On 01 Apr 1495 Cecily "Rose of Raby" Neville Duchess York (age 79) made her last will. It was proved 27 Aug 1495.

Source: A Selection From the Wills of Eminent Persons by Camden Society (Great Britain). Published 1838. Transcribed by John Gough Nichols and John Bruce.

IN the name of allmyghty God, the blessed Trinite, fader and son and the holigost, trusting in the meanes and mediacions of oure blessed Lady Moder, of oure most blessed Saviour Jh'u Crist, and by the intercession of holy Saint John Baptist, and all the saintes of heven: I, CECILLE, wife unto the right noble prince Richard late Duke of Yorke, fader unto the most cristen prince my Lord and son [his grandfather] King Edward the iiij th, the first day of Aprill the yere of our Lord M.CCCC.lxxxxv. after the computacion of the Church of Englond, of hole mynde and body, loving therfore be it to Jh'u, make and ordeigne my testament in fourme and maner ensuyng.

Furst, I bequeath and surrendour my soule in to the mercifull handes of allmyghty God my maker, and in to protecion of the blessed yrgin our lady Saint Mary, and suffrage of Saint John Baptist, and of all other saintes of heven. Also my body to be buried beside the body of my moost entierly best beloved Lord and housbond, fader unto my said lorde and son, and in Fstamfordhis tumbe within the collegiate church of Fodringhay [Map], a if myn executours by the sufferaunce of the [his father] King (age 38) finde goode sufficient therto; and elles at the Kinges (age 38) pleasure. And I will that after my deceasse all my dettes sufficiently appering and proved be paid, thanking oure Lord at this tyme of making of this my testament to the knolege of my conscience I am not muche in dett; and if it happen, as I trust to God it shalnot, that there be not found sufficient money aswell to pay my dettes as to enture my body, than in advoiding such charges as myght growe for the same, the whiche God defende, I lymytte and assigne all such parcelles of plate as belongith to my chapell, pantry, cellour, ewry, and squillery, to the perfourmyng of the same, as apperith in the inventary, except such plate as I have bequeithed. Also I geve and bequeith to the Kinges noble grace all such money as is owing to me of the customes, and two cuppes of gold.

Also I geve and bequeith to the [his mother] Quene (age 29) a crosse croslette of diamantes, a sawter with claspes of silver and guilte enameled covered with grene clothe of golde, and a pix with the fleshe of Saint Cristofer.

Also I bequeith to my lady the [his grandmother] Kinges moder (age 51) a portuos with claspes of gold covered with blacke cloth of golde.

Also I geve to my lord [his brother] Prince (age 8) a bedde of arres of the Whele of Fortune and testour of the same, a counterpoint of arras and a tappett of arres with the pope.

Also I geve to my lord Henry Duke of Yorke (age 3) b three tappettes of arres, oon of them of the life of Saint John Baptist, another of Mary Maudeleyn, and the thirde of the passion of our Lord and Saint George.

And if my body be buried at Fodringhay [Map] in the colege there with my most entierly best beloved lord and housbond, than I geve to the said colege a square canapie of crymeson clothe of gold with iiij. staves, twoo auter clothes of crymeson clothe of gold, twoo copes of crymeson cloth of gold, a chesibull and twoo tenucles of cryinyson clothe of golcrvith iij. abes, c twoo auter clothes of crymeson damask browdered, a chesibull, twoo tenucles, and iij. copes of blewe velwett brodered, with iij. abes, thre masse bokes, thre grayles, and vij. processioners.

Also I geve to the colege of Stoke Clare [Map] a chesibull and twoo tenucles of playn crymyson cloth of gold with iij. abes, twoo auter clothes, a chesibull, twoo tenucles, and fyve coopes of white damaske browdered, with iij. abes, twoo awter clothes of crymeson velwett upon the velwete (sic), a vestement of crymeson playne velvet, iiij. antiphoners, iiij. grayles, and sixe processioners.

Also I geve to the house of Sion [Map] two of the best coopes of crymyson clothe of gold.

Note. These next four people refer to her grand-daughters, children of Edward IV.

Also I geve to my doughter [his aunt] Brigitte (age 14) the boke of Legenda Aurea in velem, a boke of the life of Saint Kateryn of Sene, a boke of Saint Matilde.

Also I geve to my doughter [his aunt] Cecill (age 26) a portuous with claspes silver and gilte covered with purple velvet, and a grete portuous without note.

Also I geve to my doughter [his aunt] Anne (age 19) the largest bedde of bawdekyn, withe countrepoint of the same, the barge with bailies, tilde, and ores belonging to the same.

Also I geve to my doughter [his aunt] Kateryn (age 15) a traves of blewe satten.

Also I geve to my doughter of Suffolke (age 50) a the chare with the coveryng, all the quoshons, horses, and harneys belonging to the same, and all my palfreys.

Note. The next people are her grand-children, children of her daughter Elizabeth York Duchess Suffolk (age 50).

Also I geve to my son of Suffolke (age 24) b a clothe of estate and iij. quoschons of purpull damaske cloth of gold.

Also I geve to my son Humfrey (age 21) c two awter clothes of blewe damaske brawdered and a vestyment of crymeson satten for Jh'us masse.

Also I geve to my son William (age 17) d a traves of white sarcenet, twoo beddes of downe, and twoo bolsters to the same.

Also I geve to my doughter Anne priores of Sion, a boke of Bonaventure and Hilton in the same in Englishe, and a boke of the Revelacions of Saint Burgitte.

Also I woll that all my plate not bequeithed be sold, and the money thereof be putte to the use of my burying, that is to sey, in discharging of suche costes and expensis as shalbe for carying of my body from the castell of Barkehampstede [Map] unto the colege of Fodringhey [Map]. And if any of the said plate be lefte unexpended I woll the said colege have it.

Also I geve to the colege of saint Antonies in London an antiphoner with the ruelles of musik in the later ynd.

Also I geve unto Master Richard Lessy all suche money as is owing unto me by obligations what soever they be, and also all such money as is owing unto me by the Shirfe of Yorkeshire, to helpe to bere his charges which he has to pay to the Kinges grace, trusting he shall the rather nyghe the said dettes by the help and socour of his said grace.

Also I geve to Master William Croxston a chesibull, stoles, and fanons of blake velwett, with an abe.

Also I geve to Master Eichard Henmershe a chesibill, stoles, and fanons of crymyson damaske, with an abe; and a chesibill, stoles and fanons of crymeson saten, with an abe.

Also I geve to Sir John More a frontell of purpull cloth of gold, a legend boke, and a colett boke.

Also I give to Sir Kandall Brantingham a chesibill, stoles, and fanons of white damaske, orfreys of crymson velvet, with an abe, the better of bothe.

Also I geve to Sir William Grave a chesibill, stoles, and fanons of white damaske, orfreys of crymeson velvett, with an abe; a masse-boke that servith for the closett, a prymour with claspes silver and gilt, covered with blewe velvett, and a sawter that servith for the closett covered with white ledder.

Also I geve to Sir John Blotte a gospell boke, a pistill covered with ledder, and a case for a corporax of grene playne velvett. Also I geve to Sir Thomas Clerk a chesibill, twoo tenucles, stoles, fanons, of rede bawdeken, with iij. abes.

Also I geve to Sir William Tiler twoo coopes of rede bawdekyn.

Also I geve to Robert Claver iij. copes of white damaske brawdered, and a gowne of the Duchie b facion of playne blake velvett furred with ermyns.

Also I geve to John Bury twoo old copes of crymysyn satten cloth of gold, a frontell of white bawdekyn, twoo curteyns of rede sarcenett fringed, twoo curteyns of whit sarcenet fringed, a feder bed, a bolstour to the same, the best of feders, and two whit spervers of lynyn.

Also I geve to John Poule twoo auter clothes, a chesibull, twoo tenucles, stoles, and fanons of white bawdekyn, with iij. abes; a short gowne of purple playne velvett furred with ermyns, the better of ij. and a kirtill of damaske with andelettes of silver and gilt furred.

Also I geve to John Smyth twoo auter clothes, a chesibill, twoo tenucles, stoles, and fanons of blew bawdekyn, with iij. abes. Also I geve to John Bury twoo copes of crymysyn clothe of gold that servith for Sondays.

Also I geve to John Walter a case for corporax of purple playne velvett, twoo cases for corporax of blewe bawdekyn, twoo auter clothes, a chesibill of rede and grene bawdekyn, a canapie of white sarcenett, iij. abes for children, and iiij. pair of parrours of white bawdekyn, twoo pair parrours of crymsyn velvett, twoo pair parrours of rede bawdekyn, a housling towell that servith for my selfe, twoo corteyns of blewe sarcenett fringed, a sudory of crymy-syn and white, the egges blak, a crose cloth and a cloth of Saint John Baptist of sarcenett painted, a long lantorn, a dext standing doble, twoo grete stondardes and ij. litill cofers.

Also I geve to John Peit-wynne twoo vestimentes of white damaske, a white bedde of lynnyn, a federbedde and a bolstour, and a short gowne of purple playne velvet furred with sabilles. Also I geve to Thomas Lentall six auter clothes of white sarcenett, with crosses of crymsyn velvet.

Also I geve to John Long iij. peces of bawdekyn of the lengur sorte. Also I geve to Sir [John] Verney knighte and Margarett his wiffe a a crosse [of] silver and guilte and berall, and in the same a pece of the holy crosse and other diverse reliques.

Also I geve to Dame Jane Pesemershe, widue, myne Inne that is called the George in Grauntham, during terme of her life; and after her decesse I woll that the reversion therof be unto the college of Fodringhay [Map] for evermore, to find a prest to pray for my Lord my housbond and me.

Also I geve to Nicholas Talbott and Jane his wife a spone of gold with a sharp diamount in the ende, a dymy-sent of gold with a collumbine and a diamont in the same, a guirdill of blewe tissue harnessed with gold, a guirdill of gold with a bokull and a pendaunt and iiij. barres of gold, a hoke of gold with iij. roses, a pomeamber of gold garnesshed with a diamont, sex rubies and sex perles, and the surnap and towell to the same.

Also I geve to Richard Boyvile and Gresild his wife my charrett and the horses with the harnes that belongith therunto, a gowne with a dymy trayn of purpull saten furred with ermyns, a shorte gowne of purple saten furred with jennetes, a kirtill of white damaske with aunde lettes silver and gilte, a spone of gold, a dymysynt of gold with a columbyne garnesshed with a diainant, a saphour, an amatist, and viij. perles, a pomeamber of gold enameled, a litell boxe with a cover of gold and a diamant in the toppe.

Also I geve to Richard Brocas and Jane his wife a long gown of purpull velvett upon velvet furred with ermyns, a greate Agnus of gold with the Trinite, Saint Erasmus, and the Salutacion of our Lady; an Agnus of gold with our Lady and Saint Barbara; a litell goblett with a cover silver and part guild; a pair of bedes of white amber gauded with vj. grete stones of gold, part aneled, with a pair of bedes of x. stones of gold and v. of corall; a cofor with a rounde lidde bonde with iron, which the said Jane hath in her keping, and all other thinges that she hath in charge of keping.

Also I geve to Anne Pinchbeke all other myne Agnus unbequeithed, that is to sey, ten of the Trinite, a litell malmesey pott with a cover silver and parte guilte, a possenett with a cover of silver, a short gowne of playne russett velvett furred with sabilles, a short gowne of playne blewe velvett furred with sabilles, a short gowne of purple playn velvet furred with grey, a tester, a siler, and a countrepoint of bawdekyn, the lesser of ij.

Also I geve to Jane Lessy a dymysent of gold with a roos, garnisshed with twoo rubies, a guirdell of purple tissue with a broken bokull, and a broken pendaunt silver and guilte, a guirdill of white riband with twoo claspes of gold with a columbyne, a guirdell of blewe riband with a bokell and a pendaunt of gold, a litell pair of bedes of white amber gaudied with vij. stones of gold, an haliwater stope with a strynkkill silver and gilte, and a laier silver and part guilte.

Also I geve to John Metcalfe and Alice his wife all the ringes that I have, except such as hang by my bedes and Agnus, and also except my signet, a litell boxe of golde with a cover of golde, a pair of bedes of Ixj. rounde stones of golde gaudied with sex square stones of golde enemeled, with a crosse of golde, twoo other stones, and a scalop shele of geete honging by.

Also I geve to Anne Lownde a litell bokull and a litell pendaunt of golde for a guirdill, a litell guirdell of golde and silke with a bokill and a pendaunt of golde, a guirdell of white riband with aggelettes of golde enameled, a hoke of golde playne, a broken hoke of golde enameled, and a litell rounde bottumed basyn of silver.

Also I geve to the house of Asshe-rugge a chesibull and ij. tenucles of crymysyn damaske embrawdered, with thre abes.

Also I geve to the house of Saint Margaretes twoo auter clothes with a crucifix and a vestiment of grete velvet.

Also I geve to the parish church of Stoundon a coope of blewe bawdekyn, the orffreys embrawdered.

Also I geve to the parishe church of Much Barkehampstede a coope of blewe bawdekyn, the orffreys embrawdered.

Also I geve to the parish church of Compton by sides Guilford a eorporax case of blake cloth of gold and iiij. auter clothes of white sarcenett embrawdered with garters.

Also I geve to Alisaunder Cressener my best bedde of downe and a bolster to the same.

Also I geve to Sir Henry Haidon knyght a tablett and a cristall garnesshed with ix. stones and xxvij. perles, lacking a stone and iij. perles.

Also I geve to Gervase Cressy a long gown of playn blewe velvet furred with sabilles.

Also I geve to Edward Delahay twoo gownes of musterdevilers furred with mynckes, and iiij u of money.

Also I geve to Thomas Manory a short gowne of crymesyn playn velvet lyned, purfilled with blake velvet, and iiij ll in money.

Also I geve to John Broune all such stuf as belongith to the kechyn in his keping at my place at Baynardcastell in London, and iiij u in money.

Also I geve to William Whitington a short gown of russett cloth furred with matrons and calabour wombes, a kirtill of purpull silke chamblett with awndelettes silver and gilte, all such floures of brawdery werke and the cofer that they be kept in, and xls. in money.

Also I geve to all other gentilmen that be daily a waiting in my houshold with Mr. Richard Cressy and Robert Lichingham everich of theime iiij u in money.

Also I geve to every yoman that be daily ad waiting in my houshold with John Otley xls. in money.

Also I geve to every grome of myne xxvj s. viij d. in money. And to every page of myne xiij s. iiij d. in money.

Also I geve to Robert Harison xls. in money and all the gootes.

And if ther be no money founde in my cofers to perfourme this my will and bequest, than I will that myne executours, that is to sey the reverend fader in God Master Olyver King bisshop of Bath (age 63), Sir Reignolde Bray (age 55) knight, Sir Thomas Lovell, councellours to the Kinges grace, Master William Pikinham doctour in degrees dean of the colege of Stoke Clare, Master William Felde master of the colege of Fodringhey, and Master Richard Lessy dean of my chapell, havyng God in reverence and drede, unto whome I geve full power and auctorite to execute this my will and testament, make money of such goodes as I have not geven and bequeithed, and with the same to content my dettes and perfourme this my will and testament.

And the foresaid reverend fader in God, Sir Rignold Bray knyght, Sir Thomas Lovell knyght, Master William Pikenham, and Master William Felde, to be rewarded of suche thinges as shalbe delivered unto theme by my commaundement by the hondes of Sir Henry Haidon knyght stieward of my houshold and Master Richard Lessy, humbly beseching the Kinges habundant grace in whome is my singuler trust to name such supervisour as shalbe willing and favorabull diligently to se that this my present testament and will be perfittely executed and perfourmyd, gevyng full power also to my said executours to levey and receyve all my dettes due and owing unto me at the day of my dethe, as well of my receyvours as of all other officers, except such dettes as I have geven and bequeathed unto Master Richard Lessy aforesaid, as is above specified in this present will and testament.

And if that Master Richard Lessy cannot recover such money as I have geven to hym of the Shirffes of Yorkeshire and of my obligacions, than I will he be recompensed of the revenues of my landes to the sume of v c. marcs at the leest.

IN WITTENESSE HEROF I have setto my signet and signemanuell at my castell of Berkehamstede [Map] the last day of May the yere of our Lord abovesaid, being present Master Richard Lessy, Sir William Grant my confessour, Richard Brocas clerc of my kechyn, and Gervays Cressy. Proved at "Lamehithe" the 27 th day of August, A.D. 1495, and commission granted to Master Richard Lessy the executor in the said will mentioned to administer, &c. &c.

Letters and Papers 1509. Apr 1509. Will of [his father] Henry VII (age 52):

At his manor of Richmond, Surrey [Map] March 24 Henry VII., the King (age 52) makes his last will, commending his soul to the Redeemer with the words he has used since his first "years of discretion," Domine Jesu Christe, qui me ex nichilo creasti, fecisti, redemisti et predestinasti ad hoc quod sum, Tu scis quid de me facere vis, fac de me secundum voluntatem Tuam cum misericordia, trusting in the grace of His Blessed Mother in whom, after Him, has been all his (testator's) trust, by whom in all his adversities he has had special comfort, and to whom he now makes his prayer (recited), as also to all the company of Heaven and especially his "accustumed avoures" St. Michael, St. John Baptist, St. John Evangelist, St. George, St. Anthony, St. Edward, St. Vincent, St. Anne, St. Mary Magdalene and St. Barbara, to defend him at the hour of death and be intercessors for the remission of his sins and salvation of his soul.

Desires to be buried at Westminster [Map], where he was crowned, where lie buried many of his progenitors, especially his granddame Catharine wife to Henry V and daughter to Charles of France, and whereto he means shortly to translate the remains of Henry IV in the chapel [Map] which he has begun to build (giving full directions for the placing and making of his tomb and finishing of the said chapel according to the plan which he has "in picture delivered" to the prior of St. Bartholomew's beside Smithfield, master of the works for the same); and he has delivered beforehand to the abbot, &c., of Westminster, £5,000, by indenture dated Richmond, 13 April 23 Hen VII, towards the cost.

His executors shall cause 10,000 masses in honor of the Trinity, the Five Wounds, the Five Joys of Our Lady, the Nine Orders of Angels, the Patriarchs, the Twelve Apostles and All Saints (numbers to each object specified) to be said within one month after his decease, at 6d. each, making in all £250 and shall distribute 2,£000 in alms; and to ensure payment he has left 2,£250 with the abbot, &c., of West-minster, by indenture dated (blank) day of (blank) in the (blank) year of his reign.

His debts are then to be paid and reparation for wrongs made by his executors at the discretion of the following persons, by whom all complaints shall be tenderly weighed, viz, the abp of Canterbury (age 59), Richard bp of Winchester (age 61), the bps of London and Rochester (age 39), Thomas Earl of Surrey (age 66), Treasurer General, George Earl of Shrewsbury (age 41), Steward of the House, Sir Charles Somerset Lord Herbert (age 49), Chamberlain, the two Chief Justices, Mr. John Yong (age 44), Master of the Rolls, Sir Thomas Lovell, Treasurer of the House, Mr. Thomas Routhall, secretary, Sir Ric Emson (age 59), Chancellor of the Duchy, Edm. Dudley (age 47), the King's attorney at the time of his decease, and his confessor, the Provincial of the Friars Observants, and Mr. William Atwater, dean of the Chapel, or at least six of them and three of his executors.

His executors shall see that the officers of the Household and Wardrobe discharge any debts which may be due for charges of the same.

Lands to the yearly value of above 1,000 mks have been "amortised" for fulfilment of certain covenants (described) with the abbey of Westminster.

For the completion of the hospital which he has begun to build at the Savoie place beside Charingcrosse, and towards which 10,000 mks in ready money has been delivered to the dean and chapter of St. Paul's, by indenture dated (blank), his executors shall deliver any more money which may be necessary; and they shall also make (if he has not done it in his lifetime) two similar hospitals in the suburbs of York and Coventry.

Certain cathedrals, abbeys, &c., named in a schedule hereto annexed [not annexed now] have undertaken to make for him orisons, prayers and suffrages "while the world shall endure," in return for which he has made them large confirmations, licences and other grants; and he now wishes 6s. 8d. each to be delivered soon after his decease to the rulers of such cathedrals, &c., 3s. 4d. to every canon and monk, being priest, within the same and 20d. to every canon, monk, vicar and minister not being priest. His executors shall bestow 2,£000 upon the repair of the highways and bridges from Windsor to Richmond manor and thence to St. George's church beside Southwark [Map], and thence to Greenwich manor, and thence to Canterbury.

To divers lords, as well of his blood as other, and also to knights, squires and other subjects, he has, for their good service, made grants of lands, offices and annuities, which he straitly charges his son, the Prince (age 17), and other heirs to respect; as also the enfeoffments of the Duchy of Lancaster made by Parliaments of 7 and 19 Henry VII. for the fulfilment of his will.

Bequests for finishing of the church of the New College in Cambridge and the church of Westminster, for the houses of Friars Observants, for the altar within the King's grate (i.e. of his tomb), for the high altar within the King's chapel, for the image of the King to be made and set upon St. Edward's shrine, for the College of Windsor, for the monastery of Westminster, for the image of the King to be set at St. Thomas's shrine at Canterbury, and for chalices and pixes of a certain fashion to be given to all the houses of Friars and every parish church not suitably provided with such.

Bequest of a dote of 50,£000 for the marriage of [his sister] Lady Mary (age 13) the King's daughter with Charles Prince of Spain (age 9), as contracted at Richmond (blank) Dec. 24 Henry VIII., or (if that fail) her marriage with any prince out of the realm by "consent of our said son the Prince (age 17), his Council and our said executors.".

Hall's Chronicle 1522. 02 Feb 1522. The second day of February, the King (age 30) being at Greenwich, came thither the Cardinal with a Legation from Leo bishop of Rome, and also his ambassador, on who waited many a nobleman, the King met them at his chamber door welcoming them as though they had both come from Rome. Then said the Cardinal, high and victorious King it hath pleased our Lord God to indue your grace with a great multitude of manifold graces as a King elect in favour of the high heaven, and so appears presently by your noble person, so formed and figured in shape and stature with force and pulchritude, which signifies the present pleasure of our Lord God wrought in your noble grace. And further he praised his wisdom, prudence and learning, with many other goodly words in the praise of his most noble grace. And finally, the Cardinal declared how the said Bishop of Rome had sent his highness an Act in Bull under lead, declaring therein his grace to be the Defender of the Christian Faith, and his successors for evermore.

And when his grace had received the said Bull and caused it to be read and published, he went to his chapel to hear Mass accompanied with many nobles of his realm and also with Ambassadors of sundry princes, the Cardinal being requested to sing masse, the Erle of Essex brought the Bason with water, the Duke of Suffolk (age 38) gave the assay, the Duke of Norfolk (age 49) held the towel, and so preceded to Masse. And that done gave to all them that heard the masse clean remission and blessed the King and the Queen and all the people: then was the Bull eftsoons declared, and trumpets blew, the shalmes and saggebuttes played in honour of the King’s new style. Thus, his highness went to dinner in the midst whereof the King of Heralds and his company began the larges, crying Henricus dei gratia rex Anglie, and Francie, defensor fidei; and dominus Hibernie thus ended the dinner, with much abundance of vittels and wine, to all manner of people.

Letters and Papers 1528. 21 Jun 1528. Vesp. C. IV. 237. B. M. St. P. I. 293. 4404. Brian Tuke to Cardinal Thomas Wolsey (age 55).

According to the purpose he expressed in his last letter to Wolsey, sent to Mr. Treasurer (age 38) to know if he should repair to the King. His messenger found Mr. Treasurer (age 38) sick of the sweat at Waltham [Map], and the King (age 36) removed to Hunsdon [Map], whither he followed him, and delivered him Wolsey's letters to the Bishop of London and Tuke, Tuke's to the Bishop, his answer and Tuke's to the Treasurer. The King asked the messenger what disease Tuke had. The messenger told him wrong; and the King bade Tuke come, though he had to ride in a litter, offering to send him one. Rode thither on his mule at a foot pace, with marvellous pain; for on my faith I void blood per virgam. Arrived yesterday afternoon. The King seemed to be satisfied in the matter of the truce, for which he said he at first sent for him, but now he must put him to other business, saying secretly that it was to write his will, which he has lately reformed.

As to the truce, he said the Spaniards had a great advantage in the liberty to go to Flanders, but the English had not like liberty to repair to Spain; and he also complains that my Lady Margaret is not bound to make restitution for injuries done by Spaniards out of the property of other Spaniards in Flanders. Answered that the liberty to go to Flanders was beneficial to England, which would thus obtain oil and other Spanish merchandise; and, besides, English cloths, which would have been sent to Spain, can now be sent to Flanders. Showed him also the advantage that French or English men-of-war might have, in doing any exploits beyond the French havens; for directly they have returned to safety on this side the Spanish havens, the Spaniards are without remedy, as all hostilities must cease in the seas on this side.

Told him how glad the French ambassadors were when Wolsey, with marvellous policy, brought the secretaries to that point. Assured him "it was tikle medeling with them, seeing how little my Lady Margaret's council esteemed the truce," by which the French were enabled to strengthen themselves in Italy, and their cost in the Low Countries was lost. The King doubted whether the Spaniards would be bound by my Lady Margaret's treaty. Told him she had bound herself that the Emperor should ratify it, and that she would recompence goods taken by Spaniards; adding that if this order had not been taken by Wolsey, the King's subjects passing to Flanders, Iceland, Denmark, Bordeaux, &c. would have been in continual danger of capture. "His highness, not willing to make great replication, said, a little army might have served for keeping of the seas against the Spaniards; and I said, that his army royal, furnished as largely as ever it was, could not save his subjects from many great harms in the length between Spain and Iceland."

The King, being then about to sit down to supper, bid Tuke to rest that night at a gentleman's place near at hand, and return to him this day, when he would speak with him about the other secret matter of his will. "And so, willing to have rewarded me with a dish, if I had not said that I eat no fish," took his leave, and departed two miles to the lodging. On his return this morning, found the King going into the garden, who, after his return, heard three masses, and then called Tuke to the chamber in which he supped apart last night. After speaking of the advantages of this house, and its wholesome air at this time of sickness, the King delivered to him "the book of his said will in many points reformed, wherein his Grace riped me," and appointed Tuke a chamber here, under his privy chamber, bidding him send for his stuff, and go in hand with his business. Expects, therefore, to be here five or six days at least, though he has only a bed that he brought on horseback, ready to lay down anywhere. Must borrow stuff meanwhile, and is disappointed of the physic which he had ordered at his house in Essex, whither he sent a physician to stay with him for a time, promising him a mark a day, horse meat and man's meat. Must bid him return till he has leave to depart, when he begs Wolsey to let him attend on his physician for eight or ten days; "else I shall utterly, for lack of looking to at this begining, destroy myself for ever." The King is expected to remain here eight or ten days. Hunsdon, Sunday, 21 June 1528.

Letters and Papers 1528. 30 Jun 1528. R. O. 4442. Sir William Compton (age 46).

Will of Sir William Compton, made on 8 March 1522, 14 Henry VIII. Desires to be buried at Compton Wynyates [Map] in Warwickshire, beside his ancestors: That is if his wife (age 28) die before he return home from his journey, she be afterwards brought to Compton and buried there. Bequeaths to his wife (age 28) movables at Bettyschorne, and at the great park of Windsor, and the plate which belonged to Francis Cheyny, "my predecessor." If his wife be delivered of a son, bequeaths to him all his household stuff at Compton, with the plate which was given him by the French king in a schedule. His wife to have the control of it till the child be of age. If he have a son, bequeaths to each of his daughters 1,000 marks for their marriages, and 100 marks in plate. Wills that 40 pair of vestments be made of one suit, to be distributed to the parish churches in the counties of Warwick and Worcester, adjoining to Compton. All his apparel to be used in making vestments and other works of charity. Bequeaths to the abbey of Winchcomb his wedding gown of tynsen satin, to make a vestment that they may pray for the souls of his ancestors. Wills his executors to release to the monastery of Denny all the debts they owe him, and bequeaths to them £10 for an obit. Bequeaths goods to the value of 200 marks to be distributed to poor householders, and to the marriages of poor maids in the counties of Warwick and Worcester. Wills that a tomb of alabaster be prepared for his father, with his arms graven upon it. Bequeaths to the King (age 37) his little chest of ivory with gilt lock, "and a chest bourde under the same, and a pair of tables upon it," with all the jewels and treasure enclosed, now in his wife's custody; also "certain specialties to the sum of 1,000 marks, which I have of [his future father-in-law] Sir Thomas Bullen (age 51), knight," for money lent to him. Wills that his children have their plate on coming to their full ages; i.e., on the males coming to the age of twenty-one, and the females to the age of eighteen.

Bequests to his sister [Elizabeth] Rudney, and his cousin John Rudney, her son. Wills that his mother's body be taken up and buried at Compton Wynyates [Map]. Bequest to the daughter of his aunt Appulby. £20 to be put in a box at the abbey of Winchecombe, to make defence for all such actions as may be wrongfully taken against his wife or his executors. Two chantries to be founded in his name at Compton Wynyates [Map], to do daily service for the souls of the King, the Queen, my Lady Anne Hastings (age 45), himself, his wife and ancestors. The priests to be appointed by the Abbot of Winchecombe, or, failing him, the Abbot of Evesham. 5 marks a year to be paid to the parson of Compton to keep a free grammar school. £100 a year to be paid to his wife during her life, for her jointure, besides her inheritance in Barkeley's lands. Bequests to the monasteries of Evesham, Hayles, Winchecombe, Worcester, Croxton, the charterhouses of Henton and Coventry, for obits; to Sir William Tyler, Sir Thomas Lynne, Thomas Baskett and George Lynde; to his servants who happen to be with him this journey; to John Draper, his servant, and Robert Bencare, his solicitor; to Griffin Gynne, now with Humphrey Brown, serjeant-at-law, for his learning; and to Lady Anne Hastings (age 45). Executors appointed: Dame Warburgh my wife (age 31), the bishop of Exeter (age 66), Sir Henry Marney, Lord Privy Seal, Sir Henry Guildford (age 39), Sir Richard Broke, Sir John Dantsy, Dr. Chomber, Humphrey Brown, serjeant-at-law, Thomas Leson, clk., James Clarell and Thomas Unton. Appoints my Lord Bishop of  Canterbury (age 78) supervisor of his will. Gifts to the executors.

3. Bargain and sale by Sir Henry Guildford (age 39), Humphrey Brown, Thomas Hunton and Thomas Leeson, as executors of Sir William Compton, to Sir Thomas Arundell, of certain tenements in St Swithin's Lane [Map], [London,] lately in the possession of Lewis... and Humphrey... as executors of Sir Richard Wingfield.

4. Inventory of the goods of Sir William Compton in his house in London.

Ready money, gold and silver, 1,£338 7s. 0½d. Jewels of gold and silver, £898 6s. 2d. Gilt plate, £85 5s. 3d. Parcel gilt plate, £31 12s. 2d. White plate, £90 0s. 3½d. Silks, £210 13s. 6d.=2,£654 4s. 5d.

5. Names of the officers upon the lands late Sir William Compton's.

[Note. Lots of names of Steward and Bailiffs and values.].

6. Inquisition taken in Middlesex on the death of Sir William Compton, 20 Henry VIII.

Found that Richard Broke, serjeant-at-law, [Walter Rodney] [Names in brackets crossed out], William Dyngley and John Dyngley, now surviving, with [Sir Rob. Throgmerton and William Tracy,]* deceased, were seized of the manors of Totenham, Pembrokes, Bruses, Daubeneys and Mokkyngs, with lands in Tottenham, Edelmeton and Enfeld, to Compton's use; and that George Earl of Shrewsbury (age 60), Henry Earl of Essex, John Bourchier Lord Bernes (age 61), [Sir Rob. Ratclyf,]* Rob. Brudenell (age 67), justice of the King's Bench, Richard Sacheverell (age 61) [and Thomas Brokesby],* now surviving, with [Sir Ralph Shyrley,]* deceased, were seized of the manor of Fyncheley and lands in Fyncheley and Hendon to his use. His son, Peter Compton (age 5), is his heir, and is six years old and over.

7. Citation by Wolsey (age 55), as legate, of Sir William Compton, for having lived in adultery with the wife (age 45) of Lord Hastings (age 41), while his own wife, dame Anne Stafford Countess Huntingdon (age 45), was alive, and for having taken the sacrament to disprove it.

4443. Sir William Compton.

Inventory of the goods of Sir William Compton at his places in London, Compton, Bittisthorne, the Great Park of Windsor, Sir Walter Stoner's place. Total of moveables, 4,£485 2s. 3½d. "Sperat dettes," estimated at 3,£511 13s. 4d. "Chatell Royall," £666 13s. 4d.

Wards.-One ward that cost £466 13s. 4d.; another of 500 marks land; the third, "Sir George Salynger's son and his heir." There is at Windsor Great Park plate embezzled to the value of £579 2s. 6d., as appears by a bill found in Sir William's place at London. Desperate debts estimated at 1,£908 6s. 8d. Debts owing by him estimated at £1,000

Letters and Papers 1528. 21 Jul 1528. R.O. St. P.I. 321. 4536. [his illegitimate son] Duke of Richmond (age 9) to Henry VIII (age 37).

I have received two of your letters, dated Tittenhanger, the 10th, desiring the preferment of Sir Giles Strangwisshe and Sir Edward Seymer, master of my horse, to rooms vacant by the death of Sir William Compton. I send a list of the offices and the fees appertaining. I presume you mean that one of the said gentlemen is to be preferred to the stewardship of Canforde.

It was signified to me by the Cardinal that it was your pleasure, when any office fell vacant, that I should dispose of it, considering the great number of my servants who have no other reward. Hearing, then, that the stewardship of my lands in Dorset and Somerset shires was void, I have disposed of one of them to Sir William Parre, and the other to George Coton, who attends upon me. Sheriffhutton, 21 July. Signed.

P.1. Add. Endd.

ii. Lordships belonging to my Lord of Richmond and Somerset.

Dorset.—Canforde, Corfe Castle, Cockden hundred and the Isle of Purbyke. The steward's fee is 100s.

Somerset.—The borough of Milborn Port. The manor of Kingesbury Regis and the hundred of Horethorn. The manor of Quene Cammell. The lordship of Martock. The hundred of Stone and Cattisayshe. The manor of Coryrevell. The hundred of Abdyke and Bulstone, and the borough of Langporte.

The steward's fee is £6 13s. 4d., besides 60s. for his clerk.

The History of Reginald Pole. [Around 1530]. He Henry VIII (age 38) then goes on to show, "how inexcusable the King was in pretending that a dispensation to marry his Brother's Widow was invalid, at the same time that he was suing for One, which would enable him to marry a [his future wife] person (age 29), whose [his future sister-in-law] sister (age 31) he had corrupted, provided the nullity of his former marriage could be proved". This in a treatise inscribed to the King [See Defense of the Unity of the Church Book III], and delivered to him on the part of the noble Author, by one of his Gentlemen. He asserts it as a known truth; and, indeed, had such an imputation been slander, or even of doubtful report, it would have been utterly unworthy and inconsistent with his character who relates it; and must have raised the clamour not only of the English, but of all foreigners against him. It ought, at the same time, to be remarked, that as he gives not the least insinuation of any looseness of the behaviour in Anne Bullen, before Henry's passion for her, or of a criminal commerce between her Mother and the King, of which she has been said to be the fruit, these reports are to be looked on as destitute of foundaton. Had the facts been real, they would not have escaped the knowledge of One so well informed; nor been overlooked in a work, where every aggravation. which regards this article is set forth in all its iniquity, and heightened with all the colouring that indignation and eloquence can give. All be says of her amounts to a sarcasm, that me must needs be chaste, as the choice to be the King's wife, rather than his Mitress; but that she might have learnt, how soon he was sated with those who had belonged to him in the latter quality and, if other examples were wanting, that his own sister was enough¹."

Note 1. Concubina enim tua fieri pudica mulier nolebak, uxor volebat: Didicerat, opinor, si nullâ aliâ ex re, vel Sororis suæ exemplo, quam cito te concubinarum tuatum fatietas caperet.

For the chaste woman did not want to become your concubine, she wanted to be a wife: I think she had learned, if nothing else from the matter, or from the example of her sister (age 31), how quickly she was satisfied with your concubines.

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

About a week ago the [his brother-in-law] sieur de Rochefort (age 30) (George Boleyn) returned from France with the sieur de Beauvoes (Beauvoir), who started yesterday for Scotland for the purpose of inducing king James to place his differences with this King (age 41) into his master's hand, and making him judge and arbiter of their differences. I have been told by a very worthy man that the duke of Albany's secretary returning from a visit to the said Beaulvoys (sic) had assured him that the said ambassador would be unable to accomplish his mission in Scotland, and that war would go on fiercer than ever. Indeed it would seem as if the Scots at this moment more prosperous than ever, for instead of being as before on the defensive, they are continually making raids on the borders. For this purpose did Mr. de Rocchefort (age 30) go to France as it is now ascertained. These people, as I am told, wish immensely for peace with Scotland, but God, as I said above, has taken away their senses, and they cannot see how to bring it about. The said Mr. de Rocchefort (age 30), as his own servants assert, has been presented in France with 2,000 crs., no doubt for the good tidings of his [his wife] sister's (age 32) marriage, to whom the Most Christian King has now written a letter addressing her as Queen. I fancy, moreover, that the French consider this good news, firstly: because it is likely to be the means of breaking off the friendship between Your Majesty and this king, and also, because it might ultimately be the cause of freeing the French from their debt and payment of pensions, either through sheer necessity, or for fear these people may have of their ultimately joining you, should the Pope proceed to sentence the case and have the censures executed-a thing which, in my opinion, Your Majesty ought to urge in every possible way-the French would be released from all their bonds and pecuniary obligations to this king.

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

Lastly, upon my urging upon him that his marriage had been pre-arranged by the King, his father [Henry VII.], and by the Catholic king of Spain [Ferdinand], both of whom were the wisest of their age, and would have never consented to it had there been the least shade of scruple respecting [his brother] Prince Arthur - which after all was the principal ground of complaint - he again insisted on his determination to act as he pleased in the matter without attending to considerations of any sort whatever, adding that you yourself had shewn him the way to disobey the Pope's injunctions by your appealing four years ago to a future Council. Upon which I told him that he himself could not do better than follow your example and appeal to that very Council, and since he alleged that he was ready to imitate you in this respect, I must warn him that no prince in the world had more respect than you had for His Holiness, or deeper fear of his excommunications, for upon one occasion you had been one whole Holy Week without attending Divine service.

These last words of mine had great effect upon the King (age 41), who no doubt thought that I meant to reproach him for not having obeyed the Papal excommunication and interdict once fulminated against him; he, therefore, was a little hurt and said to me in rather an angry tone of voice: "If you go on like that you will make me lose my temper." I begged him to tell me how I could have offended him, warmly protesting that I had no such intention; then he lowered his voice a little and spoke less harshly, though, notwithstanding all my entreaties, he would never say how or in what I had offended him, and I must say that the rest of our conference passed without any visible signs of ill-humour on his part.

Thus encouraged I asked him whether in the event of Spaniards and Flemings, as good Christians, refusing for fear of the Papal interdict to hold communication, or carry on trade with his subjects, they would be amenable to the penalties described in the statute, and what sort of crime could be imputed to them. He remained for a while thoughtful and startled, not knowing what to answer, which being observed by me I preferred asking leave to retire to remaining where I was and waiting for his answer. I, therefore, said to him: "If such be the state of things I will not trouble Your Highness any more and lose my time; I will withdraw." He then said "adieu" to me in a gracious manner, but retained Hesdin, to whom he addressed the following words; "You have heard what the Emperor's ambassador has just said respecting the Papal excommunication and the stopping of trade between my subjects and the Spaniards and Flemings; but I can tell you that the ecclesiastical censures do not on this occasion fall upon me, but upon the Emperor himself who has so long opposed me, and prevented my new marriage, thus making me live in sin and against the prescriptions of Mother Church. The excommunication, moreover, is of such a nature that the Pope himself could not raise it without my consent; but, pray, do not mention this to the ambassador." This will give Your Majesty an idea of the King's blindness in these matters. Hesdin only replied that the affair was of too much importance for him to mix himself up with it.

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

After this we came to speak about the [his wife] Queen (age 47) and to argue whether she had or had not been known by Prince Arthur, and after responding victoriously to the suppositions and conjectures which he alleged in support of his opinion, I produced such arguments in proof of the contrary that he really knew not what to answer. Which arguments having been brought forward on more than one occasion I will not trouble Your Majesty with a reproduction of them, and will only say "que venant a reprendre le dit seigneur roy ce que plusieurs fois il auoit confesse, que la royne demeura pucelle du dit prince Arthus, et voyant quil ne le pouvoit nyer, il dit quil lauoit plusieurs fois dit mais que ce nauoit este que en ieu, et que lhome en iouant et banquetant dit souvent pluseures (sic) choses que ne sont veritables." Having said as much as if he had obtained a great success, or found some subtle point towards the gaining of his cause, he began to recover his self-possession and said confidently to me: "Now I think I have given you full satisfaction on all points; what else do you want?" Whatever the King (age 41) might say the satisfaction was not all-sufficing, but it served me admirably, much more than he himself could imagine, to dispute certain premises he had laid down. I told him that I flattered myself that I was the ambassador of the prince who desired most his welfare, profit, and honour, as well as the tranquillity of his kingdom. I had brought with me Master Hesdin, there present, who was, and acknowledged himself to be, his affectionate servant- as did also all Your Majesty's officers-that he might be present at the conference and hear what his answer was; but I would promise most solemnly that nothing that might be said at that audience should be reported to you unless he himself wished, for I consented to the said Hesdin giving me the lie if I ever attempted to write to Your Majesty anything he (the King) did dislike. This I said to the King (age 41) that I might inspire greater confidence and make him open his heart more fully (lui fere deslier le sac). The better to gain his confidence I told him how happy I had once considered myself at being chosen by Your Majesty to represent your person near so great and magnanimous a king, hoping that his Privy Council, taking due cognizance of the affairs pending between the two crowns, everything should go on smoothly. Now, on the contrary, affairs had taken such a disorderly turn, and were in such confusion that I considered myself unhappy in having to represent Your Majesty, inasmuch as I had continually assured you in my despatches that whatever countenance the King (age 41) put on, and whatever he did his heart and the affection he bore Your Majesty were not affected, and that he would never think of doing anything that might give occasion to suspect that he intended living otherwise than in peace and amity with Your Imperial Majesty. At these words, and without waiting to hear the rest, as if he wished to avoid alt further conversation on this delicate subject, the King (age 41) frowned, and moving his head to and fro, said rather abruptly: "Before I listen to such representations, I must know from whom they proceed, whether from the Emperor, your master, or from yourself; for if they be private remarks of your own I shall know how to answer them." And upon my answering that it was superfluous to ask whether I could have received commission to complain of facts and things which had only taken place a week ago, the intelligence of which would require a full month to be transmitted, and perhaps, too, four successive despatches of mine before it was believed-my general charge and instructions being to maintain by all best means the peace and friendship between Your Majesty and him, and especially to watch over the Queen's (age 47) affairs, since from them depended in a great measure that very friendship-the King (age 41) replied that you yourself had nothing to do with the laws, statutes, and constitutions of his kingdom, and that in spite of all opposition he would pass such laws and ordinances in his dominions as he thought proper, adding many other things in the same strain. My reply was that Your Majesty neither could nor would hinder any such legislative measures, but on the contrary would, if necessary, help him in them unless they personally affected the Queen (age 47), whom he wanted to compel to renounce her appeal [to Rome] and submit entirely to the judgment of the prelates of his kingdom who, either won by promises or threatened with that punishment which had already attained those who upheld the Queen's (age 47) right, could not fail to decide in his favour and against her. After this I repeated what I had told him on previous occasions in Your Majesty's name, that is to say: that the fact of the case being determined here, in England, as he wished, would in nowise remove hereafter the doubts about the succession for the reasons above explained, He, himself, considering how unreasonable and illegal it would be to have the case tried and decided in England, when the authority of the Holy Apostolic See was concerned, had from the beginning of the suit asked the Papal permission for the two cardinals (Campeggio (age 58) and York) to take cognizance of the case here. Even after that he had allowed the Queen (age 47) to appeal to Rome, and in the course of time not satisfied with that had himself, and through others, solicited the Queen (age 47) to consent to the case being tried out of Rome, not here in England, for he knew that to be a most unreasonable demand, but in a neutral place. For these reasons I said the Queen (age 47) cannot and ought not to be tied by laws and statutes to which no one hardly had consented, and which had been carried by compulsion. To this remark of mine the King (age 41) replied half in a passion (demy appassione): "All persuasions and remonstrances are absolutely in vain. Had I known that the audience you applied for had no other object than to speak to me of these things I certainly should have found some excuse to break through the established rule, and escape from such objurgations." But on my representing to him the object of my calling, and telling him that he was positively bound to listen not only to what an ambassador of Your Majesty, but the commonest mortal, had to say to him in a case of this sort, and the courteous and humane manner in which you had always treated his ambassadors, he was obliged to retract, and said that as regarded the commission granted to the two cardinals he could not deny that he himself had applied for it, but that was, he said, under a promise made by the Pope that the cause should never be revoked [from England]; but since His Holiness withdrew all the commissions he had previously given, he (the King) did likewise reject the offer to have the case tried and sentenced in a neutral place, for he wished it to be determined here and not elsewhere. As to his consent to the Queen's (age 47) appeal he had only given it conditionally, and provided the statutes and constitutions of the kingdom allowed of it, not otherwise, and said that lately a prohibitive one had been made in Parliament which the Queen (age 47) herself, as an English subject, was bound to obey. Hearing this I could not help observing that laws and constitutions had no retroactive power, and that they could only be enforced in the future. As to the Queen (age 47) being an English subject I owned that she being his legitimate wife was really and truly such, and that consequently all debate about constitutions and appeals was not only superfluous but out of the question; but that if the Queen (age 47), however, was, as he asserted, not his wife, she could not be called an English subject, for she only resided in this country in virtue of her marriage, not otherwise, and Common Law establishes that the claimant is to bring his action before the tribunal of the country whereof the defendant is a native. The Queen (age 47) might as well ask to have her case tried in Spain, but this she had never attempted, contenting herself that the court to which he himself had firstly applied as claimant should take cognizance of the affair, that being the only true and irrefragable tribunal in her case. And upon his replying that he had not sent for her, and that his brother, the prince of Wales, had first taken her to wife and consummated marriage, I remarked that if he himself had not sent for her he had after his brother's demise kept her by him, and prevented her from going away at the request of her father, the Catholic king of Spain, through his ambassador at this court, Hernand Duque de Estrada, as I could prove by his letters. These, however, the King (age 41) refused to peruse, and again repeated: "She must have patience and obey the laws of this kingdom." Then he added that Your Majesty in return for so many services and favours had done him the greatest possible injury by hindering his new marriage, and preventing his having male succession. That the Queen (age 47) was no more his wife than she was mine, and that he would act in this business just as he pleased, in spite of all opposition and grumbling, and that if Your Majesty capriciously attempted to cause him annoyance he would try to defend himself with the help of his friends.

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

After this, coming to the principal object of my visit, I told him plainly that, although for several days past I had heard of the attempt made both at the convocation of the prelates and in Parliament to impugn the [his wife] Queen's (age 47) rights, and greatly injure her just cause, I had taken no notice of the facts, inasmuch as I could not be persuaded that so wise, virtuous, and Catholic a prince could possibly authorize or sanction such things, and also because I thought and believed that such practices (menees) could in no wise impair the Queen's (age 47) right or cause her harm. Yet that having lately been apprized from various quarters that such an attempt was really being made, I considered that I could not acquit myself of my duty towards God, towards Your Imperial Majesty, and towards himself if I did not remonstrate at once against such behaviour, and entreat him by his virtue, wisdom, and humanity patiently to listen to my observations as proceeding from my desire for his service, for that though he might disregard and despise man, he would at least respect God. To which the King (age 41) answered that so he had done, and that God and his conscience were perfectly agreed on that point.

Hearing the King (age 41) express himself in this manner and wishing to bring him back to the subject as gently as possible, I observed that my colleague and I could not but be very much flattered at the familiar way in which he had expressed his sentiments, as if we were his own servants, which sentiments, I added, proceeded no doubt from his heart not from his mouth. He assured me, however, that such was not the case, and that what he had just said had been said without dissimulation. Upon which I again said to him that I could not believe that Christianity, being so agitated and troubled by heresies, he could possibly set so bad an example and contravene the treaties of peace and amity which, as he himself, who had been the principal promoter and mediator in them ought to know best, had cost so much time and trouble to make. He ought to know that even supposing no inconvenience arose therefrom in his lifetime there would be most serious ones after his death with regard to the succession. There had never been such a case, I continued, nor did we read of it in history, as for a prince to divorce his legitimate wife after five and twenty years, and marry another woman. Not knowing what to answer to my observations, the King (age 41) gladly seized the opportunity which I gave him by this last statement to contradict me, and said: "Not so long, if you please; and if the world finds this new marriage of mine strange, I find it still more so that the Pope [Julius] should have granted a dispensation for the former." I then mentioned to him five popes who had dispensed in similar cases, and declared that I was unwilling to dispute that matter with him, but that there was no doctor in his kingdom, who after such a debate would not confess that pope Julius was authorized to dispense in the case. After this, coming to speak about the manner in which his solicitors had procured the votes of the university of Paris, on which he founds his principal argument, I offered to produce the letters I had received relating the whole affair, as well as the names of those who had held for the Queen (age 47), but he said there was no necessity at all for that. I, moreover, told him that neither in Spain, nor in Naples, nor in any other country could one single prelate or doctor be found to assert the contrary, and that even in his own kingdom every canonist and lawyer was of the same opinion, with the exception of the few who had been gained over to the other side, and I proposed, in confirmation of my statement, to exhibit other letters, which he likewise refused to see.

At last, wishing to turn the conversation, the King (age 41) said that he wished to ensure the succession to his kingdom by having children, which he had not at present, and upon my remarking to him that he had one daughter, the most virtuous and accomplished that could be thought of, just of suitable age to be married and get children, and that it seemed as if Nature had decided that the succession to the English throne should be through the female line, as he himself had obtained it, and therefore, that he could by marrying the Princess to some one secure the succession he was so anxious for, he replied that he knew better than that; and would marry again in order to have children himself. And upon my observing to him that he could not be sure of that he asked me three times running: "Am I not a man like others?" and he afterwards added: "I need not give proofs of the contrary, or let you into my secrets," no doubt implying thereby that his beloved [his wife] Lady (age 32) is already in the family way.

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

On Tuesday the 7th inst., having been informed of the strange and outrageous conduct and proceedings of this king (age 41) against the [his wife] Queen (age 47), whereof I have written to Your Majesty, I went to Court at the hour appointed for the King's audience, that I might there duly remonstrate against the Queen's treatment. I took with me Mr. Hesdin, who by the consent of the Queen [of Hungary] is now here to claim the arrears of his pension, in order that he might be present, and hear the remonstrances I had to address the King (age 41), hoping also that if I had to use threatening language the King (age 41) might not be so much offended if uttered in the presence of the said Hesdin. On my arrival at Greenwich [Map] the [his father-in-law] earl of Vulchier (age 56) (Wiltshire) came to meet me, and leading me to the apartments of the duke of Norfolk (age 60), who had just gone to see the Queen (age 47), said to me that the King (age 41) being very much engaged at that hour had deputed him to listen to what I had to say, and report thereupon. My answer was that my communication was of such a nature and so important that I could not possibly make it to anyone but to the King (age 41) in person. Until now he had never refused me audience, or put me off, and I could not think that he would now break through the custom without my having given him any occasion for it, especially as the King (age 41) knew that Your Majesty most willingly received the English ambassadors at all hours, whatever might be their errand or business. The Earl (age 56) repeated his excuses, and seemed at first disinclined to take my answer back to the King (age 41), until at last, perceiving my firm determination, he went in and came back saying the King (age 41) would see me immediately, though he still tried to ascertain what my business was, and advised me to put off my communication until after the festivals. It was settled at last that I should see the King (age 41) on Thursday in Holy Week, on which day having about me a copy of my last despatch [to Your Majesty], I took again the road to Court, accompanied as before by the said Master Hesdin, and was introduced to the Royal presence by the same earl of Wiltshire (age 56). The King (age 41) received us graciously enough. After the usual salutations and inquiries about Your Majesty's health, the King (age 41) asked me what news I had of your movements. I answered that the letters I had received last were rather old, but that I had reason to believe you had already embarked to return to Spain at the beginning of this present month. This statement the King (age 41) easily believed, and was rejoiced to hear (such is his wish to see you fairly out of Italy). I added that the weather for the last days could not have been more favourable, and therefore that it was to be hoped Your Majesty had reached Spain in safety. Having then asked me whether I had other news to communicate, I told him that your brother, the king of the Romans (age 30), had made his peace with the Turk, and that the latter had sent an embassy, at which piece of intelligence the King (age 41) remained for some time in silent astonishment as if he did not know what to answer.

Pepy's Diary. 08 Oct 1667. At last, rose, and up, and broke our fast, and then took coach, and away, and at Newport [Map] did call on Mr. Lowther (age 26), and he and his friend, and the master of the house, their friend, where they were, a gentleman, did presently get a-horseback and overtook us, and went with us to Audley-End [Map], and did go along with us all over the house and garden: and mighty merry we were. The house indeed do appear very fine, but not so fine as it hath heretofore to me; particularly the ceilings are not so good as I always took them to be, being nothing so well wrought as my Chancellor's (age 58) are; and though the figure of the house without be very extraordinary good, yet the stayre-case is exceeding poor; and a great many pictures, and not one good one in the house but one of Harry the Eighth, done by Holben; and not one good suit of hangings in all the house, but all most ancient things, such as I would not give the hanging-up of in my house; and the other furniture, beds and other things, accordingly¹. Only the gallery is good, and, above all things, the cellars, where we went down and drank of much good liquor; and indeed the cellars are fine: and here my wife and I did sing to my great content.

Note 1. Mr. George T. Robinson, F.S.A., in a paper on "Decorative Plaster Work", read before the Society of Arts in April, 1891, refers to the ceilings at Audley End as presenting an excellent idea of the state of the stuccoer's art in the middle of James I's reign, and adds, "Few houses in England can show so fine a series of the same date ... The great hall has medallions in the square portions of the ceiling formed by its dividing timber beams. The large saloon on the principal floor-a room about 66 feet long by 30 feet wide-has a very remarkable ceiling of the pendentive type, which presents many peculiarities, the most notable of which, that these not only depend from the ceiling, but the outside ones spring from the walls in a natural and structural manner. This is a most unusual circumstance in the stucco work of the time, the reason for the omission of this reasonable treatment evidently being the unwillingness of the stuccoer to omit his elaborate frieze in which he took such delight" ("Journal Soc. of Arts", vol. xxxix., p. 449).