of state. My Lord Mayor came twice up to us, first drinking in the golden goblet his Majesty's (34) health, then the French King's as a compliment to the Ambassador; we returned my Lord Mayor's health, the trumpets and drums sounding. The cheer was not to be imagined for the plenty and rarity, with an infinite number of persons at the tables in that ample hall. The feast was said to cost £1,000. I slipped away in the crowd, and came home late.
John Evelyn's Diary 02 March 1665. 02 Mar 1665. I went with his Majesty (34) into the lobby behind the House of Lords, where I saw the King (34) and the rest of the Lords robe themselves, and got into the House of Lords in a corner near the woolsack, on which the Lord Chancellor sits next below the throne: the King (34) sat in all the regalia, the crown-imperial on his head, the sceptre and globe, etc. The Duke of Albemarle (56) bore the sword, the Duke of Ormond (54), the cap of dignity. The rest of the Lords robed in their places:—a most splendid and august convention. Then came the Speaker and the House of Commons (48), and at the bar made a speech, and afterward presented several bills, a nod only passing them, the clerk saying, Le Roy le veult, as to public bills, as to private, Soit faite commeil est desirè. Then, his Majesty (34) made a handsome but short speech, commanding my Lord Privy Seal (59) to prorogue the Parliament, which he did, the Chancellor (56) being ill and absent. I had not before seen this ceremony.
In Jul 1665 [his daughter] Elizabeth Butler Countess Chesterfield 1640-1665 (25) died.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 24 July 1665. 24 Jul 1665. And then up and home, and there dressed myself, and by appointment to Deptford, to Sir G. Carteret's (55), between six and seven o'clock, where I found him and my George Carteret 1st Baronet Metesches 1610-1680 (55) and Lady (63) almost ready, and by and by went over to the ferry, and took coach and six horses nobly for Dagenhams, himself and lady and their little daughter, Louisonne, and myself in the coach; where, when we come, we were bravely entertained and spent the day most pleasantly with the young ladies, and I so merry as never more. Only for want of sleep, and drinking of strong beer had a rheum in one of my eyes, which troubled me much. Here with great content all the day, as I think I ever passed a day in my life, because of the contentfulnesse of our errand, and the noblenesse of the company and our manner of going. But I find Mr. Carteret (24) yet as backward almost in his caresses, as he was the first day. !At night, about seven o'clock, took coach again; but, Lord! to see in what a pleasant humour Sir G. Carteret (55) hath been both coming and going; so light, so fond, so merry, so boyish (so much content he takes in this business), it is one of the greatest wonders I ever saw in my mind. But once in serious discourse he did say that, if he knew his son to be a debauchee, as many and, most are now-a-days about the Court, he would tell it, and my Lady Jem. should not have him; and so enlarged both he and she about the baseness and looseness of the Court, and told several stories of the Duke of Monmouth (16), and Richmond (26), and some great person, my Lord of Ormond's (54) [his son] second son (26), married to a [his son] Richard Butler 1st Earl Arran 1639-1685 (26) and lady (14) of extraordinary quality (fit and that might have been made a wife for the King (35) himself), about six months since, that this great person hath given the pox to———; and discoursed how much this would oblige the Kingdom if the King (35) would banish some of these great persons publiquely from the Court, and wished it with all their hearts.
We set out so late that it grew dark, so as we doubted the losing of our way; and a long time it was, or seemed, before we could get to the water-side, and that about eleven at night, where, when we come, all merry (only my eye troubled me, as I said), we found no ferryboat was there, nor no oares to carry us to Deptford. However, afterwards oares was called from the other side at Greenwich; but, when it come, a frolique, being mighty merry, took us, and there we would sleep all night in the coach in the Isle of Doggs. So we did, there being now with us my Lady Scott, and with great pleasure drew up the glasses, and slept till daylight, and then some victuals and wine being brought us, we ate a bit, and so up and took boat, merry as might be; and when come to Sir G. Carteret's (55), there all to bed.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 27 October 1666. 27 Oct 1666. Up, and there comes to see me my Lord Bellasses (52), which was a great honour. He tells me great newes, yet but what I suspected, that Vernatty is fled, and so hath cheated him and twenty more, but most of all, I doubt, Mr. Povy (52).
Thence to talk about publique business; he tells me how the two Houses begin to be troublesome; the Lords to have quarrels one with another. My Lord Duke of Buckingham (38) having said to the Chancellor (57) (who is against the passing of the Bill for prohibiting the bringing over of Irish cattle), that whoever was against the Bill, was there led to it by an Irish interest, or an Irish understanding, which is as much as to say he is a Poole; this bred heat from my Chancellor (57), and something he [Buckingham] said did offend my [his son] Lord of Ossory (32) my (Lord Duke of Ormond's (56) son), and they two had hard words, upon which the latter sends a challenge to the former; of which the former complains to the House, and so the business is to be heard on Monday next. Then as to the Commons; some ugly knives, like poignards, to stab people with, about two or three hundred of them were brought in yesterday to the House, found in one of the house's rubbish that was burned, and said to be the house of a Catholique. This and several letters out of the country, saying how high the Catholiques are everywhere and bold in the owning their religion, have made the Commons mad, and they presently voted that the King (36) be desired to put all Catholiques out of employment, and other high things; while the business of money hangs in the hedge. So that upon the whole, God knows we are in a sad condition like to be, there being the very beginnings of the late troubles.
He gone, I at the office all the morning. At noon home to dinner, where Mrs. Pierce and her boy and Knipp, who sings as well, and is the best company in the world, dined with us, and infinite merry. The playhouses begin to play next week. Towards evening I took them out to the New Exchange, and there my wife bought things, and I did give each of them a pair of Jesimy1 plain gloves, and another of white. Here Knipp and I walked up and down to see handsome faces, and did see several. Then carried each of them home, and with great pleasure and content, home myself, where, having writ several letters, I home, and there, upon some serious discourse between my wife and I upon the business, I called to us my brother, and there broke to him our design to send him into the country with some part of our money, and so did seriously discourse the whole thing, and then away to supper and to bed. I pray God give a blessing to our resolution, for I do much fear we shall meet with speedy distractions for want of money.
Note 1. Jessemin (Jasminum), the flowers of which are of a delicate sweet smell, and often used to perfume gloves. Edmund Howes, Stows continuator, informs us that sweet or perfumed gloves were first brought into England by the Earl of Oxford on his return from Italy, in the fifteenth year of Queen (27) Elizabeth, during whose reign, and long afterwards, they were very fashionable. They are frequently mentioned by Shakespeare. Autolyctis, in the "Winter's Tale", has among his Wares—"Gloves as sweet as damask roses". B.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 09 January 1667. 09 Jan 1667. Up, and with Sir W. Batten (66) and Sir W. Pen (45) in a Hackney-coach to White Hall, the way being most horribly bad upon the breaking up of the frost, so as not to be passed almost. There did our usual [business] with the Duke of York (33), and here I do hear, by my Lord Bruncker (47), that for certain Sir W. Coventry (39) hath resigned his place of Commissioner; which I believe he hath done upon good grounds of security to himself, from all the blame which must attend our office this next year; but I fear the King (36) will suffer by it.
Thence to Westminster Hall, and there to the conference of the Houses about the word "Nuisance",1 which the Commons would have, and the Lords will not, in the Irish Bill. The Commons do it professedly to prevent the King's dispensing with it; which Sir Robert Howard (41) and others did expressly repeat often: viz., "the King (36) nor any King ever could do any thing which was hurtful to their people". Now the Lords did argue, that it was an ill precedent, and that which will ever hereafter be used as a way of preventing the King's dispensation with acts; and therefore rather advise to pass the Bill without that word, and let it go, accompanied with a petition, to the King (36), that he will not dispense with it; this being a more civil way to the King (36). They answered well, that this do imply that the King (36) should pass their Bill, and yet with design to dispense with it; which is to suppose the King (36) guilty of abusing them. And more, they produce precedents for it; namely, that against new buildings and about leather, wherein the word "Nuisance" is used to the purpose: and further, that they do not rob the King (36) of any right he ever had, for he never had a power to do hurt to his people, nor would exercise it; and therefore there is no danger, in the passing this Bill, of imposing on his prerogative; and concluded, that they think they ought to do this, so as the people may really have the benefit of it when it is passed, for never any people could expect so reasonably to be indulged something from a King, they having already given him so much money, and are likely to give more.
Thus they broke up, both adhering to their opinions; but the Commons seemed much more full of judgment and reason than the Lords. Then the Commons made their Report to the Lords of their vote, that their Lordships' proceedings in the Bill for examining Accounts were unparliamentary; they having, while a Bill was sent up to them from the Commons about the business, petitioned his Majesty that he would do the same thing by his Commission. They did give their reasons: viz., that it had no precedent; that the King (36) ought not to be informed of anything passing in the Houses till it comes to a Bill; that it will wholly break off all correspondence between the two Houses, and in the issue wholly infringe the very use and being of Parliaments. Having left their arguments with the Lords they all broke up, and I by coach to the ordinary by the Temple, and there dined alone on a rabbit, and read a book I brought home from Mrs. Michell's, of the proceedings of the Parliament in the 3rd and 4th year of the late King, a very good book for speeches and for arguments of law.
Thence to Faythorne (51), and bought a head or two; one of them my Lord of Ormond's (56), the best I ever saw, and then to Arundell House, where first the Royall Society meet, by the favour of Mr. Harry Howard (38), who was there, and has given us his grandfather's (81) library, a noble gift, and a noble favour and undertaking it is for him to make his house the seat for this college. Here was an experiment shown about improving the use of powder for creating of force in winding up of springs and other uses of great worth. And here was a great meeting of worthy noble persons; but my Lord Bruncker (47), who pretended to make a congratulatory speech upon their coming hither, and in thanks to Mr. Howard (38), do it in the worst manner in the world, being the worst speaker, so as I do wonder at his parts and the unhappiness of his speaking.
Thence home by coach and to the office, and then home to supper, Mercer and her sister there, and to cards, and then to bed. Mr. Cowling did this day in the House-lobby tell me of the many complaints among people against Mr. Townsend in the Wardrobe, and advises me to think of my Lord Sandwich's (41) concernment there under his care. He did also tell me upon my demanding it, that he do believe there are some things on foot for a peace between France and us, but that we shall be foiled in it.
Note 1. In the "Bill against importing Cattle from Ireland and other parts beyond the Seas", the Lords proposed to insert "Detriment and Mischief" in place of "Nuisance", but the Commons stood to their word, and gained their way. The Lords finally consented that "Nuisance" should stand in the Bill.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 04 February 1667. 04 Feb 1667. Soon as dined, my wife and I out to the Duke's playhouse, and there saw "Heraclius", an excellent play, to my extraordinary content; and the more from the house being very full, and great company; among others, Mrs. Steward (19), very fine, with her locks done up with puffes, as my wife calls them: and several other great ladies had their hair so, though I do not like it; but my wife do mightily—but it is only because she sees it is the fashion. Here I saw my Lord Rochester (19) and his lady, Mrs. Mallet (16), who hath after all this ado married him; and, as I hear some say in the pit, it is a great act of charity, for he hath no estate. But it was pleasant to see how every body rose up when my [his son] Lord John Butler (24), the Duke of Ormond's (56) son, come into the pit towards the end of the play, who was a servant [lover] to Mrs. Mallet (16), and now smiled upon her, and she on him. I had sitting next to me a woman, the likest my Baroness Castlemayne (26) that ever I saw anybody like another; but she is a whore, I believe, for she is acquainted with every fine fellow, and called them by their name, Jacke, and Tom, and before the end of the play frisked to another place. Mightily pleased with the play, we home by coach, and there a little to the office, and then to my chamber, and there finished my Catalogue of my books with my own hand, and so to supper and to bed, and had a good night's rest, the last night's being troublesome, but now my heart light and full of resolution of standing close to my business.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 08 July 1667. 08 Jul 1667. Up, and to my chamber, and by and by comes Greeting, and to my flageolet with him with a pretty deal of pleasure, and then to the office, where Sir W. Batten (66), Sir W. Pen (46) and I met about putting men to work for the weighing of the ships in the River sunk. Then home again, and there heard Mr. Caesar play some very good things on the lute together with myself on the violl and Greeting on the viallin. Then with my wife abroad by coach, she to her tailor's, I to Westminster to Burges about my Tangier business, and thence to White Hall, where I spoke with Sir John Nicholas, who tells me that Mr. Coventry (39) is come from Bredah, as was expected; but, contrary to expectation, brings with him two or three articles which do not please the King (37): as, to retrench the Act of Navigation, and then to ascertain what are contraband goods; and then that those exiled persons, who are or shall take refuge in their country, may be secure from any further prosecution. Whether these will be enough to break the peace upon, or no, he cannot tell; but I perceive the certainty of peace is blown over. So called on my wife and met Creed by the way, and they two and I to Charing Cross, there to see the great boy and girle that are lately come out of Ireland, the latter eight, the former but four years old, of most prodigious bigness for their age. I tried to weigh them in my arms, and find them twice as heavy as people almost twice their age; and yet I am apt to believe they are very young. Their father a little sorry fellow, and their mother an old Irish woman. They have had four children of this bigness, and four of ordinary growth, whereof two of each are dead. If, as my Lord Ormond (56) certifies, it be true that they are no older, it is very monstrous.
So home and to dinner with my wife and to pipe, and then I to the office, where busy all the afternoon till the evening, and then with my wife by coach abroad to Bow and Stratford, it being so dusty weather that there was little pleasure in it, and so home and to walk in the garden, and thither comes Pelling to us to talk, and so in and to supper, and then to bed. All the world being as I hear very much damped that their hopes of peace is become uncertain again.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 04 November 1667. 04 Nov 1667. Up betimes, and by water with Sir R. Ford (53) (who is going to Parliament) to Westminster; and there landing at the New Exchange stairs, I to Sir W. Coventry (39): and there he read over to me the D. Gawden's and the Duke of Albemarle's (58) Narratives; wherein they are very severe against him and our Office. But Sir W. Coventry (39) do contemn them; only that their persons and qualities are great, and so I do perceive (he) is afeard of them, though he will not confess it. But he do say that, if he can get out of these briars, he will never trouble himself with Princes nor Dukes again. He finds several things in their Narratives, which are both inconsistent and foolish, as well as untrue, especially as to what the Duke of Albemarle (58) avers of his knowing of the enemy's being abroad sooner than he says it, which Sir W. Coventry (39) will shew him his own letter against him, for I confess I do see so much, that, were I but well possessed of what I should have in the world, I think I could willingly retreat, and trouble myself no more with it.
Thence home, and there met Sir H. Cholmly (35), and he and I to the Excise Office to see what tallies are paying, and thence back to the Old Exchange, by the way talking of news, and he owning Sir W. Coventry (39), in his opinion, to be one of the worthiest men in the nation, as I do really think he is. He tells me he do think really that they will cut off my Chancellor's (58) head, the Chancellor (58) at this day showing as much pride as is possible to those few that venture their fortunes by coming to see him; and that the Duke of York (34) is troubled much, knowing that those that fling down the Chancellor (58) cannot stop there, but will do something to him, to prevent his having it in his power hereafter to avenge himself and father-in-law upon them. And this Sir H. Cholmly (35) fears may be by divorcing the Queen (28) and getting another, or declaring the Duke of Monmouth (18) legitimate; which God forbid! He tells me he do verily believe that there will come in an impeachment of High Treason against my Lord of Ormond (57); among other things, for ordering the quartering of soldiers in Ireland on free quarters; which, it seems, is High Treason in that country, and was one of the things that lost the Lord Strafford (74) his head, and the law is not yet repealed; which, he says, was a mighty oversight of him not to have it repealed, which he might with ease have done, or have justified himself by an Act. From the Exchange I took a coach, and went to Turlington, the great spectacle-maker, for advice, who dissuades me from using old spectacles, but rather young ones, and do tell me that nothing can wrong my eyes more than for me to use reading-glasses, which do magnify much.
Thence home, and there dined, and then abroad and left my wife and Willett at her tailor's, and I to White Hall, where the Commissioners of the Treasury do not sit, and therefore I to Westminster to the Hall, and there meeting with Col. Reames I did very cheaply by him get copies of the D. Gawden's and Duke of Albemarle's (58) Narratives, which they did deliver the other day to the House, of which I am mighty glad, both for my present information and for my future satisfaction. So back by coach, and took up my wife, and away home, and there in my chamber all the evening among my papers and my accounts of Tangier to my great satisfaction, and so to supper and to bed.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 03 May 1668. 03 May 1668. Lord's Day. Up, and to church, where I saw Sir A. Rickard (64), though he be under the Black Rod, by order of the Lords' House, upon the quarrel between the East India Company and Skinner, which is like to come to a very great heat between the two Houses.
At noon comes Mr. Mills and his wife, and Mr. Turner and his wife, by invitation to dinner, and we were mighty merry, and a very pretty dinner, of my Bridget and Nell's dressing, very handsome.
After dinner to church again....
So home and with Sir W. Pen (47) took a Hackney, and he and I to Old Street, to a brew-house there, to see Sir Thomas Teddiman, who is very ill in bed of a fever, got, I believe, by the fright the Parliament have put him into, of late. But he is a good man, a good seaman, and stout.
Thence Pen and I to Islington, and there, at the old house, eat, and drank, and merry, and there by chance giving two pretty fat boys each of them a cake, they proved to be Captain Holland's children, whom therefore I pity. So round by Hackney home, having good discourse, he [Pen] being very open to me in his talk, how the King (37) ought to dissolve this Parliament, when the Bill of Money is passed, they being never likely to give him more; how he [the King (37)] hath great opportunity of making himself popular by stopping this Act against Conventicles; and how my Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (57), if the Parliament continue, will undoubtedly fall, he having managed that place with so much self-seeking, and disorder, and pleasure, and some great men are designing to overthrow (him), as, among the rest, my Lord Orrery (47); and that this will try the King (37) mightily, he being a firm friend to my Lord Lieutenant.
So home; and to supper a little, and then to bed, having stepped, after I come home, to Alderman Backewell's (50) about business, and there talked a while with him and his wife, a fine woman of the country, and how they had bought an estate at Buckeworth, within four mile of Brampton.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 11 May 1668. 11 May 1668. Up, and to my office, where alone all the morning. About noon comes to me my cousin Sarah, and my aunt Livett, newly come out of Gloucestershire, good woman, and come to see me; I took them home, and made them drink, but they would not stay dinner, I being alone. But here they tell me that they hear that this day Kate Joyce was to be married to a man called Hollingshed, whom she indeed did once tell me of, and desired me to enquire after him. But, whatever she said of his being rich, I do fear, by her doing this without my advice, it is not as it ought to be; but, as she brews, let her bake. They being gone, I to dinner with Balty (28) and his wife, who is come to town to-day from Deptford to see us, and after dinner I out and took a coach, and called Mercer, and she and I to the Duke of York's playhouse, and there saw "The Tempest", and between two acts, I went out to Mr. Harris (34), and got him to repeat to me the words of the Echo, while I writ them down, having tried in the play to have wrote them; but, when I had done it, having done it without looking upon my paper, I find I could not read the blacklead. But now I have got the words clear, and, in going in thither, had the pleasure to see the actors in their several dresses, especially the seamen and monster, which were very droll: so into the play again. But there happened one thing which vexed me, which is, that the orange-woman did come in the pit, and challenge me for twelve oranges, which she delivered by my order at a late play, at night, to give to some ladies in a box, which was wholly untrue, but yet she swore it to be true. But, however, I did deny it, and did not pay her; but, for quiet, did buy 4s. worth of oranges of her, at 6d. a-piece. Here I saw first my Lord Ormond (57) since his coming from Ireland, which is now about eight days. After the play done, I took Mercer by water to Spring Garden; and there with great pleasure walked, and eat, and drank, and sang, making people come about us, to hear us, and two little children of one of our neighbours that happened to be there, did come into our arbour, and we made them dance prettily.
So by water, with great pleasure, down to the Bridge, and there landed, and took water again on the other side; and so to the Tower, and I saw her home, I myself home to my chamber, and by and by to bed.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 19 May 1668. 19 May 1668. Up, and called on Mr. Pierce, who tells me that after all this ado Ward is come to town, and hath appeared to the Commissioners of Accounts and given such answers as he thinks will do every body right, and let the world see that their great expectations and jealousies have been vain in this matter of the prizes. The Commissioners were mighty inquisitive whether he was not instructed by letters or otherwise from hence from my Lord Sandwich's (42) friends what to say and do, and particularly from me, which he did wholly deny, as it was true, I not knowing the man that I know of. He tells me also that, for certain, Mr. Vaughan (64) is made Lord Chief justice, which I am glad of. He tells me, too; that since my Lord of Ormond's (57) coming over, the King (37) begins to be mightily reclaimed, and sups every night with great pleasure with the Queene (58): and yet, it seems, he is mighty hot upon the Duchess of Richmond (20); insomuch that, upon Sunday was se'nnight, at night, after he had ordered his Guards and coach to be ready to carry him to the Park, he did, on a sudden, take a pair of oars or sculler, and all alone, or but one with him, go to Somersett House, and there, the garden-door not being open, himself clamber over the walls to make a visit to her, which is a horrid shame. He gone, I to the office, where we sat all the morning, Sir W. Pen (47) sick of the gout comes not out.
After dinner at home, to White Hall, it being a very rainy day, and there a Committee for Tangier, where I was mightily pleased to see Sir W. Coventry (40) fall upon my Lord Bellasses' (53) business of the 3d. in every piece of it which he would get to himself, making the King (37) pay 4s. 9d, while he puts them off for 4s. 6d., so that Sir W. Coventry (40) continues still the same man for the King's good. But here Creed did vex me with saying that I ought first to have my account past by the Commissioners of Tangier before in the Exchequer.
Thence W. Coventry (40) and I in the Matted Gallery, and there he did talk very well to me about the way to save the credit of the officers of the Navy, and their places too, by making use of this interval of Parliament to be found to be mending of matters in the Navy, and that nothing but this will do it, and gives an instance in themselves of the Treasury, whereof himself and Sir John Duncombe (45) all the world knows have enemies, and my Lord Ashly (46) a man obnoxious to most, and Sir Thomas Clifford (37) one that as a man suddenly rising and a creature of my Lord Arlington's (50) hath enemies enough (none of them being otherwise but the Duke of Albemarle (59)), yet with all this fault they hear nothing of the business of the Treasury, but all well spoken of there. He is for the removal of Sir John Minnes (69), thinking that thereby the world will see a greater change in the hands than now they do; and I will endeavour it, and endeavour to do some good in the office also.
So home by coach, and to the office, where ended my letters, and then home, and there got Balty (28) to read to me out of Sorbiere's Observations in his Voyage into England, and then to bed.
John Evelyn's Diary 03 August 1668. 03 Aug 1668. Mr. Bramstone (son to Judge B (91)), my old fellow-traveler, now reader at the Middle Temple, invited me to his feast, which was so very extravagant and great as the like had not been seen at any time. There were the Duke of Ormond (57), Privy Seal (62), Bedford (52), Belasis (54), Halifax (34), and a world more of Earls and Lords.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 04 November 1668. 04 Nov 1668. Up, and by coach to White Hall; and there I find the King (38) and Duke of York (35) come the last night, and every body's mouth full of my Lord Anglesey's (54) suspension being sealed; which it was, it seems, yesterday; so that he is prevented in his remedy at the Council; and, it seems, the two new Treasurers did kiss the King's hand this morning, brought in by my Lord Arlington (50). They walked up and down together the Court this day, and several people joyed them; but I avoided it, that I might not be seen to look either way. This day also I hear that my Lord Ormond (58) is to be declared in Council no more Deputy Governor of Ireland, his commission being expired: and the King (38) is prevailed with to take it out of his hands; which people do mightily admire, saying that he is the greatest subject of any Prince in Christendome, and hath more acres of land than any, and hath done more for his Prince than ever any yet did. But all will not do; he must down, it seems, the Duke of Buckingham (40) carrying all before him. But that, that troubles me most is, that they begin to talk that the Duke of York's (35) regiment is ordered to be disbanded; and more, that undoubtedly his Admiralty will follow: which do shake me mightily, and I fear will have ill consequences in the nation, for these counsels are very mad. The Duke of York (35) do, by all men's report, carry himself wonderfull submissive to the King (38), in the most humble manner in the world; but yet, it seems, nothing must be spared that tends to, the keeping out of the Chancellor (59); and that is the reason of all this. The great discourse now is, that the Parliament shall be dissolved and another called, which shall give the King (38) the Deane (34) and Chapter lands; and that will put him out of debt. And it is said that Buckingham do knownly meet daily with Wildman and other Commonwealth-men; and that when he is with them, he makes the King (38) believe that he is with his wenches; and something looks like the Parliament's being dissolved, by Harry Brouncker's (41) being now come back, and appears this day the first day at White Hall; but hath not been yet with the King (38), but is secure that he shall be well received, I hear. God bless us, when such men as he shall be restored! But that, that pleases me most is, that several do tell me that Pen is to be removed; and others, that he hath resigned his place; and particularly Spragg tells me for certain that he hath resigned it, and is become a partner with Gawden in the Victualling: in which I think he hath done a very cunning thing; but I am sure I am glad of it; and it will be well for the King (38) to have him out of this Office.
Thence by coach, doing several errands, home and there to dinner, and then to the Office, where all the afternoon till late at night, and so home. Deb. hath been abroad to-day with her friends, poor girle, I believe toward the getting of a place. This day a boy is sent me out of the country from Impington by my cozen Roger Pepys' (51) getting, whom I visited this morning at his chamber in the Strand and carried him to Westminster Hall, where I took a turn or two with him and Sir John Talbot (38), who talks mighty high for my Lord of Ormond (58): and I perceive this family of the Talbots hath been raised by my Lord. When I come home to-night I find Deb. not come home, and do doubt whether she be not quite gone or no, but my wife is silent to me in it, and I to her, but fell to other discourse, and indeed am well satisfied that my house will never be at peace between my wife and I unless I let her go, though it grieves me to the heart. My wife and I spent much time this evening talking of our being put out of the Office, and my going to live at Deptford at her brother's, till I can clear my accounts, and rid my hands of the town, which will take me a year or more, and I do think it will be best for me to do so, in order to our living cheap, and out of sight.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 05 November 1668. 05 Nov 1668. Up, and Willet come home in the morning, and, God forgive me! I could not conceal my content thereat by smiling, and my wife observed it, but I said nothing, nor she, but away to the office. Presently up by water to White Hall, and there all of us to wait on the Duke of York (35), which we did, having little to do, and then I up and down the house, till by and by the Duke of York (35), who had bid me stay, did come to his closet again, and there did call in me and Mr. Wren; and there my paper, that I have lately taken pains to draw up, was read, and the Duke of York (35) pleased therewith; and we did all along conclude upon answers to my mind for the Board, and that that, if put in execution, will do the King's business. But I do now more and more perceive the Duke of York's (35) trouble, and that he do lie under great weight of mind from the Duke of Buckingham's (40) carrying things against him; and particularly when I advised that he would use his interest that a seaman might come into the room of W. Pen (47), who is now declared to be gone from us to that of the Victualling, and did shew how the Office would now be left without one seaman in it, but the Surveyour and the Controller, who is so old as to be able to do nothing, he told me plainly that I knew his mind well enough as to seamen, but that it must be as others will. And Wren did tell it me as a secret, that when the Duke of York (35) did first tell the King (38) about Sir W. Pen's (47) leaving of the place, and that when the Duke of York (35) did move the King (38) that either Captain Cox or Sir Jer. Smith might succeed him, the King (38) did tell him that that was a matter fit to be considered of, and would not agree to either presently; and so the Duke of York (35) could not prevail for either, nor knows who it shall be. The Duke of York (35) did tell me himself, that if he had not carried it privately when first he mentioned Pen's leaving his place to the King (38), it had not been done; for the Duke of Buckingham (40) and those of his party do cry out upon it, as a strange thing to trust such a thing into the hands of one that stands accused in Parliament: and that they have so far prevailed upon the King (38) that he would not have him named in Council, but only take his name to the Board; but I think he said that only D. Gawden's name shall go in the patent; at least, at the time when Sir Richard Browne (63) asked the King (38) the names of D. Gawden's security, the King (38) told him it was not yet necessary for him to declare them. And by and by, when the Duke of York (35) and we had done, and Wren brought into the closet Captain Cox and James Temple About business of the Guiney Company, and talking something of the Duke of Buckingham's (40) concernment therein, and says the Duke of York (35), "I will give the Devil his due, as they say the Duke of Buckingham (40) hath paid in his money to the Company", or something of that kind, wherein he would do right to him. The Duke of York (35) told me how these people do begin to cast dirt upon the business that passed the Council lately, touching Supernumeraries, as passed by virtue of his authority there, there being not liberty for any man to withstand what the Duke of York (35) advises there; which, he told me, they bring only as an argument to insinuate the putting of the Admiralty into Commission, which by all men's discourse is now designed, and I perceive the same by him. This being done, and going from him, I up and down the house to hear news: and there every body's mouth full of changes; and, among others, the Duke of York's (35) regiment of Guards, that was raised during the late war at sea, is to be disbanded: and also, that this day the King (38) do intend to declare that the Duke of Ormond (58) is no more Deputy of Ireland, but that he will put it into Commission. This day our new Treasurers did kiss the King's hand, who complimented them, as they say, very highly, that he had for a long time been abused in his Treasurer, and that he was now safe in their hands. I saw them walk up and down the Court together all this morning; the first time I ever saw Osborne, who is a comely gentleman. This day I was told that my Lord Anglesey (54) did deliver a petition on Wednesday in Council to the King (38), laying open, that whereas he had heard that his Majesty had made such a disposal of his place, which he had formerly granted him for life upon a valuable consideration, and that, without any thing laid to his charge, and during a Parliament's sessions, he prayed that his Majesty would be pleased to let his case be heard before the Council and the judges of the land, who were his proper counsel in all matters of right: to which, I am told, the King (38), after my Lord's being withdrawn, concluded upon his giving him an answer some few days hence; and so he was called in, and told so, and so it ended. Having heard all this I took coach and to Mr. Povy's (54), where I hear he is gone to the Swedes Resident in Covent Garden, where he is to dine. I went thither, but he is not come yet, so I to White Hall to look for him, and up and down walking there I met with Sir Robert Holmes (46), who asking news I told him of Sir W. Pen's (47) going from us, who ketched at it so as that my heart misgives me that he will have a mind to it, which made me heartily sorry for my words, but he invited me and would have me go to dine with him at the Treasurer's, Sir Thomas Clifford (38), where I did go and eat some oysters; which while we were at, in comes my Lord Keeper and much company; and so I thought it best to withdraw. And so away, and to the Swedes Agent's, and there met Mr. Povy (54); where the Agent would have me stay and dine, there being only them, and Joseph Williamson (35), and Sir Thomas Clayton; but what he is I know not. Here much extraordinary noble discourse of foreign Princes, and particularly the greatness of the King of France (30), and of his being fallen into the right way of making the Kingdom great, which [none] of his ancestors ever did before. I was mightily pleased with this company and their discourse, so as to have been seldom so much in all my life, and so after dinner up into his upper room, and there did see a piece of perspective, but much inferior to Mr. Povy's (54).
Thence with Mr. Povy (54) spent all the afternoon going up and down among the coachmakers in Cow Lane, and did see several, and at last did pitch upon a little chariott, whose body was framed, but not covered, at the widow's, that made Mr. Lowther's fine coach; and we are mightily pleased with it, it being light, and will be very genteel and sober: to be covered with leather, and yet will hold four. Being much satisfied with this, I carried him to White Hall; and so by coach home, where give my wife a good account of my day's work, and so to the office, and there late, and so to bed.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 25 November 1668. 25 Nov 1668. Up, and by coach with W. Hewer (26) to see W. Coventry (40); but he gone out, I to White Hall, and there waited on Lord Sandwich (43), which I have little encouragement to do, because of the difficulty of seeing him, and the little he hath to say to me when I do see him, or to any body else, but his own idle people about him, Sir Charles Harbord (28), &c.
Thence walked with him to White Hall, where to the Duke of York (35); and there the Duke, and Wren, and I, by appointment in his closet, to read over our letter to the Office, which he heard, and signed it, and it is to my mind, Mr. Wren (39) having made it somewhat sweeter to the Board, and yet with all the advice fully, that I did draw it up with. He [the Duke] said little more to us now, his head being full of other business; but I do see that he do continue to put a value upon my advice; and so Mr. Wren (39) and I to his chamber, and there talked: and he seems to hope that these people, the Duke of Buckingham (40) and Arlington (50), will run themselves off of their legs; they being forced to be always putting the King (38) upon one idle thing or other, against the easiness of his nature, which he will never be able to bear, nor they to keep him to, and so will lose themselves. And, for instance of their little progress, he tells me that my Lord of Ormond (58) is like yet to carry it, and to continue in his command in Ireland; at least, they cannot get the better of him yet. But he tells me that the Keeper is wrought upon, as they say, to give his opinion for the dissolving of the Parliament, which, he thinks, will undo him in the eyes of the people. He do not seem to own the hearing or fearing of any thing to be done in the Admiralty, to the lessening of the Duke of York (35), though he hears how the town talk's full of it.
Thence I by coach home, and there find my cozen Roger (51) come to dine with me, and to seal his mortgage for the £500 I lend him; but he and I first walked to the 'Change, there to look for my uncle Wight (66), and get him to dinner with us.
So home, buying a barrel of oysters at my old oyster-woman's, in Gracious Street, but over the way to where she kept her shop before.
So home, and there merry at dinner; and the money not being ready, I carried Roger Pepys (51) to Holborn Conduit, and there left him going to Stradwick's, whom we avoided to see, because of our long absence, and my wife and I to the Duke of York's (35) house, to see "The Duchesse of Malfy", a sorry play, and sat with little pleasure, for fear of my wife's seeing me look about, and so I was uneasy all the while, though I desire and resolve never to give her trouble of that kind more.
So home, and there busy at the Office a while, and then home, where my wife to read to me, and so to supper, and to bed. This evening, to my great content, I got Sir Richard Ford (54) to give me leave to set my coach in his yard.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 05 December 1668. 05 Dec 1668. Up, after a little talk with my wife, which troubled me, she being ever since our late difference mighty watchful of sleep and dreams, and will not be persuaded but I do dream of Deb., and do tell me that I speak in my dreams and that this night I did cry, Huzzy, and it must be she, and now and then I start otherwise than I used to do, she says, which I know not, for I do not know that I dream of her more than usual, though I cannot deny that my thoughts waking do run now and then against my will and judgment upon her, for that only is wanting to undo me, being now in every other thing as to my mind most happy, and may still be so but for my own fault, if I be catched loving any body but my wife again. So up and to the office, and at noon to dinner, and thence to office, where late, mighty busy, and despatching much business, settling papers in my own office, and so home to supper, and to bed. No news stirring, but that my Lord of Ormond (58) is likely to go to Ireland again, which do shew that the Duke of Buckingham (40) do not rule all so absolutely; and that, however, we shall speedily have more changes in the Navy: and it is certain that the Nonconformists do now preach openly in houses, in many places, and among others the house that was heretofore Sir G. Carteret's (58), in Leadenhall Streete, and have ready access to the King (38). And now the great dispute is, whether this Parliament or another; and my great design, if I continue in the Navy, is to get myself to be a Parliament-man.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 11 January 1669. 11 Jan 1669. Up, and with W. Hewer (27), my guard, to White Hall, where no Committee of Tangier met, so up and down the House talking with this and that man, and so home, calling at the New Exchange for a book or two to send to Mr. Shepley and thence home, and thence to the 'Change, and there did a little business, and so walked home to dinner, and then abroad with my wife to the King's playhouse, and there saw "The Joviall Crew", but ill acted to what it was heretofore, in Clun's time, and when Lacy (54) could dance.
Thence to the New Exchange, to buy some things; and, among others, my wife did give me my pair of gloves, which, by contract, she is to give me in her £30 a-year. Here Mrs. Smith tells us of the great murder thereabouts, on Saturday last, of one Captain Bumbridge, by one Symons, both of her acquaintance; and hectors that were at play, and in drink: the former is killed, and is kinsman to my Lord of Ormond (58), which made him speak of it with so much passion, as I overheard him this morning, but could not make anything of it till now, but would they would kill more of them.
So home; and there at home all the evening; and made Tom to prick down some little conceits and notions of mine, in musique, which do mightily encourage me to spend some more thoughts about it; for I fancy, upon good reason, that I am in the right way of unfolding the mystery of this matter, better than ever yet.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 12 February 1669. 12 Feb 1669. Up, and my wife with me to White Hall, and Tom, and there she sets us down, and there to wait on the Duke of York (35), with the rest of us, at the Robes, where the Duke of York (35) did tell us that the King (38) would have us prepare a draught of the present administration of the Navy, and what it was in the late times, in order to his being able to distinguish between the good and the bad, which I shall do, but to do it well will give me a great deal of trouble. Here we shewed him Sir J. Minnes's (69) propositions about balancing Storekeeper's accounts; and I did shew him Hosier's, which did please him mightily, and he will have it shewed the Council and King anon, to be put in practice.
Thence to the Treasurer's; and I and Sir J. Minnes (69) and Mr. Tippets down to the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, and there had a hot debate from Sir Thomas Clifford (38) and my Lord Ashly (47) (the latter of which, I hear, is turning about as fast as he can to the Duke of Buckingham's (41) side, being in danger, it seems, of being otherwise out of play, which would not be convenient for him), against Sir W. Coventry (41) and Sir J. Duncomb, who did uphold our Office against an accusation of our Treasurers, who told the Lords that they found that we had run the King (38) in debt £50,000 or more, more than the money appointed for the year would defray, which they declared like fools, and with design to hurt us, though the thing is in itself ridiculous. But my Lord Ashly (47) and Clifford did most horribly cry out against the want of method in the Office. At last it come that it should be put in writing what they had to object; but I was devilish mad at it, to see us thus wounded by our own members, and so away vexed, and called my wife, and to Hercules Pillars, Tom and I, there dined; and here there coming a Frenchman by with his Shew, we did make him shew it us, which he did just as Lacy (54) acts it, which made it mighty pleasant to me. So after dinner we away and to Dancre's (44), and there saw our picture of Greenwich in doing, which is mighty pretty, and so to White Hall, my wife to Unthank's, and I attended with Lord Brouncker (49) the King (38) and Council, about the proposition of balancing Storekeeper's accounts and there presented Hosier's book, and it was mighty well resented and approved of. So the Council being up, we to the Queen's (30) side with the King (38) and Duke of York (35): and the Duke of York (35) did take me out to talk of our Treasurers, whom he is mighty angry with: and I perceive he is mighty desirous to bring in as many good motions of profit and reformation in the Navy as he can, before the Treasurers do light upon them, they being desirous, it seems, to be thought the great reformers: and the Duke of York (35) do well. But to my great joy he is mighty open to me in every thing; and by this means I know his whole mind, and shall be able to secure myself, if he stands. Here to-night I understand, by my Lord Brouncker (49), that at last it is concluded on by the King (38) and Buckingham that my Lord of Ormond (58) shall not hold his government of Ireland, which is a great stroke, to shew the power of Buckingham and the poor spirit of the King (38), and little hold that any man can have of him.
Thence I homeward, and calling my wife called at my cozen Turner's, and there met our new cozen Pepys (Mrs. Dickenson), and Bab. and Betty' come yesterday to town, poor girls, whom we have reason to love, and mighty glad we are to see them; and there staid and talked a little, being also mightily pleased to see Betty Turner (16), who is now in town, and her brothers Charles and Will, being come from school to see their father, and there talked a while, and so home, and there Pelling hath got me W. Pen's (24) book against the Trinity1. I got my wife to read it to me; and I find it so well writ as, I think, it is too good for him ever to have writ it; and it is a serious sort of book, and not fit for every body to read.
So to supper and to bed.
Note 1. Entitled, "The Sandy Foundation Shaken; or those... doctrines of one God subsisting in three distinct and separate persons; the impossibility of God's pardoning sinners without a plenary satisfaction, the justification of impure persons by an imputative righteousness, refuted from the authority of Scripture testimonies and right reason, etc. London, 1668". It caused him (24) to be imprisoned in the Tower. "Aug. 4, 1669. Young Penn who wrote the blasphemous book is delivered to his father to be transported" ("Letter to Sir John Birkenhead, quoted by Bishop Kennett in his MS. Collections, vol. lxxxix., p. 477).
Diary of Samuel Pepys 04 March 1669. 04 Mar 1669. Up, and a while at the office, but thinking to have Mr. Povy's (55) business to-day at the Committee for Tangier, I left the Board and away to White Hall, where in the first court I did meet Sir Jeremy Smith, who did tell me that Sir W. Coventry (41) was just now sent to the Tower, about the business of his challenging the Duke of Buckingham (41), and so was also Harry Saville (27) to the Gate-house; which, as [he is] a gentleman, and of the Duke of York's (35) bedchamber, I heard afterwards that the Duke of York (35) is mightily incensed at, and do appear very high to the King (38) that he might not be sent thither, but to the Tower, this being done only in contempt to him. This news of Sir W. Coventry (41) did strike me to the heart, and with reason, for by this and my Lord of Ormond's (58) business, I do doubt that the Duke of Buckingham (41) will be so flushed, that he will not stop at any thing, but be forced to do any thing now, as thinking it not safe to end here; and, Sir W. Coventry (41) being gone, the King (38) will have never a good counsellor, nor the Duke of York (35) any sure friend to stick to him; nor any good man will be left to advise what is good. This, therefore, do heartily trouble me as any thing that ever I heard. So up into the House, and met with several people; but the Committee did not meet; and the whole House I find full of this business of Sir W. Coventry's (41), and most men very sensible of the cause and effects of it. So, meeting with my Lord Bellassis (54), he told me the particulars of this matter; that it arises about a quarrel which Sir W. Coventry (41) had with the Duke of Buckingham (41) about a design between the Duke and Sir Robert Howard, to bring him into a play at the King's house, which W. Coventry (41) not enduring, did by H. Saville (27) send a letter to the Duke of Buckingham (41), that he had a desire to speak with him. Upon which, the Duke of Buckingham (41) did bid Holmes (47), his champion ever since my Lord Shrewsbury's business1, go to him to know the business; but H. Saville (27) would not tell it to any but himself, and therefore did go presently to the Duke of Buckingham (41), and told him that his uncle Coventry (41) was a person of honour, and was sensible of his Grace's liberty taken of abusing him, and that he had a desire of satisfaction, and would fight with him. But that here they were interrupted by my Lord Chamberlain's (67) coming in, who was commanded to go to bid the Duke of Buckingham (41) to come to the King (38), Holmes (47) having discovered it. He told me that the King (38) did last night, at the Council, ask the Duke of Buckingham (41), upon his honour, whether he had received any challenge from W. Coventry (41)? which he confessed that he had; and then the King (38) asking W. Coventry (41), he told him that he did not owne what the Duke of Buckingham (41) had said, though it was not fit for him to give him a direct contradiction. But, being by the King (38) put upon declaring, upon his honour, the matter, he answered that he had understood that many hard questions had upon this business been moved to some lawyers, and that therefore he was unwilling to declare any thing that might, from his own mouth, render him obnoxious to his Majesty's displeasure, and, therefore, prayed to be excused: which the King (38) did think fit to interpret to be a confession, and so gave warrant that night for his commitment to the Tower. Being very much troubled at this, I away by coach homewards, and directly to the Tower, where I find him in one Mr. Bennet's house, son to Major Bayly, one of the Officers of the Ordnance, in the Bricke Tower2 where I find him busy with my Lord Halifax (35) and his brother (50); so I would not stay to interrupt them, but only to give him comfort, and offer my service to him, which he kindly and cheerfully received, only owning his being troubled for the King (38) his master's displeasure, which, I suppose, is the ordinary form and will of persons in this condition. And so I parted, with great content, that I had so earlily seen him there; and so going out, did meet Sir Jer. Smith going to meet me, who had newly been with Sir W. Coventry (41). And so he and I by water to Redriffe, and so walked to Deptford, where I have not been, I think, these twelve months: and there to the Treasurer's house, where the Duke of York (35) is, and his Duchess (31); and there we find them at dinner in the great room, unhung; and there was with them my Lady Duchess of Monmouth (31), the Countess of Falmouth (24), Castlemayne (28), Henrietta Hide (23) (my Lady Hinchingbroke's (24) sister), and my Lady Peterborough (47). And after dinner Sir Jer. Smith and I were invited down to dinner with some of the Maids of Honour, namely, Mrs. Ogle (17), Blake (16), and Howard (18), which did me good to have the honour to dine with, and look on; and the Mother of the Maids, and Mrs. Howard (43), the mother of the Maid of Honour of that name, and the Duke's housekeeper here. Here was also Monsieur Blancfort (28), Sir Richard Powell, Colonel Villers (48), Sir Jonathan Trelawny, and others. And here drank most excellent, and great variety, and plenty of wines, more than I have drank, at once, these seven years, but yet did me no great hurt. Having dined and very merry, and understanding by Blancfort (28) how angry the Duke of York (35) was, about their offering to send Saville to the Gate-house, among the rogues; and then, observing how this company, both the ladies and all, are of a gang, and did drink a health to the union of the two brothers, and talking of others as their enemies, they parted, and so we up; and there I did find the Duke of York (35) and Duchess (31), with all the great ladies, sitting upon a carpet, on the ground, there being no chairs, playing at "I love my love with an A, because he is so and so: and I hate him with an A, because of this and that:" and some of them, but particularly the Duchess (31) herself, and my Baroness Castlemayne (28), were very witty. This done, they took barge, and I with Sir J. Smith to Captain Cox's; and there to talk, and left them and other company to drink; while I slunk out to Bagwell's; and there saw her, and her mother, and our late maid Nell, who cried for joy to see me, but I had no time for pleasure then nor could stay, but after drinking I back to the yard, having a month's mind para have had a bout with Nell, which I believe I could have had, and may another time.
So to Cox's, and thence walked with Sir J. Smith back to Redriffe; and so, by water home, and there my wife mighty angry for my absence, and fell mightily out, but not being certain of any thing, but thinks only that Pierce or Knepp was there, and did ask me, and, I perceive, the boy, many questions. But I did answer her; and so, after much ado, did go to bed, and lie quiet all night; but [she] had another bout with me in the morning, but I did make shift to quiet her, but yet she was not fully satisfied, poor wretch! in her mind, and thinks much of my taking so much pleasure from her; which, indeed, is a fault, though I did not design or foresee it when I went.
Note 1. Charles II wrote to his sister (24) (Henrietta, Duchess of Orléans), on March 7th, 1669: "I am not sorry that Sir Will. Coventry has given me this good occasion by sending my Lord of Buckingham (41) a challenge to turne him out of the Councill. I do intend to turn him allso out of the Treasury. The truth of it is, he has been a troublesome man in both places and I am well rid of him" (Julia Cartwright's "Madame", 1894, p. 283).
Note 2. The Brick Tower stands on the northern wall, a little to the west of Martin tower, with which it communicates by a secret passage. It was the residence of the Master of the Ordnance, and Raleigh was lodged here for a time.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 10 March 1669. 10 Mar 1669. Up, and by Hackney-coach to Auditor Beale's Office, in Holborne, to look for records of the Navy, but he was out of the way, and so forced to go next to White Hall, to the Privy Seal; and, after staying a little there, then to Westminster, where, at the Exchequer, I met with Mr. Newport and Major Halsey; and, after doing a little business with Mr. Burges, we by water to White Hall, where I made a little stop: and so with them by coach to Temple Bar, where, at the Sugar Loaf we dined, and W. Hewer (27) with me; and there comes a companion of theirs, Colonel Vernon, I think they called him; a merry good fellow, and one that was very plain in cursing the Duke of Buckingham (41), and discoursing of his designs to ruin us, and that ruin must follow his counsels, and that we are an undone people. To which the others concurred, but not so plain, but all vexed at Sir W. Coventry's (41) being laid aside: but Vernon, he is concerned, I perceive, for my Lord Ormond's (58) being laid aside; but their company, being all old cavaliers, were very pleasant to hear how they swear and talk. But Halsey, to my content, tells me that my Lord Duke of Albemarle (60) says that W. Coventry (41) being gone, nothing will be well done at the Treasury, and I believe it; but they do all talk as that Duncombe, upon some pretence or other, must follow him.
Thence to Auditor Beale's, his house and office, but not to be found, and therefore to the Privy Seale at White Hall, where, with W. Hewer (27) and Mr. Gibson, who met me at the Temple, I spent the afternoon till evening looking over the books there, and did find several things to my purpose, though few of those I designed to find, the books being kept there in no method at all. Having done there, we by water home, and there find my cozen Turner and her two daughters come to see us; and there, after talking a little, I had my coach ready, and my wife and I, they going home, we out to White Chapel to take a little ayre, though yet the dirtiness of the road do prevent most of the pleasure, which should have been from this tour.
So home, and my wife to read to me till supper, and to bed.
John Evelyn's Diary 15 July 1669. 15 Jul 1669. Having two days before had notice that the University intended me the honor of Doctorship, I was this morning attended by the beadles belonging to the Law, who conducted me to the Theater, where I found the Duke of Ormond (58) (now Chancellor of the University) with the [his former son-in-law] Earl of Chesterfield (35) and Mr. Spencer (40) (brother to the late Earl of Sunderland). Thence, we marched to the Convocation House, a convocation having been called on purpose; here, being all of us robed in the porch, in scarlet with caps and hoods, we were led in by the Professor of Laws, and presented respectively by name, with a short eulogy, to the Vice-Chancellor, who sat in the chair, with all the Doctors and Heads of Houses and masters about the room, which was exceedingly full. Then, began the Public Orator his speech, directed chiefly to the Duke of Ormond, the Chancellor; but in which I had my compliment, in course. This ended, we were called up, and created Doctors according to the form, and seated by the Vice-Chancellor among the Doctors, on his right hand; then, the Vice-Chancellor made a short speech, and so, saluting our brother Doctors, the pageantry concluded, and the convocation was dissolved. So formal a creation of honorary Doctors had seldom been seen, that a convocation should be called on purpose, and speeches made by the Orator; but they could do no less, their Chancellor being to receive, or rather do them, this honor. I should have been made Doctor with the rest at the public Act, but their expectation of their Chancellor made them defer it. I was then led with my brother Doctors to an extraordinary entertainment at Doctor Mewes's, head of St John's College, and, after abundance of feasting and compliments, having visited the Vice-Chancellor and other Doctors, and given them thanks for the honor done me, I went toward home the 16th, and got as far as Windsor, and so to my house the next day.
On 09 May 1671 Colonel Thomas Blood 1618-1680 (53) attempted to steal the Crown Jewels from the Tower of London. He was captured whilst trying to escape the Tower of London with the Crown. Following his capture he refused to to answer to anyone but the King (40). He was questioned by the King (40) and Prince Rupert (51). For unknown reasons he was pardoned by the Charles II King England Scotland and Ireland 1630-1685 (40) and rewarded with land in Ireland worth £500 per year much to the irritation of James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (60), Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, whom Blood had attempted to kidnap twice before.
John Evelyn's Diary 26 March 1673. 26 Mar 1673. I was sworn a younger brother of the Trinity House, with my most worthy and long-acquainted noble friend, [his son] Lord Ossory (38) (eldest son to the Duke of Ormond (62)), Sir Richard Browne (68), my father-in-law, being now Master of that Society; after which there was a great collation.
In Jan 1675 [his son] John Butler 1st Earl Gowran 1643-1677 (32) and Anne Chichester Countess Gowran and Longford -1697 were married.
John Evelyn's Diary 22 March 1675. 22 Mar 1675. Supped at Sir William Petty's (51), with the Bishop of Salisbury (58), and divers honorable persons. We had a noble entertainment in a house gloriously furnished; the master (51) and mistress (39) of it were extraordinary persons. Sir William (51) was the son of a mean man somewhere in Sussex, and sent from school to Oxford, where he studied Philosophy, but was most eminent in Mathematics and Mechanics; proceeded Doctor of Physic, and was grown famous, as for his learning so for his recovering a poor wench that had been hanged for felony; and her body having been begged (as the custom is) for the anatomy lecture, he bled her, put her to bed to a warm woman, and, with spirits and other means, restored her to life. The young scholars joined and made a little portion, and married her to a man who had several children by her, she living fifteen years after, as I have been assured. Sir William (51) came from Oxford to be tutor to a neighbor of mine; thence, when the rebels were dividing their conquests in Ireland, he was employed by them to measure and set out the land, which he did on an easy contract, so much per acre. This he effected so exactly, that it not only furnished him with a great sum of money; but enabled him to purchase an estate worth £4,000 a year. He afterward married the daughter of Sir Hardress Waller (71); she was an extraordinary wit as well as beauty, and a prudent woman.
Sir William (51), among other inventions, was author of the double-bottomed ship, which perished, and he was censured for rashness, being lost in the Bay of Biscay in a storm, when, I think, fifteen other vessels miscarried. This vessel was flat-bottomed, of exceeding use to put into shallow ports, and ride over small depths of water. It consisted of two distinct keels cramped together with huge timbers, etc., so as that a violent stream ran between; it bore a monstrous broad sail, and he still persists that it is practicable, and of exceeding use; and he has often told me he would adventure himself in such another, could he procure sailors, and his Majesty's (44) permission to make a second Experiment; which name the King (44) gave the vessel at the launching.
The Map of Ireland made by Sir William Petty (51) is believed to be the most exact that ever yet was made of any country. He did promise to publish it; and I am told it has cost him near £1,000 to have it engraved at Amsterdam. There is not a better Latin poet living, when he gives himself that diversion; nor is his excellence less in Council and prudent matters of state; but he is so exceedingly nice in sifting and examining all possible contingencies, that he adventures at nothing which is not demonstration. There was not in the whole world his equal for a superintendent of manufacture and improvement of trade, or to govern a plantation. If I were a Prince, I should make him my second Counsellor, at least. There is nothing difficult to him. He is, besides, courageous; on which account, I cannot but note a true story of him, that when Sir Aleyn Brodrick sent him a challenge upon a difference between them in Ireland, Sir William (51), though exceedingly purblind, accepted the challenge, and it being his part to propound the weapon, desired his antagonist to meet him with a hatchet, or axe, in a dark cellar; which the other, of course, refused.
Sir William (51) was, with all this, facetious and of easy conversation, friendly and courteous, and had such a faculty of imitating others, that he would take a text and preach, now like a grave orthodox divine, then falling into the Presbyterian way, then to the fanatical, the Quaker, the monk and friar, the Popish priest, with such admirable action, and alteration of voice and tone, as it was not possible to abstain from wonder, and one would swear to hear several persons, or forbear to think he was not in good earnest an enthusiast and almost beside himself; then, he would fall out of it into a serious discourse; but it was very rarely he would be prevailed on to oblige the company with this faculty, and that only among most intimate friends. My Lord Duke of Ormond (64) once obtained it of him, and was almost ravished with admiration; but by and by, he fell upon a serious reprimand of the faults and miscarriages of some Princes and Governors, which, though he named none, did so sensibly touch the Duke, who was then Lieutenant of Ireland, that he began to be very uneasy, and wished the spirit laid which he had raised, for he was neither able to endure such truths, nor could he but be delighted. At last, he melted his discourse to a ridiculous subject, and came down from the joint stool on which he had stood; but my lord would not have him preach any more. He never could get favor at Court, because he outwitted all the projectors that came near him. Having never known such another genius, I cannot but mention these particulars, among a multitude of others which I could produce. When I, who knew him in mean circumstances, have been in his splendid palace, he would himself be in admiration how he arrived at it; nor was it his value or inclination for splendid furniture and the curiosities of the age, but his elegant lady could endure nothing mean, or that was not magnificent. He was very negligent himself, and rather so of his person, and of a philosophic temper. "What a to-do is here!" would he say, "I can lie in straw with as much satisfaction"..
He is author of the ingenious deductions from the bills of mortality, which go under the name of Mr. Graunt; also of that useful discourse of the manufacture of wool, and several others in the register of the Royal Society. He was also author of that paraphrase on the 104th Psalm in Latin verse, which goes about in MS., and is inimitable. In a word, there is nothing impenetrable to him.
John Evelyn's Diary 27 June 1675. 27 Jun 1675. At Ely House, I went to the consecration of my worthy friend, the learned Dr. Barlow (51), Warden of Queen's College, Oxford, now made Bishop of Lincoln. After it succeeded a magnificent feast, where were the Duke of Ormond (64), Earl of Lauderdale (59), the Lord Treasurer (43), Lord Keeper (69), etc.
On 13 Apr 1676 [his son] John Butler 1st Earl Gowran 1643-1677 (33) was created 1st Earl Gowran, 1st Viscount Clonmore, 1st Baron Aghrim. Anne Chichester Countess Gowran and Longford -1697 by marriage Countess Gowran.
In 1677 [his son] John Butler 1st Earl Gowran 1643-1677 (34) died at Paris.
Before 05 Feb 1678 Philip "Infamous Earl" Herbert 7th Earl Pembroke 4th Earl Montgomery 1652-1683 had kicked to death Nathaniel Cony in a tavern for no apparent reason, and a few days later a Middlesex grand jury indicted him for murder. He was tried by his peers on 04 Apr 1678 and found guilty of manslaughter. He successfully pleaded Privilege of peerage, the right to escape punishment for one's first offence, and he was discharged on payment of all fees. The Lord High Steward presiding at the trial, James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 warned him to note "that no man could have the benefit of that statute but once". The foreman of the jury Edmund Berry Godfrey 1621-1678 was found dead in a ditch nine months later.
John Evelyn's Diary 26 July 1680. 26 Jul 1680. My most noble and illustrious friend, the [his son] Earl of Ossory (46), espying me this morning after sermon in the privy gallery, calling to me, told me he was now going his journey (meaning to Tangier, whither he was designed Governor, and General of the forces, to regain the losses we had lately sustained from the Moors, when Inchiquin (40) was Governor). I asked if he would not call at my house (as he always did whenever he went out of England on any exploit). He said he must embark at Portsmouth, "wherefore let you and me dine together to-day; I am quite alone, and have something to impart to you; I am not well, shall be private, and desire your company"..
Being retired to his lodgings, and set down on a couch, he sent to his secretary for the copy of a letter which he had written to Lord Sunderland (38) (Secretary of State), wishing me to read it; it was to take notice how ill he resented it, that he should tell the King (50) before [his son] Lord Ossory's (46) face, that Tangier was not to be kept, but would certainly be lost, and yet added that it was fit [his son] Lord Ossory (46) should be sent, that they might give some account of it to the world, meaning (as supposed) the next Parliament, when all such miscarriages would probably be examined; this [his son] Lord Ossory (46) took very ill of Lord Sunderland (38), and not kindly of the King (50), who resolving to send him with an incompetent force, seemed, as his [his son] Lordship (46) took it, to be willing to cast him away, not only on a hazardous adventure, but in most men's opinion, an impossibility, seeing there was not to be above 300 or 400 horse, and 4,000 foot for the garrison and all, both to defend the town, form a camp, repulse the enemy, and fortify what ground they should get in. This touched my [his son] Lord (46) deeply, that he should be so little considered as to put him on a business in which he should probably not only lose his reputation, but be charged with all the miscarriage and ill success; whereas, at first they promised 6,000 foot and 600 horse effective.
My [his son] Lord (46), being an exceedingly brave and valiant person, and who had so approved himself in divers signal battles, both at sea and land; so beloved and so esteemed by the people, as one they depended on, upon all occasions worthy of such a captain;—he looked on this as too great an indifference in his Majesty (50), after all his services, and the merits of his father, the Duke of Ormond (69), and a design of some who envied his virtue. It certainly took so deep root in his mind, that he who was the most void of fear in the world (and assured me he would go to Tangier with ten men if his Majesty (50) commanded him) could not bear up against this unkindness. Having disburdened himself of this to me after dinner, he went with his Majesty (50) to the sheriffs at a great supper in Fishmongers' Hall; but finding himself ill, took his leave immediately of his Majesty (50), and came back to his lodging. Not resting well this night, he was persuaded to remove to Arlington House, for better accommodation. His disorder turned to a malignant fever, which increasing, after all that six of the most able physicians could do, he became delirious, with intervals of sense, during which Dr. Lloyd (52) (after Bishop of St. Asaph) administered the Holy Sacrament, of which I also participated. He died the Friday following, the 30th of July, to the universal grief of all that knew or heard of his great worth, nor had any a greater loss than myself. Oft would he say I was the oldest acquaintance he had in England (when his father was in Ireland), it being now of about thirty years, contracted abroad, when he rode in the Academy in Paris, and when we were seldom asunder.
His Majesty (50) never lost a worthier subject, nor father a better or more dutiful son; a loving, generous, good-natured, and perfectly obliging friend; one who had done innumerable kindnesses to several before they knew it; nor did he ever advance any that were not worthy; no one more brave, more modest; none more humble, sober, and every way virtuous. Unhappy England in this illustrious person's loss! Universal was the mourning for him, and the eulogies on him; I stayed night and day by his bedside to his last gasp, to close his dear eyes! O sad father, mother, wife, and children! What shall I add? He deserved all that a sincere friend, a brave soldier, a virtuous courtier, a loyal subject, an honest man, a bountiful master, and good Christian, could deserve of his prince and country. One thing more let me note, that he often expressed to me the abhorrence he had of that base and unworthy action which he was put upon, of engaging the Smyrna fleet in time of peace, in which though he behaved himself like a great captain, yet he told me it was the only blot in his life, and troubled him exceedingly. Though he was commanded, and never examined further when he was so, yet he always spoke of it with regret and detestation. The [his daughter-in-law] Countess (45) was at the seat of her daughter, the Countess of Derby (20), about 200 miles off.
On 30 Jul 1680 [his son] Thomas Butler 6th Earl Ossory 1634-1680 (46) died. He was buried in the Duke of Ormonde Vault Henry VII Chapel Westminster Abbey the next day.
In Apr 1682 [his sister] Ellen Butler Countess Clancarty -1682 died.
On 09 Nov 1682 James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (72) was created 1st Duke Ormonde England by Charles II King England Scotland and Ireland 1630-1685 (52). [his wife] Elizabeth Preston Duchess Ormonde 1615-1684 (67) by marriage Duchess Ormonde England.
On 21 Jul 1684 [his wife] Elizabeth Preston Duchess Ormonde 1615-1684 (68) died. On 24 Jul 1684 she was buried in the Duke of Ormonde Vault Henry VII Chapel Westminster Abbey.
On 25 Jan 1685 [his son] Richard Butler 1st Earl Arran 1639-1685 (45) died.
Before 10 Sep 1687 Willem Wissing Painter 1656-1687 (31). Portrait of James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (76).
On 21 Jul 1688 James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688 (77) died. James Butler 2nd Duke Ormonde 1665-1745 (23) de jure 2nd Duke Ormonde, 2nd Marquess Ormonde 1C 1642, 13th Earl Ormonde, 6th Earl Ossory, 2nd Baronet Thirkleby. Mary Somerset Duchess Ormonde 1664-1733 (24) by marriage Duchess Ormonde England.
In 1715 Godfrey Kneller 1646-1723 (68). Portrait of James Butler 1st Duke Ormonde 1610-1688.
Memoirs of Count Grammont by Anthony Hamilton Chapter 6. The Duke of Ormond possessed the confidence and esteem of his master: the greatness of his services, the splendour of his merit and his birth, and the fortune he had abandoned in adhering to the fate of his prince, rendered him worthy of it nor durst the courtiers even murmur at seeing him grand steward of the household, first lord of the bed-chamber, and lord-lieutenant of Ireland. He exactly resembled the Marshal de Grammont, in the turn of his wit and the nobleness of his manners: and like him was the honour of his master's court.
Letters of Horace Walpole Earl of Orford Volume 2 Letter 64 To Richard Bentley, Esq. We lay that night at Tunbridge town, and were surprised with the ruins of the old castle. The gateway is perfect, and the enclosure formed into a vineyard by a Mr. Hooker, to whom it belongs, and the walls spread with fruit, and the mount on which the keep stood, planted in the same way. The prospect is charming, and a breach in the wall opens below to a pretty Gothic bridge of three arches over the Medway. We honoured the man for his taste-not but that we wished the committee at Strawberry Hill were to sit upon it, and stick cypresses among the hollows.—But, alas! he sometimes makes eighteen sour hogsheads, and is going to disrobe 'the ivy-mantled tower,' because it harbours birds!
Now begins our chapter of woes. The inn was full of farmers and tobacco; and the next morning, when we were bound for Penshurst, the only man in the town who had two horses would not let us have them, because the roads, as he said, were so bad. We were forced to send to the wells for others, which did not arrive till half the day was spent-we all the while up to the head and ears in a market of sheep and oxen. A mile from the town we climbed up a hill to see Summer Hill,(335) the residence of Grammont's Princess of Babylon.(336) There is now scarce a road to it: the Paladins of those times were too valorous to fear breaking their necks; and I much apprehend that la Monsery and the fair Mademoiselle Hamilton, (337) must have mounted their palfreys and rode behind their gentlemen-ushers upon pillions to the Wells. The house is little better than a farm, but has been an excellent one, and is entire, though out of repair. I have drawn the front of it to show you, which you are to draw over again to show me. It stands high, commands a vast landscape beautifully wooded, and has quantities of large old trees to shelter itself, some of which might be well spared to open views.
From Summer Hill we went to Lamberhurst to dine; near which, that is, at the distance of three miles, up and down impracticable hills, in a most retired vale, such as Pope describes in the last Dunciad, "Where slumber abbots, purple as their vines,"
(335) "May 29, 1652. We went to see the house of my Lord Clanrickard, at Summer Hill, near Tunbridge; now given to that villain Bradshaw, who condemned the King. 'Tis situated on an eminent hill, with a park, but has nothing else extraordinary." Evelyn, vol. ii. p. 58.-E.
(336) Lady Margaret Macarthy, daughter and heiress of the Marquis of Clanricarde, wife of [his nephew] Charles, Lord Muskerry.-E.
(337) Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Sir George Hamilton, fourth son of the first Earl of Abercorn, and niece of to the first Duke of Ormond, celebrated in the "Memoires de Grammont" (written by her brother, Count Anthony Hamilton,) for her beauty and accomplishments. She married Philip, Count de Grammont, by whom she had two daughters; the eldest married Henry Howard, created Earl of Stafford, and the youngest took the veil.-E.
Memoirs of Count Grammont by Anthony Hamilton Chapter 6. The Duke of Ormond's sons and his nephews had been in the king's court during his exile, and were far from diminishing its lustre after his return. The [his son] Earl of Arran had a singular address in all kinds of exercises, played well at tennis and on the guitar, and was pretty successful in gallantry: his elder brother, the Earl of Ossory, was not so lively, but of the most liberal sentiments, and of great probity.
Memoirs of Count Grammont by Anthony Hamilton Chapter 8. Miss Hamilton had much difficulty to suppress her laughter during this harangue: however, she told him, that she thought herself much honoured by his intentions towards her, and still more obliged to him for consulting her, before he made any overtures to her relations: "It will be time enough," said she, "to speak to them upon the subject at your return from the waters; for I do not think it is at all probable that they will dispose of me before that time, and in case they should be urgent in their solicitations, your nephew William will take care to acquaint you; therefore, you may set out whenever you think proper; but take care not to injure your health by returning too soon."
The Chevalier de Grammont, having heard the particulars of this conversation, endeavoured as well as he could to be entertained with it; though there were certain circumstances in the declaration, notwithstanding the absurdity of others, which did not fail to give him some uneasiness. Upon the whole, he was not sorry for Russell's departure; and, assuming an air of pleasantry, he went to relate to the king, how Heaven had favoured him, by delivering him from so dangerous a rival. "He is gone then, Chevalier?" said the king "Certainly, Sir," said he, "I had the honour to see him embark in a coach, with his asthma, and country equipage, his perruque à calotte, neatly tied with a yellow riband, and his old-fashioned hat covered with oil-skin, which becomes him uncommonly well: therefore, I have only to contend with William Russell, whom he leaves as his resident with Miss Hamilton; and, as for him, I neither fear him upon his own account, nor his uncle's: he is too much in love himself, to pay attention to the interests of another; and as he has but one method of promoting his own, which is by sacrificing the portrait, or some love-letters of Mrs. Middleton, I have it easily in my power to counteract him in such kind of favours, though I confess I have pretty well paid for them."
"Since your affairs proceed so prosperously with the Russells," said the king, "I will acquaint you that you are delivered from another rival, much more dangerous, if he were not already married: my brother has lately fallen in love with [his daughter] Lady Chesterfield." "How many blessings at once!" exclaimed the Chevalier de Grammont: "I have so many obligations to him for this inconstancy, that I would willingly serve him in his new amour, if Hamilton was not his rival: nor will your majesty take it ill, if I promote the interests of my mistress's brother, rather than those of your majesty's brother." "Hamilton, however," said the king, "does not stand so much in need of assistance, in affairs of this nature. as the Duke of York; but I know Lord Chesterfield is of such a disposition, that he will not suffer men to quarrel about his wife, with the same patience as the complaisant Shrewsbury; though he well deserves the same fate." Here follows a true description of Lord Chesterfield.
He had a very agreeable face, a fine head of hair, an indifferent shape, and a worse air; he was not, however, deficient in wit: a long residence in Italy had made him ceremonious in his commerce with men, and jealous in his connection with women. He had been much hated by the king, because he had been much beloved by Lady Castlemaine: it was reported that he had been in her good graces prior to her marriage; and as neither of them denied it. it was the more generally believed.
He had paid his devoirs to the [his daughter] eldest daughter of the Duke of Ormond, while his heart was still taken up with his former passion. The king's love for Lady Castlemaine, and the advancement he expected from such an alliance, made him press the match with as much ardour as if he had been passionately in love: he had therefore married [his daughter] Lady Chesterfield without loving her, and had lived some time with her in such coolness, as to leave her no room to doubt of his indifference. As she was endowed with great sensibility and delicacy, she suffered at this contempt: she was at first much affected with his behaviour, and afterwards enraged at it; and, when he began to give her proofs of his affection, she had the pleasure of convincing him of her indifference.
They were upon this footing, when she resolved to cure Hamilton, as she had lately done her husband, of all his remaining tenderness for Lady Castlemaine. For her it was no difficult undertaking: the conversation of the one was disagreeable, from the unpolished state of her manners, her ill-timed pride, her uneven temper, and extravagant humours: [his daughter] Lady Chesterfield, on the contrary, knew how to heighten her charms, with all the bewitching attractions in the power of a woman to invent, who wishes to make a conquest.
Besides all this, she had greater opportunities of making advances to him, than to any other: she lived at the Duke of Ormond's, at Whitehall, where Hamilton, as was said before, had free admittance at all hours: her extreme coldness, or rather the disgust which she shewed for her husband's returning affection, wakened his natural inclination to jealousy: he suspected that she could not so very suddenly pass from anxiety to indifference for him, without some secret object of a new attachment; and, according to the maxims of all jealous husbands, he immediately put in practice all his experience and industry, in order to make a discovery, which was to destroy his own happiness.
Hamilton, who knew his disposition, was, on the other hand, upon his guard, and the more he advanced in his intrigue, the more attentive was he to remove every degree of suspicion from the earl's mind: he pretended to make him his confidant, in the most unguarded and open manner, of his passion for Lady Castlemaine: he complained of her caprice, and most earnestly desired his advice how to succeed with a person whose affections he alone had entirely possessed.
Chesterfield, who was flattered with this discourse, promised him his protection with greater sincerity than it had been demanded: Hamilton, therefore, was no further embarrased than to preserve [his daughter] Lady Chesterfield's reputation, who, in his opinion, declared herself rather too openly in his favour: but whilst he was diligently employed in regulating, within the rules of diseretion, the partiality she expressed for him, and in conjuring her to restrain her glances within bounds, she was receiving those of the Duke of York; and, what is more, made them favourable returns.
He thought that he had perceived it, as well as every one besides; but he thought likewise, that all the world was deceived as well as himself: how could he trust his own eyes, as to what those of [his daughter] Lady Chesterfield betrayed for this new rival? He could not think it probable, that a woman of her disposition could relish a man, whose manners had a thousand times been the subject of their private ridicule; but what he judged still more improbable was, that she should begin another intrigue before she had given the finishing stroke to that in which her own advances had engaged her: however, he began to observe her with more circumspection, when he found by his discoveries, that if she did not deceive him, at least the desire of doing so was not wanting. This he took the liberty of telling her of; but she answered him in so high a strain, and treated what he said so much like a phantom of his own imagination, that he appeared confused without being convinced: all the satisfaction he could procure from her, was her telling him, in a haughty manner, that such unjust reproaches as his ought to have had a better foundation.
Lord Chesterfield had taken the same alarm; and being convinced, from the observations he had made, that he had found out the happy lover who had gained possession of his lady's heart, he was satisfied; and without teazing her with unnecessary reproaches, he only waited for an opportunity to confound her, before he took his measures.
After all, how can we account for [his daughter] Lady Chesterfield's conduct, unless we attribute it to the disease incident to most coquettes, who, charmed with superiority, put in practice every art to rob another of her conquest, and spare nothing to preserve it.
Memoirs of Count Grammont by Anthony Hamilton Chapter 8. The court, as we have mentioned before, was an entire scene of gallantry and amusements, with all the politeness and magnificence, which the inclinations of a prince, naturally addicted to tenderness and pleasure, could suggest; the beauties were desirous of charming, and the men endeavoured to please; all studied to set themselves off to the best advantage; some distinguished themselves by dancing; others by show and magnificence; some by their wit, many by their amours, but few by their constancy. There was a certain Italian at court, famous for the guitar; he had a genius for music, and he was the only man who could make any thing of the guitar: his style of play was so full of grace and tenderness, that he would have given harmony to the most discordant instruments. The truth is, nothing was so difficult as to play like this foreigner. The king's relish for his compositions had brought the instrument so much into vogue, that every person played upon it, well or ill; and you were as sure to see a guitar on a lady's toilette, as rouge or patches. The Duke of York played upon it tolerably well, and the [his son] Earl of Arran like Francisco himself. This Francisco had composed a saraband, which either charmed or infatuated every person; for the whole guitarery at court were trying at it, and God knows what an universal strumming there was. The Duke of York, pretending not to be perfect in it, desired Lord Arran to play it to him. [his daughter] Lady Chesterfield had the best guitar in England. The [his son] Earl of Arran, who was desirous of playing his best, conducted his royal highness to his sister's apartments; she was lodged at court, at her father's, the Duke of Ormond's, and this wonderful guitar was lodged there too. Whether this visit had been preconcerted or not, I do not pretend to say; but it is certain that they found both the lady and the guitar at home; they likewise found there Lord Chesterfield, so much surprised at this unexpected visit, that it was a considerable time before he thought of rising from his seat, to receive them with due respect.
Jealousy, like a malignant vapour, now seized upon his brain; a thousand suspicions, blacker than ink, took possession of his imagination, and were continually increasing; for whilst the brother played upon the guitar to the duke, the sister ogled and accompanied him with her eyes, as if the coast had been clear, and no enemy to observe them. This saraband was at least repeated twenty times; the duke declared it was played to perfection. [his daughter] Lady Chesterfield found fault with the composition; but her husband, who clearly perceived that he was the person played upon, thought it a most detestable piece. However, though he was in the last agony, at being obliged to curb his passion, while others gave a free scope to theirs, he was resolved to find out the drift of the visit; but it was not in his power; for having the honour to be chamberlain to the queen, a messenger came to require his immediate attendance on her majesty. His first thought was to pretend sickness; the second to suspect that the queen, who sent for him at such an unseasonable time, was in the plot; but at last, after all the extravagant ideas of a suspicious man, and all the irresolutions of a jealous husband, he was obliged to go.
We may easily imagine what his state of mind was when he arrived at the palace. Alarms are to the jealous, what disasters are to the unfortunate: they seldom come alone, but form a series of persecution. He was informed that he was sent for to attend the queen at an audience she gave to seven or eight Muscovite ambassadors: he had scarce begun to curse the Muscovites, when his brother-in-law appeared, and drew upon himself all the imprecations he bestowed upon the embassy: he no longer doubted his being in the plot with the two persons he had left together; and in his heart sincerely wished him such recompense for his good offices as such good offices deserved. It was with great difficulty that he restrained himself from immediately acquainting him what was his opinion of such conduct: he thought that what he had already seen was a 'sufficient proof of his wife's infidelity; but before the end of the very same day, some circumstances occurred, which increased his suspicions, and persuaded him, that they had taken advantage of his absence, and of the honourable officiousness of his brother-in-law. He passed, however, that night with tranquillity; but the next morning, being reduced, to the necessity either of bursting or giving vent to his sorrows and conjectures, he did nothing but think and walk about the room until Park-time. He went to court, seemed very busy, as if seeking for some person or other, imagining that people guessed at the subject of his uneasiness: he avoided every body; but at length meeting with Hamilton, he thought he was the very man that he wanted; and having desired him to take an airing with him in Hyde Park, he took him up in his coach, and they arrived at the Ring, without a word having passed between them.