Calendars
Calendars is in Books.
1536 Arrest and Execution of Anne Boleyn
1554 Wyatt's Rebellion Executions
1554 Execution of Lady Jane Grey and her Faction
A summary. Most commonly used for dates but calendars can apply to anything. For example. the Parliamentary Rolls were, over time, translated, edited and summarised into Calendars organised by type and reign.
Books, Calendars, Calendar of State Papers
Calendar of State Papers, Foreign: Elizabeth Volume 1
Calendar of State Papers, Foreign: Elizabeth Volume 1 1559
01 Sep 1559. Alexander Ales to the Queen.
1. Congratulates her upon her accession to the throne by the "senatus consultum" of the realm, and the consent of all orders, she being the true posterity of the families of the White and Red Roses, the sole daughter of Henry VIII., and his lawful and undoubted heir. Although the joy which the intelligence of her accession occasioned to all the English, Scotch, French, and Belgian exiles (driven from their home for the confession of the pure doctrine of the Gospel), has already been made know to her by the churches of Frankfort on the Maine and Strasburg upon their return into Britain, yet he considers that the duty of conveying this intelligence belongs more especially to himself, England having afforded him an asylum at the time when he was summoned to teach in the University of Cambridge during the lifetime of her most pious mother. He is persuaded that all ranks will rejoice at her accession. After referring to various characters and incidents in the Old Testament history as illustrative of his warning, he assures her that he believes that she prayed with Esther when she saw her father's kingdom transferred to strangers, and the Archbishop of Canterbury killed like Abimelech the High Priest, by Doeg. She had been exposed like a second Esther to the dangers of a violent death in her sister's Court, because, like Mardocheus and the Jewish nation, she professed the same religion as the martyrs did, following herein the example of her mother.
He then proceeds as follows:
2. "I am persuaded that the true and chief cause of the hatred, the treachery, and the false accusations laid to the charge of that most holy Queen, your most pious mother, was this, that she persuaded the King to send an embassy into Germany to the Princes who had embraced the Gospel. If other arguments of the truth of this were wanting, a single one would be sufficient, namely that before the embassy had returned, the Queen had been executed.
3. "On account of this embassy, the Emperor Charles, (who formerly had been so hostile to your most serene father, with whom he had a suit before the Pope and the Papal Legate in England, Campegio, on account of his aunt, Queen Catherine, whom the King had divorced, and because he had married your mother, and honoured her with the regal crown,) most grievously threatened the Princes of Germany who were associated in the defence of the Gospel.
4. "It was chiefly on account of this embassy that he prepared for hostilities, and invoked the aid of the Pope, King Ferdinand, the nobles of Italy, Spain, Hungary, Bohemia, Lower Germany, and other nations.
5. "On account of this embassy all the Bishops who were opposed to the purer doctrine of the Gospel and adhered to the Roman Pontiff, entered into a conspiracy against your mother.
6. "And I myself in some sort was the occasion of this embassy, having been the bearer of the 'Loci Theologici' of Philip Melancthon, which that very learned man sent to the most serene King your father, and had, moreover, induced him to dedicate that book to the King's Majesty.
7. "I was also asked by the King whether I thought Philip would come into England if His Majesty invited him, and I answered that I had very little doubt as to his inclination so to do, could he obtain the permission of John Frederic, Duke of Saxony.
8. "From these reasons it has often occurred to me that it was a duty which I owed the Church, to write the history, or tragedy, of the death of your most holy mother, in order to illustrate the glory of God and to afford consolation to the godly. No one, as far as I know, has as yet published such a work; I have been admonished from heaven by a vision or dream, which I shall presently narrate, to make it known to the world. I will therefore recount, with brevity and simplicity, the events as they occurred, introducing no ornaments of doctrine, as is done by some historical writers thereby to recommend themselves to their readers and to obtain credence for their narrative.
9. "Shortly after the Bishop of Hereford [episcopus Erfordensis] had been sent into Germany by the most serene King along with Dr. Nicolas Heath, now Archbishop of York, it happened that Dr. Stephen Gardener [Hortolanus], Bishop of Winchester, then Ambassador with the King of France, (a most violent persecutor of all the godly, on account of the true doctrine of the Gospel, who afterwards caused Dr. Ridley, Bishop of London, Hopper, of Norwich, Latimer, of Worcester, and three others to be put to death,) wrote to those friends whom he had in the Court of the King of England, conspirators like himself, to the effect that certain reports were being circulated in the Court of the King of France, and certain letters had been discovered, according to which the Queen was accused of adultery.
10. "These letters were delivered by the steward [perefectus] of the Bishop of Winchester, the King's Secretary, Thomas Wrothisley, who afterwards was created Earl of Southampton [Comes in Hampton], whom Dr. Stephen had placed in the Court to watch over his interests. They were next shown to the Lord Crumwell, the King's ear and mind, to whom he had entrusted the entire government of the kingdom.
11. "As Crumwell attended at the Court daily, along with Wrotisley, the affair thus became known to the King himself. He was furious, but, dissembling his wrath, he summoned Crumwell, Wrotisley, and certain others, who, as report says, hated the Queen, because she had sharply rebuked them and threatened to inform the King that under the guise of the Gospel and religion they were advancing their own interests, that they had put everything up for sale and had received bribes to confer ecclesiastical benefices upon unworthy persons, the enemies of the true doctrine, permitting the godly to be oppressed and deprived of their just rewards. To them he intrusted the investigation of the whole business.
2. "These spies, (because they greatly feared the Queen) watch her private apartments [cubiculum] night and day. They tempt her porter and serving man with bribes; there is nothing which they do not promise the ladies of her bedchamber. They affirm also that the King hates the Queen, because she has not presented him with an heir to the realm, nor was there any prospect of her so doing.
13. "Not long after this the persons returned who had been charged with the investigation of the rumours which had been circulated, everything having been arranged according to their entire satisfaction. They assure the King that the affair is beyond doubt; that they had seen the Queen dancing with the gentlemen of the King's chamber [cum cubiculariis regis], that they can produce witnesses who will vouch to the Queen having kissed her own brother, and that they have in their possession letters in which she informs him that she is pregnant.
14. "Thereupon it was decided and concluded that the Queen was an adulteress, and deserved to be burnt alive. The Councillors were summoned to meet at the King's palace at Greenwich, opposite London, on the other side of the river Thames, on April 30.
15. "At this time I was in attendance upon Crumwell at the Court, soliciting the payment of a stipend awarded to me by the most serene King. I was known to the Evangelical Bishops, whom your most holy mother had appointed from among those schoolmasters who favoured the purer doctrine of the Gospel, and to whom she had intrusted the care of it. I was also upon intimate terms with the Archbishop of Canterbury and Latimer, to whom your most holy mother was in the habit of confessing when she went to the Lord's Table. He it was for whom she sent when she was in prison and knew that she should shortly die. Although this most holy Queen, your very pious mother, had never spoken with me, nor had I ever received ought from anyone in her name, nor do I ever expect any such thing, (for all royal Courts have hitherto been opposed to me,) yet in consequence of what I had shortly before heard respecting as well her modesty, prudence, and gravity, as her desire to promote the pure doctrine of the Gospel and her kindness to the poor, from the Archbishop of Canterbury, Bishop Latimer, and even from Crumwell himself, I was deeply grieved in my heart at that tragedy about to be enacted by the Emperor, the Pope, and the other enemies of the Gospel, whose intention it was, along with her, to bury true religion in England and thus to restore impiety and idolatry.
16. "Never shall I forget the sorrow which I felt when I saw the most serene Queen, your most religious mother, carrying you, still a little baby, in her arms and entreating the most serene King, your father, in Greenwich Palace, from the open window of which he was looking into the courtyard, when she brought you to him.
17. "I did not perfectly understand what had been going on, but the faces and gestures of the speakers plainly showed that the King was angry, although he could conceal his anger wonderfully well. Yet from the protracted conference of the Council, (for whom the crowd was waiting until it was quite dark, expecting that they would return to London,) it was most obvious to everyone that some deep and difficult question was being discussed.
18. "Nor was this opinion incorrect. Scarcely had we crossed the river Thames and reached London, when the cannon thundered out, by which we understood that some persons of high rank had been committed to prison within the Tower of London. For such is the custom when any of the nobility of the realm are conveyed to that fortress, which is commonly called the Tower of London, there to be imprisoned.
19. "Those who were present (of whom, by God's mercy, many are still alive, and have now returned into England from banishment) well know how deep was the grief of all the godly, how loud the joy of the hypocrites, the enemies of the Gospel, when the report spread in the morning that the Queen had been thrown in the Tower. They will remember the tears and lamentations of the faithful who were lamenting over the snare laid for the Queen, and the boastful triumphing of the foes of the true doctrine. I remained a sorrowful man at home, waiting for the result; for it was easy to perceive that in the event of the Queen's death, a change of religion was inevitable.
20. "I take to witness Christ, Who shall judge the quick and the dead, that I am about to speak the truth. On the day upon which the Queen was beheaded, at sunrise, between two and three o'clock, there was revealed to me (whether I was asleep or awake I know not) the Queen's neck, after her head had been cut off, and this so plainly that I could count the nerves, the veins, and the arteries.
21. "Terrified by this dream, or vision, I immediately arose, and crossing the river Thames I came to Lambeth, (this is the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury's palace,) and I entered the garden in which he was walking.
22. "When the Archbishop saw me he inquired why I had come so early, for the clock had not yet struck four. I answered that I had been horrified in my sleep, and I told him the whole occurrence. He continued in silent wonder for awhile, and at length broke out into these words, 'Do not you know what is to happen to-day?' and when I answered that I had remained at home since the date of the Queen's imprisonment and knew nothing of what was going on, the Archbishop then raised his eyes to heaven and said, 'She who has been the Queen of England upon earth will to-day become a Queen in heaven.' So great was his grief that he could say nothing more, and then he burst into tears.
23. "Terrified at this announcement I return to London sorrowing. Although my lodging was not far distant from the place of execution, yet I could not become an eye witness of the butchery of such an illustrious lady, and of the exalted personages who were beheaded along with her.
24. "Those persons, however, who were present, (one of whom was my landlord,) and others, told me at noon, that the Earl of Wiltshire (the Queen's father) had been commanded to be an assessor along with the judges, in order that his daughter might be the more confounded, and that her grief might be the deeper. Yet she stood undismayed; nor did she ever exhibit any token of impatience, or grief, or cowardice.
25. "The Queen was accused of having danced in the bedroom with the gentlemen of the King's chamber [cum cubicu lariis regis] and of having kissed her brother, Lord Rochfort. When she made no answer to these accusations, the King's syndic or proctor, Master Polwarck, produced certain letters and bawled out that she could not deny she had written to her brother, informing him that she was pregnant. Still she continued silent.
26. "When the sentence of death was pronounced, the Queen raised her eyes to heaven, nor did she condescend to look at her judges, but went to the place of execution. Kneeling down, she asked that time for prayer should be granted her. When she had ceased praying, she herself arranged her hair, covered her eyes, and commanded the executioner to strike.
27. "The Queen exhibited such constancy, patience, and faith towards God that all the spectators, even her enemies, and those persons who previously had rejoiced at her misfortune out of their hatred to the doctrine of the religion which she had introduced into England, testified and proclaimed her innocence and chastity.
28. "Without being questioned they themselves answered the accusations brought against the Queen. It is no new thing, said they, that the King's Chamberlains should dance with the ladies in the bedchamber. Nor can any proof of adultery be collected from the fact that the Queen's brother took her by the hand and led her into the dance among the other ladies, or handed her to another, especially if that person was one of the royal chamberlains. For it is a usual custom thoughout the whole of Britain that ladies married and unmarried, even the most coy, kiss not only a brother, but any honourable person, even in public. It is the custom also with young women to write to their near relatives when they have become pregnant, in order to receive their congratulations. The King also was most anxious for an heir, and longed for nothing more than to know that the Queen was pregnant.
29. "From such arguments as those which were advanced against the Queen they affirmed that no probable suspicion of adultery could be collected; and that therefore there must have been some other reason which moved the King. Possibly it might be the same as that which induced him to seek for a cause of divorce from his former Queen, namely, the desire of having an heir.
30. "He was still further strengthened in his desire for a new marriage by perceiving that all the male children to which the Queen gave birth came into the world dead, and that for some years past she had not conceived. For the King was apprehensive that after his own decease civil wars would break out, and that the crown would again be transferred to the family of the White Rose if he left no heir behind him.
31. "And further, the King was angry with the Queen because of the want of success which attended the embassy which, at her instigation, he had despatched into Germany, the Princes of which would not enter into a league with him against the Emperor, unless for the defence of the purer doctrine. They demanded more money than he was willing to give, nor would they permit Philip [Melancthon] to come into England. And the King was exceedingly indignant because the Princes of Germany doubted his faith.
32. "Moreover, they said that the Emperor, the Pope, Ferdinand, and the other Princes were banded against the King, and that he was in danger from them on account of the change of religion; nor was there anyone among the Kings and Princes who would render him assistance in the event of the Emperor declaring war against him in consequence of the divorce of his aunt, Queen Catherine, and the substitution of a second wife.
33. "How the matter actually stood would, however, they said, speedily be made known; whether he had executed the Queen for having broken her marriage vows, or for fear of the war which was about to break out in consequence of the changes in religion, and the divorce of the Emperor's aunt. For if he executed the Queen only on account of the suspicion of adultery, no change in religion would follow; but if out of fear of the war about religion and the divorce, then Lutheranism would be driven out of England and sent back into Germany, to those Princes who would not make a treaty with the King in the matter of the divorce. If, however, he was already in love with some other woman out of his anxiety for an heir, neither could this long be kept a secret. For so ardent was he when he had begun to form an attachment, that he could give himself no rest; so much so that when he was raving about Queen Anne and some of his friends were dissuading him from the divorce, he said that he preferred the love of the Queen to half his realm. It was in vain that his Councillors, and among the number Thomas More, the Chancellor, opposed this measure; for he sent agents to all the more renowned cities in France, Italy, and Germany, to collect the suffrages of the doctors in the matter of the divorce, not without the expenditure of an immense sum of money, concerning which he also consulted Luther and Philip.
34. "While the guests were thus talking at table in my hearing it so happened that a servant of Crumwell's came from the Court and sitting down at the table, asked the landlord to let him have something to eat, for he was exceedingly hungry.
35. "In the meantime, while the food was being got ready, the other guests asked him what were his news? Where was the King? What was he doing? Was he sorry for the Queen? He answered by asking why should he be sorry for her? As she had already betrayed him in secresy, (fn. 1) so now was he openly insulting her. For just as she, while the King was oppressed with the heavy cares of state, was enjoying herself with others, so he, when the Queen was being beheaded, was enjoying himself with another woman.
36. "While all were astonished and ordered him to hold his tongue, for he was saying what no one would believe, and that he would bring himself into peril if others heard him talking thus, he answered, 'You yourselves will speedily learn from other persons the truth of what I have been saying.'
37. "The landlord, who was a servant of Crumwell's, hearing this, said, 'It is not fitting for us to dispute about such affairs. If they are true they will be no secret. And when I go to Court I will inquire carefully into these matters.'
38. "The person, however, who had first spoken, answered that he had the King's orders that none but the Councillors and secretaries should be admitted, and that the gate of the country house should be kept shut in which the King had secluded himself.
39. "Some days afterwards, when the landlord returned from the Court, before anyone asked him a question he called out with a loud voice, 'I have news to tell you.' The guests anxiously waited to know what he had to say, whereupon he added, that within a few days the King would be betrothed and shortly afterwards would be married, but without any state, in the presence of the Councillors only; for he wished to delay the coronation of his new spouse until he should see whether she would give birth to a boy.
40. "The issue of events proved that this was the truth, for the Lady Jane was crowned Queen when she was upon the eve of the confinement in which she died.
41. "The birth of a son gave immense satisfaction to the King. But as he was afraid that he himself would not live so long as to see the child grown up, he removed out of the way all those persons of whom he was apprehensive, lest, upon his death, they should seize the crown.
42. "Shortly before his own death, conscious of the weakness of his son, he made a will by which he declared legitimate the daughter who had been born to him by the Emperor's aunt, and ordered that she should succeed to the throne in the event of his son dying without heirs. And if she also should have no heirs, that then Your Royal Highness should be acknowledged to be Queen by the kingdom.
43. "Although Cardinal Reginald Pole, one of the family of the White Rose, (from his hatred not only to the family of the Red Rose but also to the true doctrine of the Gospel,) accomplished thus much, when he returned into England from banishment, after the death of King Edward, that the realm should be transferred to strangers, still the counsel of God, which had determined to remove other persons out of the way and to give the crown of this realm to Your Majesty, could not be thwarted either by him, by the Pope, nor by the Emperor Charles.
44. "She also, who succeeded your mother, and who gave an heir male to the King, died, (as I have before mentioned) in childbirth. As she was near her last breath she was crowned, and with this intention, lest it should be objected to the child, when he grew up and applied for the crown, that his mother had not been a crowned Queen of England.
45. "The brother also of this Queen Jane, although he was created Duke of Somerset by the King, and made the tutor of his nephew, the son of his sister, and the Governor of the whole realm, yet shortly after the death of your illustrious father he was beheaded by means of his enemy, John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, who in his turn was put to death by your sister, Queen Mary; he having attempted to transfer the succession to his own family upon the death of your illustrious brother, the godly King Edward.
46. "Although your brother, King Edward, on account of his piety, was worthy of a longer life, (which I am sure Your Royal Highness would not have grudged him, but which you would have wished for him,) nevertheless the fixed decree of God remained unaltered by which you were placed in the room of your most holy mother, whose innocence God has declared by the most indisputable miracles, and proved by the testimonies of all godly men. Of this, her innocence, there can be no more evident proof than this, that whereas she left you, her only child, your father always acknowledged you as legitimate; nor could those letters which were written by your mother to her brother, which were produced as the concluding and conclusive proof that your mother deserved capital punishment, persuade the illustrious King that you were not his daughter.
47. "Thus much have I introduced about the tragedy of your most pious mother, in order that this illustrious instance might manifest the glory of God, and that the craft and power of man in vain oppose themselves to Him."
48. For this and many of God's mercies the writer hopes that she will be induced to serve Him faithfully, that she will guard herself from the snares of the devil, who was the cause of her mother's death in consequence of her love for the doctrine of the Gospel while it was in its infancy, and afterwards persecuted those persons whom she appointed to watch over the Church, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Latimer, and those other most holy Bishops and martyrs, of whom the writer would be glad to see a catalogue published by Doctor Bale. For those persons whom the King appointed as "Inspectors of Churches," under the pretext of religion, consulted their own profit. God avenged this profanation of His Name by suppressing the doctrine and punishing the individuals. "True religion in England had its commencement and its end with your mother. And as soon as the King began to hate her, laws hostile to the purer doctrine of the Gospel appeared."
49. "When I could not bear these with a good conscience, nor could my profession allow me to dissemble them (for I was filling the office of the ordinary reader in the celebrated University of Cambridge by the King's orders,) I came to the Court, and asked for my dismissal by means of Crumwell. But he retained me for about three years, with empty hopes, until it was decreed and confirmed by law that married priests should be separated from their wives and punished at the King's pleasure. But before this law was published, the Bishop of Canterbury sent Lord Pachet [Paget] from Lambeth to me at London. (I understand that he afterwards attained a high position in the Court of your sister, Queen Mary.) He directed me to call upon the Archbishop early in the morning. When I called upon him, 'Happy man that you are,' said he, 'you can escape! I wish that I might do the same; truly my see would be no hindrance to me. You must make haste to escape before the island is blocked up, unless you are willing to sign the decree, as I have, compelled by fear. I repent of what I have done. And if I had known that my only punishment would have been deposition from the archbishopric, (as I hear that my Lord Latimer is deposed,) of a truth I would not have subscribed. I am grieved, however, that you have been deprived of your salary for three years by Crumwell; that you have no funds for your travelling expenses, and that I have no ready money. Nor dare I mention this to my friends, lest the King should become aware that warning had been given by me for you to escape, and that I have provided you with the means of travelling. I give you, however, this ring as a token of my friendship. It once belonged to Thomas Wolsey, and it was presented to me by the King when he gave me the archbishopric.'
50. "When I heard what the Bishop had to say, I immediately caused my property to be sold, and I concealed myself in the house of a German sailor until the ship was ready, in which I embarked, dressed as a soldier, along with other German troops, that I might not be detected. When I had escaped a company of searchers, I wrote to Crumwell (although he had not behaved well towards me) and warned him of the danger in which he stood at that time, and about certain other matters. For this I can vouch the testimony of John Ales, Gregory, and the Secretary, and Pachet himself. But Christopher Mount said that Crumwell did not dare to speak to me when I was going away and soliciting my dismissal, nor could he venture to give me anything, lest he should be accused to the King, but that he would send the sum that he owed me into Germany.
51. "The next intelligence, however, which I heard of him was that he had undergone capital punishment by order of the King; to whom he had written, when in prison, saying that he was punished by the just judgment of God, because he had loved the King more than God; and that out of deference to his Sovereign he had caused many innocent persons to be put to death, not sparing your most holy mother, nor had he obeyed her directions in promoting the doctrine of the Gospel.
52. "May Christ preserve Your Highness from the snares of the devil, and warm your heart to love the true religion, by which His Name may be sanctified and the kingdom of His Son may again reach the English nation under your sway."— Leipsic, 1 Sept. Signed: Alexander Alesius, D.
53. "P. S.—D. Johannes Outehoffius, who presents these letters to Your Majesty, is a very learned man and the constant associate of John a Lasco in the ministry of the Gospel. He is now returning out of Poland into England, on account of the reasons which he will explain to Your Majesty. I respectfully recommend him to you.
54. "Should you wish to send me anything, this may be done by Bishop William Barlow, or by D. Bale."
Orig. Hol. Endd: Cal. Septemb. 1559. Discoloured by damp. Pp. 20 and slip.
Books, Calendars, Calendar of State Papers Domestic Series of Edward VI
Calendar of State Papers Domestic Series Elizabeth I
Calendar of State Papers Domestic Series Elizabeth I 1596
Calendar of State Papers Domestic Series Elizabeth I 1596 June
28 Jun 1596. Westminster. Grant to Cornelius Cure, of the office of master mason in the Tower, and the Queen's other castles, manors, and residences, void by death of Edward Young; fee, 1 2d. a day, and a yearly livery from the great wardrobe. Interlined with a reversionary grant to Edward Johnson. [Latin, 3 sheets.]
Books, Calendars, Calendar of State Papers James I
Calendar of State Papers James I Addenda
04 Jun 1614. 61. Will of Sir Nathaniel Bacon (age 68), knt., of Stiffkey, co. Norfolk, noted as published, but not read, 4 June 1614, in presence of Charles le Gros and seven others named. I desire to be buried in Stiffkey church [Map], where my former wife was interred, and where I wish my present wife to be, under or near the tomb I have caused to be provided, which the workmen have now in hand. Being indebted to my son-in-law, Owen Smyth, in regard of my receipts of the profits of his lands during his minority, if I should die without directing how such debt should be answered, I might be subject to just rebuke; so, that my wife and daughters may be the better assured, I devise my lands as follows: -.
I give to my executors all my lands in Stiff key, Langham, Morston, and other towns adjoining, from my death until the Michaelmas twelve month after, they paying to my daughter Lady Ann Townshend (age 41), £350 a year, with remainder to her and her heirs, provided that Roger Townshead (age 18), my grandchild, be not put from her. For default of such issue, the remainder to my second daughter Baroness Knyvet (age 39) and her heirs; remainder to my third daughter Lady Winifred Gawdy (age 36) and her heirs; remainder to my own heirs. The 100 marks a year paid by me to my daughter Townshend (age 41) is to be continued with the £350 a year, and time is to be allowed to my executors to dispose of the cattle and other stock for payment thereof. My daughter Knyvet (age 39) and my daughter Gawdy (age 36), with her husband (age 37), are to perfect the entail of the aforesaid manors and lands to my daughter Townshend (age 41), by giving up such right as is by law cast upon them. I give to my wife (age 44) for life the manor of Hemesby, with the impropriations, &c.; remainder to my heirs male, and for default thereof, to my daughter Lady Elizabeth Knyvet (age 39) and her heirs, with further remainders in a conveyance already made by me.
I give my manor of Stanford, with my lease of the impropriation, to my daughters Ladies Knyvet (age 39) and Winifred Gawdy (age 36), for their better maintenance during the life of my wife (age 44), - they yielding 201. a year of the profits of the manor to Nathaniel Knyvet, my grandchild; 101. a year to Martin Man, and £5 a year to William Sanders for life; - and after my wife's death, when Hemesby manor comes to my daughter Knyvet (age 39), then to my daughter Lady Gawdy (age 36) and Sir Robert Gawdy (age 37), and her heirs, with the remainders mentioned in the conveyance aforesaid. The aforesaid annuities, with £5 more which I purpose to give to other servants, to be paid by my said two daughters out of Stanford manor, during the life of my wife; and after her death, one half by my daughter Knyvet, out of Hemesby manor. I give my manor of Eccles, with all the lands occupied therewith, to my wife for life, in augmentation of her jointure; remainder to my own heirs.
To my grandchild Roger Townshend (age 18) and his heirs, my house in Norwich, which I am to have after my sister Mansfield's (age 79) death, with the copyhold woods, meadow, &c.
To my wife for life the manor of Irmingland, with reversion to my daughter Knyvet for life, remainder to my grandson Thomas Knyvet, on condition that my said daughter pays, within two years after my wife's death, 2,000^. to my daughters Townshend and Gawdy; if not paid, the reversion of the said manor to go to my heirs. I know my house and lands in Irmingland, &c. are assured to my wife if she survives me, yet I direct as I have done, hoping that she will be either moved or compelled to make good my will, as it was never intended that the house and land should go otherwise than to my wife, and after her death to her eldest son, for satisfying such money as I was to pay him, for the profits of his lands received by me, and I trusted my wife with that and more, to give her eldest son content if he had outlived me.
Besides, I have given my wife £400 a year more than I assured her before marriage, to content her and not to deprive me in disposing of the inheritance. I have also conveyed to her son Owen Smyth, 100 naarks a yeajc in Eccles, which is to come to him if I do not otherwise dispose of it, although he has unkindly provoked me, and they wronged him who advised him thereto, but I hope that God may turn the heart of my wife not to wrong me. I desire the husbands of my daughters to make good these assurances; if they are contentious, a quarrel may be picked, but I hope that God will bless them with better spirits, and that they will be contented seeing the portion they have had in my lifetime, and will receive by my death is great to every one of them, though not in a like greatness; God will bless them best who most desire peace.
The lease of my manor of Mithwould is to be sold for payment of debts. I give to Mr. Percival, minister of Stiffkey £5, with the right of enjoying his pasture close at 20s. a year, so long as he resides in Stiff key. To the poor of StifFkey £10, to be distributed by my executors at their discretion. To my daughter. Lady Townshend, the piece of plate called the heirloom, to go with Stiffkey House, according to my father's gift, if I have no son. To my godson Nathaniel Bacon (age 20), son of my brother Edward (age 65), £10 To my wife the coach which my son Owen Smyth gave her, and two of my best coach horses at her choice; also the bedstead, with the furniture of tester, curtains, covering and chair, in my best chamber, but not the hangings; and two pillow beers given to me and hereby my mother Hopton.
I appoint my three daughters executors, and my brother Edward (age 65) supervisor, or failing him, Mr. Jermy and Gwyn, lawyers. My wife's great pearl chain, which cost me £200, is to be sold for payment of debts, as also the border of diamonds and rubies; if she will give for the pearl and border what they cost me, she is to have them. I give the jewel of diamonds which was my first wife's to my present one for life, with remainder to my daughter Townshend. I give to all my three daughters the jewel of unicorn's horn, according to their mother's direction, that each one may challenge the use thereof when needs require, and my wife may have the use thereof when she needs, but my daughter Townshend is to have the custody thereof for life.
To my supervisor a ring, valued at 20 marks, upon which the following is to be engraved: "Vindicta Domino." To Mr. Gwyn and Mr. Jermy 40s. each. To John Norsforth, for diligent service in my sickness, 10s. a year for life, payable out of Stanford manor during my wife's life, and afterwards out of Stanford and Hemesby; a like annuity to old John Harrison. To my son-in-law. Sir Robert Gawdy, one of my best geldings. To Barnaby Banyard, 20s. a year, payable out of Stanford and Henesby. I desire that my brother and supervisor see my evidences sorted and distributed between my wife and daughters, as appertains; and where two have interest, the originals to remain with tliat person to whom the present interest and possession is due. I advise my executors to retain the services of Martin Man for a time, as he knows my debts and estates.
To the poor of Langham 40s.; the poor of Morston 40s.; and to the poor of Wells, Blakeney, Wiveton, Warham, and Cley, 20s.; to be distributed by my executors within a year.
I leave my funeral solemnities to the discretion of my executors, &c., but the charge is to be small, and my debts considered.
To Ann Townshend, Elizabeth Knyvet and Dorothy Gawdy a piece of gilt plate each, value £10, with the following sentence engraved upon it, "Vindicta Domino," as a gift in remembrance of their grandfather. The household to be retained together for one month after my decease, at the charge of my executors. To each of my servants who have served two years, half a year's wages. To my wife and three daughters all my English printed and written books; the French law books to my grandson Roger Townshend, and the Latin to my grandson Henry Gawdy; but no books to be given to my grandson Thomas Knyvet, as he is like to be stored otherwise.
To Jane Morton a piece of gilt plate, value £5, with the inscription before mentioned, and rings, value 20s. a piece, with the same inscription, to my eldest brother and his wife; my brother Edward Bacon and his wife; my sisters Periam and Mansell (age 79); my brother Sir Francis Bacon; my mother and brother Hopton; Sir Henry Gawdy; my nephew Sir Edmund Bacon, and his brother Nathaniel; my brother Sir Thomas Knyvet and his wife; Sir Christopher Heydon; my brother Mansell (age 41); Mr. Bedingfield of Wighton; Mr. Fotherby; Capt. Russell; my cousin Thomas Gurney; Mr. Peapes; Mr. Clarke of Lynn; my son Owen Smyth and Lady Sydney; Sir Charles Cornwallis, and my nephew Grey. My debts to my son Owen Smyth being such, my children, and others, must hold me excused, though I give no greater legacies. 1 give also to my wife all the goods which were hers before I married her, and also all her jewels, except those directed to be sold; the remainder of my effects and stock to be sold, and the proceeds applied in liquidating my debts and legacies; the balance, if any, between my executors.
Books, Calendars, Calendar of Treasury Warrants
Calendar of Treasury Warrants 1718
Calendar of Treasury Warrants 1718 Sep
01 Sep 1718. Money warrant for 1,955l. 16s. 5d. to James Craggs, Samuel Edwards and Charles Hodges, Esqrs., in whom the legal interest of the office of Ranger and Keeper of Windsor Great Park is vested; for so much due from 1 Aug. 1714 to 1718 June 24 on the fee, salary or allowance of 500l. per an. payable to them by the privy seal of the late Queen Anne:
Together with: a dormant clause for the payment of said fee in future to them in consideration of said office and of the charge of supplying hay for the deer in said Great Park and paying underkeepers, gate keepers and other subordinate officers there. (Money order dated Sept. 5 for 1,955l. 16s. 5d.) (Letter of direction dated Sept. 18 hereon.) Money Book XXVII, p. 13. Order Book X, p. 162. Disposition Book XXIV, p. 149.
Treasury fiat for royal letters patent to appoint John Huggins, junr., to be Searcher of Plymouth port loco Robert Healey, lately deceased: during pleasure. Out Letters (Customs) XVII, p. 114.
Treasury warrant to the Clerk of the Pipe to prepare a lease to pass the Exchequer seal to William Clayton of a piece of ground in or near St. James's Stable Yard in the parish of St. James's and parcel of the Bailiwick or reputed Bailiwick of St. James's, whereon a small ruinous messuage or tenement is now standing, and also a little passage thereunto adjoining: the said premises abutting east on the Stable Yard, south on the Grooms' lodgings belonging to his Majesty, west on St. James's Park and north on a house and yard in the possession of and belonging to the Right Honble. William Clayton, Esq., and are in length 24 feet east to west and 21 feet north to south: all for 50 years at a rent of 20s. per an.
Prefixing: constat and ratal of the premises by H. Cholmley, Surveyor General of Crown Lands [see infra, Calendar of Treasury Books, Vol. XXXIII], under date 1719 July 15 for what appears to be a different lease]. Warrants not Relating to Money XXV, pp. 135–6.
Royal warrant dated Hampton Court to Charles, Duke of Bolton, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to place on the present and all future Establishments of Ireland Peter de Cosne for an allowance of Half Pay as a Lieutenant of Foot: he having been late in Brigadier Moryson's Regiment of Foot: same is to commence from 1718 June 24 and not from 24 Feb. 1715 as desired by the said Lord Lieutenant. Out Letters (Ireland) X, p. 219.
02 Sep 1718. Royal sign manual for 1,000l. to Paty Byng, Esq.: without account: as a mark of royal favour in consideration of his service in bringing letters from our Admiral Sir George Byng (age 55) with a particular account of the engagement [1718 Battle of Cape Passaro] with the Spanish Fleet off Cape Passaro the 31st July last. (Money warrant dated Sept. 3 hereon.) (Money order dated Sept. 3 hereon.) (Letter of direction dated Sept. 5 hereon.) King's Warrant Book XXIX, p. 104. Order Book X, p. 157. Disposition Book XXIV, p. 147.
03 Sep 1718. Money order for 50l. to Daniel Smith, Lieutenant Governor of Nevis, for a quarter due Sept. 2 inst. on his allowance of 200l. per an. for his support and maintenance in that employment and in lieu of all presents from the Assemblies of said island. Order Book X. p. 177.
04 Sep 1718. Letter of direction for 13,727l. 1s. 6d. to Walter Chetwynd (age 40) on the unsatisfied order in his name as Paymaster of the King's private annuities and bounties: and is to be applied by him to clear the sums due and in arrear on the said annual bounties at or at any time before Lady day 1718. Disposition Book XXIV, p. 146.
Christopher Tilson (in the absence of the Treasury Secretaries) to the Customs Commissioners. My Lords direct that Benjamin Bucknall be permitted to attend as a tidesurveyor and that his suspension be immediately taken off. Out Letters (General) XXII, p. 347.
04 Sep 1718, 05 Sep 1718, 13 Sep 1718, 17 Sep 1718 and 30 Sep 1718. Treasury warrant to same to appoint Christo[pher] Keon as Surveyor in London port loco William Pollard, superseded (Sept. 4).
William Mills as a landwaiter in London port loco William Smith, deceased (Sept. 13). In the margin: "this Mills was made a tidesman in the Inferior List, London port, by the name of Miles" [28 June last, supra, p. 377].
Richard Smith, at present one of the tidesman in Barnstaple port, to be a landwaiter in that port loco — Wills, lately deceased (Sept. 17).
Thomas Briggs, John Addison, Michael Westbuch to be boatmen at Deal loco John Hawkes, John Harris, Richard Stewart (Sept. 5).
William Wilson to be a landwaiter in Scarborough port loco Edward Robinson, deceased (Sept. 17).
Richard Smith to be a landwaiter in Barnstaple port loco Joseph Wild, lately deceased (Sept. 17).
Francis Andrews, at present one of the boatmen at Cockbush in Chichester port (who hath not his health in that place and desires to change) and John Weston, at present one of the boatmen at Poole (and who was formerly a sailor and understands a boat) to exchange places. Prefixing report dated Sept. 18 from the Customs Commissioners on the proposed change (Sept. 30). Out Letters (Customs) XVII, pp. 114, 115, 116, 117.
04 Sep 1718. Christopher Tilson (in the absence of the Treasury Secretaries) to the Customs Commissioners in Scotland. My Lords have read your memorial of the 28th ult. about allowing fire and candle to the Guards quartered in places for the security of the revenue. My Lords direct you to let them know where the said Guards are quartered, and their number; with an estimate of the probable charge of the fire and candle in each place. Out Letters (North Britain) IV, p. 416.
05 Sep 1718. Letter of direction for 7,784l. 12s. 8¼d. to Charles Dartiquenave on the unsatisfied order in his name as Paymaster of the Works: and is to be applied to discharge the debt in the Office of Works for 1717 Xmas quarter.
Prefixing: a state of the Debt in the Office of Works for the said quarter:
for works in the Tower of London 204 16 7
for works in Whitehall £944 2s 5d
for works in St. James' £1,693 10s 3d
for works in Westminster £355 11s 2d
for works at Denmark House £275 9s 0¼d
for works in Winchester £53 17s 9d
for works in Newmarket £233 9s 9d
for allowances £718 7s 5d
for works in Hampton Court House [Palace] £1,196 4s 3¼d
for works in Hampton Court Gardens £266 0s 5½d
for works in Kensington House £510 15s 6d
for works in Kensington Gardens £410 10s 3¾d
for works in Windsor Castle £463 14s 9¾d
for works in the Mews at Charing ross £400 11s 6¼d
for works in Savoy Barracks £57 11s 5d
Total. £7,784 12s 8¼d
Disposition Book XXIV, p. 147.
06 Sep 1718.Christopher Tilson (in the absence of the Treasury Secretaries) to the Excise Commissioners. The Treasury Lords are pleased to agree that the persons at present possessing the offices hereunder named with respect to the Duties under your management be the officers in their respective stations and qualities for the Duties on hides &c. that have been now lately added to [the Duties under your management or] commission: that is to say the present Cashiers, Comptrollers, Solicitor, Secretary, Register. My Lords therefore desire you to give them such authorities as are usual for their acting in their several stations. Out Letters (General) XXII, p. 349.
Treasury reference to the Customs Commissioners of the petition of Sir Justus Beck shewing that he has imported from Holland on board the London galley, William Ivor master, 504 Norway deals for his private use, but same are seized by Mr. Elmsall as imported contrary to law; and praying a noli prosequi as he was ignorant of the law. Reference Book IX, p. 406.
07 Sep 1718. Royal warrant dated Hampton Court to the Attorney or Solicitor General for a great seal for a grant of a salary of 2,000l. a year to Jane, Countess Dowager of Portland (age 46), whom we have thought fit to appoint to be Governess to our dearly beloved grandchildren, the Lady Ann (age 8), the Lady Amelia (age 7) and the Lady Carolina (age 5), daughters of our most dearly beloved son George Augustus, Prince of Wales (age 34): during pleasure: as from March 25 last. King's Warrant Book XXIX, p. 284.
Books, Calendars, Calendar of the State Papers of William and Mary
Calendar of the State Papers of William and Mary 1693
Calendar Of State Paper's, Domestic Series, Of The Reign Of William And Mary, 1693. Public Record Office.
Edited By William John Hardy, F.S.A. Under The Direction Of The Master Of The Rolls, And With The Sanction His Majesty's Secretary of State For The Home Department.
London: Printed For His Majesty's Stationery Office, By Mackie And Co. Ld.
And To Be Purchased, Either Directly Or Through Any Bookseller, From Eyre and Spottiswoode, East Hardine Sreeet, Fleet Srreet, E.C.; Or Oliver Ann Boyd, Edinburgh; Or E. Ponsonby, 116, Grafton Srreet, Dublin. 1903.
Books, Calendars, Calendar of State Papers of Milan
Calendar of State Papers of Milan 1513
22 Sep 1513. Potenze Estere. Inghilterra. Milan Archives. 660. Brian Tuke, Clerk of the Signet, to Richard Pace, Secretary of the Cardinal of England.1
A few days ago saw letters both from him and the cardinal, implying doubts of the king's success. Attribute this in part to the mere lies which he may have heard from the French and their partisans, and partly to the English Cabinet, which omitted to write to the cardinal, though he is of opinion that if he owed so much to any mortal, as our Most Christian king did to God, he should consider that his shoulders were heavily burdened, as all their undertakings had succeeded more prosperously than he could have imagined.
Note 1. Ibid, no. 316.
22 Sep 1513. First of all, on quitting England they found the weather very mild. Secondly, the army, although composed of heterogeneous nations, was so well agreed, and unanimous and so utterly free from dissensions as to defy exaggeration. Thirdly, no epidemic of any sort assailed so numerous an army. Fourthly, such was the plenty of provisions, that 20,000 men were living in the camp in time of war, far more cheaply than they lived at home in time of peace. Fifthly, they had many friends who were of the greatest help to them, the chief of these being the emperor, who, with many princes and other great lords, remained there constantly. Sixthly, in every direction they gained victories hitherto unparalleled, being always against many and always coming off victorious, a proof of the divine assistance.
22 Sep 1513. In order to give him a fuller account of their proceedings than was contained in the letters of the king, who wished rather to diminish than exaggerate, informs him that the king gave Terouenne to the Emperor, whose commanders burned the whole city after the departure of the English troops, with the exception of the cathedral. The population, warned by the king, carried off all their effects to the neighbouring towns. Such was the end of Terouenne, of late so impregnable a stronghold.
22 Sep 1513. This done, the king went to Lille on a visit to the Lady Margaret, to which very great spectacle all the noble lords and ladies and the merchants of Flanders, Holland and Brabant crowded, and received his Majesty in very great triumph. On the following Tuesday the king returned to the army, then on its march to besiege Tournai intending to begin on the 15th, where they found the suburbs burned, but the neighbouring towns and villages so well supplied with wheat and barley and other daily necessaries, that each of the king's soldiers would have enough for himself and his horse for the next eighteen weeks. The city was then blockaded on every side, and the army built winter dwellings for themselves, of which a great part have chimneys. Tournai is large and beautiful, the largest city in all Flanders, and the most populous of any on that side of Paris. Have stormed one gate, inside of which the king's troops have established themselves. The castle has been battered down by the artillery. Within the city there are no soldiers, but a great amount of peasantry and butchers, without any commander-in-chief. The besieged think themselves strong enough to resist the whole world, because they have a very great amount of cannon; but they suffer from a scarcity of provisions, and he believes, lack powder. The besiegers walk close to the walls daily, and the king himself does so occasionally, for three hours and a half at a time. The English ordnance was planted in the trenches, and the enemy having twice sought a parley, it was granted for two days. During this time the besiegers did not abstain from visiting the trenches, and the enemy pointed a gun to intimidate them. Thereupon the king ordered all the ordnance to play upon the city, and this was done so incessantly that the walls were well nigh levelled with the ground. The besieged then again demanded a parley, though the cannon continued to play, as the king will not lose a moment of time. At any rate, the place is gained. It manufactures excellent carpets and table covers, and will prove very useful for the king, as Burgundian and Rhenish wines can conveniently be brought thence to England. On this account the dwellings now built as already described and which occupy an area more than thrice the size of Tournai itself, will be left standing.
22 Sep 1513. The French army is at so great a distance from the English that no breeze can bring them any news of it.
22 Sep 1513. Have sent a message full of comfort to the schismatic king, thus:
The King of Scots, of all men the most perfidious, has been killed in fair fight by the Earl of Surrey, who attacked the king's own camp in a certain forest called Bermuiwood in England, all the nobility of Scotland being slain with the king. In the conflict 10,000 Scots were slain, and as many more in the flight. The battle was fought on the 9th of this month. All the ordnance of the Scots, their tents and the rest of their baggage were taken, the course of the whole business being as follows:
On the eve of St. Bartholomew the false and perjured King of Scots invaded England, and took the castle of Norham, not without shame to certain persons, razing it to the ground. He then led his army towards Berwick, burning the villages in every direction. The Earl of Surrey, Lord Dacres, Earl Latimer (Comes Latavier), Scrope (Scopre), and other great personages of those parts had not yet mustered, but each made such haste that on the 7th of September the Earl of Surrey summoned and challenged the aforesaid perjured King of Scots to give battle on the following Friday. Such was the reliance placed by that king on his French and Scottish commanders, that he thought all England together would not dare to oppose him; but the Earl of Surrey kept his engagement and promise. Lord Howard, the admiral, having heard that the King of Scots most boastfully proclaimed that he had long sought him by land and sea, as one who from fear always fled and avoided battle, quitted the royal fleet, left a deputy in command, forthwith landed and sent a message to the perjured King of Scots that he would lead the van of the army, not on horseback, but on foot, lest he should be supposed a craven and a runaway. He moreover warned the King of Scots not to take him alive, as he had determined not to capture any Scot, however noble he might be, even were it the king himself, but to kill him; promises which were fulfilled.
Accordingly on the appointed day the army attacked the Scots, whose forces were assembled on the summit of an hill, at the distance of a mile from its base, the hill being so strengthened and defended by ordnance that the assailants were obliged to wade through a certain marshy pass, leaving the guns in the rear.
The army of the Scots formed five lines in square battalions, representing the figure of a spear head; all being equidistant from the English army, which was divided into two lines with two wings. In spite of the Scottish artillery, which inflicted little or no damage, Lord Howard marched to the foot of the hill where he halted a short time, until the other wing of the rearguard had joined the last of his lines.
Thereupon the Scots came down the hill in very good order after the German fashion, with iron spears in masses. The Earl of Huntly, the Earl of Airlie and the Earl of Crauford broke upon Lord Howard. This force all perished, including the earls.
The perjured King of Scots attacked the Earl of Surrey, at whose side Lord Darcy's son was following; near him Lord Maxwell, a Scot, with Lord Herries, his brother, were killed, and practically all the rest of the Scottish nobles, the list of whose names had not yet been received. In these two engagements no prisoners were made, no quarter given. The Earl of Hauewes and the Earl of Argyle, with a very great force attacked Sir Edward Stanley, who slew the greater part of them. Lord Edmund Howard, who led his brother's right wing, was assailed by the Chamberlain of Scotland. He was thrice felled by the Chamberlain to the disgrace of his soldiers, who were cowards, but Lord Dacres succoured him with fifty horse. The Chamberlain of Scotland alone got home alive, although like the rest he lost all his men.
After the performance of these feats the entire army of the Scots took to flight. The rout began at noon and lasted until night. The English halbardiers decided the whole affair, so that in this battle the bows and ordnance were of little use. Only one English gentleman, an obscure knight, fell; the rest of the killed did not amount to four hundred.
Of the Scots upwards of 10,000 men were captured and slain in flight, and as many were killed on the battle field.
At the time of this engagement Lord Lovel was at Nottingham with 15,000 men, on his march towards Scotland, the queen being already forty miles beyond London with 40,000.
The Scots numbered in reality 60,000 men, though there were said to be 80,000. The English were 40,000, though reported to be only 30,000; and this is the end of James, late King of Scots, of all mankind the falsest.
At the time of this engagement Lord Lovel was at Nottingham with 15,000 men, on his march towards Scotland, the queen being already forty miles beyond London with 40,000.
Books, Calendars, Calendar of State Papers of Spain
Calendar of State Papers of Spain Volume 4
Calendar of State Papers of Spain Volume 4 1587 1603
28 Feb 1587. Paris [Map]. Bernardino De Mendoza (age 47) to the King (age 59). Note. Assumed to be the Spanish King Philip II.
The English ambassador sent the confidant (i.e., Charles Arundel (age 54)) to me this morning to say that as it was so important that your Majesty (age 59) should be informed instantly of the news he had received last night from England, that he sent to tell me of it, and openly to confess me his anxiety to serve your Majesty (age 59). He offered himself entirely through me, in the assurance that your Majesty (age 59) would not order him to do anything against the interest of his mistress the Queen (age 53), who however, he could plainly see, had not long to live now that she had allowed the execution of the Queen of Scotland (deceased). It happened in this way. The Lord Treasurer (age 66) being absent through illness, the earl of Leicester (age 54), Lord Hunsdon (age 60), Lord Admiral Howard (age 51) and Walsingham (age 55), had represented to the Queen (age 53) that the Parliament would resolutely refuse to vote any money to maintain the war in Holland, or to fit out a naval force to help Don Antonio, unless she executed the Queen of Scotland (deceased). Under this pressure she consented to sign a warrant, as they called it, that the Parliament might see, but which was not to be executed, unless it were proved that the Queen of Scotland (deceased) conspired again against her life. As Secretary Walsingham (age 55) was ill this warrant was taken to the Queen (age 53) for her signature by Davison (age 46), and after she had signed it she ordered him not to give it to anyone unless she gave him personally her authority to do so. Davison (age 46), who is a terrible heretic and an enemy of the Queen of Scotland (deceased), like the rest of the above-mentioned, delivered the warrant to them. They took a London executioner and sent him with the warrant to the justice of the county where the Queen of Scotland (deceased) was. The moment the justice received it, on the 8th [NOTE. Appears to be a typo; original says 18th], he entered the Queen of Scotland's (deceased) chamber with Paulet (age 54) and Lord Grey (age 46), who had charge of her, and there they had her head cut off with a hatchet in the presence of the four persons only. The Queen (age 53) orders her ambassador to inform this King (age 59) of it, and assure him, as she will more fully by a special envoy, that the deed was done against her will, and although she had signed the warrant she had no intention of having it carried out. She cannot avoid blaming herself for having trusted anyone but herself in such a matter. The ambassador is begging earnestly for an audience and is keeping the matter secret until he tells the King. In order that no time may be lost in informing your Majesty, I send this special courier in the name of merchants, by way of Bordeaux, whence he will go post to Irun; and as God has so willed that these accursed people, for His ends, should fall into "reprobrium sensum," and against all reason commit such an act as this, it is evidently His design to deliver those two kingdoms into your Majesty's hands. I thanked the ambassador in general terms for his offer, saying that I would give an account thereof to your Majesty. As I have formerly said, it will be most advisable to accept it, and pledge him to give us notice of any machinations here and in England against us. He reports that the fitting out of ships continues but in no greater number than he previously advised, although the rumour is current here that there would be 60 English, besides the Hollanders, but that the crews, etc. were not raised and no time fixed for the departure. The ambassador says he will have full information on the point when a gentleman of his has arrived whom he had sent to England to gain intelligence, as Cecil only writes now to say that the execution of the Queen of Scotland has been against his will, as he, the ambassador knew; and that the King, her son, was in great danger of suffering a similar fate. The execution was known in London on the 20th when the executioner returned, and great bonfires had been lit for joy all over the countryside. They did not even give her time to commend her soul to God. .
Calendar of State Papers of Spain Volume 5
Calendar of State Papers of Spain Volume 12 1554
Calendar of State Papers of Spain Volume 12 19 Feb 1554
19 Feb 1554. Simon Renard to Prince Philip.
My Lord: Since I last wrote to your Highness French plots have been discovered to show that Courtenay and the Lady Elizabeth, by means of intermediaries called Peter Carew, Wyatt (age 33), Crofts (age 36) and my Lord Thomas (Grey), conspired to throw the Queen of England into the Tower and put her to death, in order to seize the crown for themselves. The King of France had promised help in troops and money, and had already distributed some 10,000 to 12,000 crowns to private individuals. In the meantime 200 or 300 gentlemen, all of them heretics, were meeting together: the Duke of Suffolk (age 37) and his two brothers [Note. Thomas Grey and John Grey (age 30)], Cobham (age 57) and his three sons [Note. William Brooke 10th Baron Cobham (age 26), George Brooke (age 21), Thomas Brooke (age 21)], Pelham, Pickering, Carew and many more, and agreed to put their plans into execution in the spring. However, as God means to protect this good lady, the conspirators were forced to take up arms sooner than they had intended because Courtenay did not keep the secret and letters from the French ambassador, seized and enclosed herewith, were deciphered and revealed part of the plot. Moreover, Courtenay had a servant of his in France, and six weeks ago he and one Valbic (Welby?) were intriguing for the conspirators. To start with, Peter Carew made a violent effort to rouse the people on account of your Highness's marriage with the Queen, but as the people refused to rise, he had to fly to France, where trustworthy accounts tell he had a nocturnal conversation with the King-a sign of their malignity. His adherents were taken prisoners at Coventry (Compierre) where a similar attempt was made; and on the first day of Lent the rebels were defeated as your Highness will see by the copies of letters I wrote from time to time to the Emperor.
19 Feb 1554. Simon Renard to Prince Philip. Thus God performed a miracle. At present there is no other occupation than the cutting off of heads and inflicting exemplary punishments Jane of Suffolk (deceased), who made herself Queen, and her husband (deceased), have been executed; Courtenay (age 27) is in the Tower; and this very day we expect the Lady Elizabeth (age 20) to arrive here, who they say has lived loosely like her mother and is now with child.
19 Feb 1554. So when all these heads are off no one will be left in the realm able to resist the Queen, and throughout the country there is no sign of discontent, for on the contrary the gentry have met together in many places to swear fidelity to your Highness and the Queen and die in defense of the alliance. I thought it my duty to report this at once so that your Highness might consider it in coming to a decision. All your good servants think you might proceed to Flanders and form your household there before coming to England, for without counting the marriage your speedy journey to these parts is necessary in order to assist his Majesty in the press of business that becomes heavier each day. German affairs are especially menacing, there is much in Italy that needs a remedy, and future plans must be formed. In the meantime your Highness may carefully reflect on the English question. The rising caused us to refrain from effecting any marriage per verba de prœsenti or giving any binding obligation until we should see how it was all to end; but I cannot omit to assure you that the Queen, in the midst of great trials, displayed a fortitude incomparably greater than any history relates in analagous circumstances, and overcame her enemies moved by an affection for your Highness that could not possibly be more constant.
His Majesty is fitting out a great fleet, and it is hoped you are doing the same, for the French have been planning to send one to Scotland, and if they did so, leaving their Norman and Breton ports unprotected, they might be attacked in that quarter.
His Majesty is fitting out a great fleet, and it is hoped you are doing the same, for the French have been planning to send one to Scotland, and if they did so, leaving their Norman and Breton ports unprotected, they might be attacked in that quarter.
News have reached me that on January 26th the Marquis of Marignano captured one of the main gates of Siena and a fort guarded by two companies of Frenchmen whom he killed. He hoped to have the whole town in his hands in three days' time, for it was nearly conquered and Peter Strozzi besieged in a small fort.
The death of the Prince of Portugal (deceased), brother (-in-law) to your Highness, has been reported here.
The powers sent by way of France have come, and the Pope has granted a dispensation.
The French, confident in the success of Courtenay's plot, have said no more about mediation.
Spanish translation from a lost French original.
Printed in Documentos Inéditos, Vol. III.
19 Feb 1554. Gaspard Schetz to the Queen Dowager.
Madam: Although I believe your Majesty to be informed of occurrences in England, I am unwilling not to send you the news that have reached us this morning in a letter of the 15th instant. It relates that the Queen has caused the rebels to be punished: the Lady Jane (deceased) and her husband (deceased), the Duke of Suffolk's (age 37) son, have been decapitated; the White Rose (age 27) has been sent back to the Tower [Map], where are also the Duke of Suffolk (age 37) with two of his brothers [Note. Thomas Grey and John Grey (age 30)] and guilty lords to the number of 27. They write that, of the soldiers who abandoned the Duke of Norfolk (age 81) on the field and joined the rebels, 40 have been hanged and 200 more condemned to the same penalty. They say that the said Duke has died in his own country. The Earl of Pembroke (age 53) has been sent down to Kent with 300 light horse to discover who took part in the rebellion and execute justice. This, Madam, is the substance of what I have heard, together with a report that it is being said in England that my Lord our Prince is to come with 8,000 Spanish soldiers, about which the English are not best pleased.
They say the Queen is sending hither an ambassador, the Viscount Fitzwalter (age 47) (Fewaters), who will be able to give your Majesty more trustworthy information.
Antwerp, 19 February, 1554.
Copy. French. Printed by Gachard, Voyages des Souverains des Pays-Bas, Appendix to Vol. IV.
