Memoirs of Philip de Commines
Memoirs of Philip de Commines is in Late Medieval Books.
1465 Betrothal of Charles of Burgundy and Margaret of York
1470 Warwick returns to England
1470 King Edward flees to Burgundy
1471 King Edward lands at Ravenspur
Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 1
Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 1 Chapter 5
1465. The King's Brother the Duke of Berry, and the Duke of Bretagne, join with the Count of Charolois against the King.
1465. The next day, early in the morning, the Count of Charolois called a great and splendid council of war, at which all the princes and their chief officers assisted, to consult what measures were best to be taken; and as they were of different parties and not all obeying the same lord (which is very much to be desired in such assemblies), their sentiments were also different; but of all that was said, nothing was so much taken notice of as some expressions of the Duke of Berry, who was but young, and had seen nothing of the war. By his words he seemed to be weary already, taking occasion to mention the great number of wounded men whom he had observed in the count's army, and by way of compassion he declared he had rather the war had never been begun, than that so much mischief should be occasioned through liis means and on his account. Which language was very unpleasing to the count and his party, as I shall show afterwards. Nevertheless, the result of this council was, that they should march towards Paris, to try if they could bring that city to join with them for the good of the kingdom, for which (as they pretended) they had taken up arms; and they w^ere all of them fully persuaded, that if the capital would listen to them, all the rest of tlie towns in the kingdom would follow its example. As I said before, the speech in council of the Duke of Berry so startled the Count of Charolois and his party, that they asked one another, ''Did you hear this young duke? He is astonished at the sight of 700 or 800 wounded men in the town, who are nothing to him, nor does he know them; he would certainly be more troubled where he was concerned; and he would be a likely man to make his peace upon small invitation, and leave us in the lurch." And the Count of Charolois further said, " that on account of the ancient wars which had long continued in time past between King Charles (the Duke of Berry's father) and the Duke of Burgundy (his own father), it was to be feared tliey would easily unite, and turn all their forces against us; for which reason it would be necessary to look out for allies in time." And it was purely on this suspicion that Messire William of Cluny1, the prothonotary (who died afterwards Bishop of Poictiers) was despatched into England to the court of King Edward IV.2, who then reigned; and who had been always the mortal enemy of the Count of Charolois, who had supported against him the house of Lancaster, from which, by the mother's side, he was descended.3
Note 1. William de Cluny, born about 1423, was the son of Henry de Cluny, Lord of Conforgieu, and Pen-ette Collot, Lady of Sagy. He was a councillor of the Duke of Burgundy, and prothonotary of the Holy See. He was appointed to the bishopric of Poitiers in 1479, and died about a year afterAvards.
Note 2. Edward IV., son of EicW-d, Duke of York, and Cicely Neville, daughter of the Earl of Westmoreland; he married Lady Elizabeth Woodville in 1464, and died on the 9th of April, 1483.
Note 3. Isabella of Portugal, the mother of the L'ount of Charolois, was the daughter of John, King of Portugal, by Philippa, daughter of John, Duke of Lancaster.
Jul 1465. In his [Charles "Bold" Valois Duke Burgundy (age 31)] private instruction, lie had orders to propose a marriage with Margaret (age 19)1, the King of England's sister; but to treat only and negotiate, without coming to any conclusion: for the Count of Charolois, who knew how desirous the King of England was of this match, believed by this means, either to bring him over to his side, if he should have any occasion for his assistance, or at least to hinder him from attempting anything against him. However, though he had no real intention at first to consummate the marriage, upon account of his inveterate hatred to the house of York, yet affairs were so managed, that several years after, the match was concluded; and he moreover accepted the order of the garter2, and wore it to his death.
Note 1. Margaret of York (age 19) married Charles of Burgundy, in pursuance of a treaty signed at Brussels on the 16th of February, 1467 (O. S.); and the marriage was celebrated at Dan, on the 3rd of July, 1468. She died on the 28th of November, 1503. Unless Commines is in error with regard to the time at which William of Cluny was despatched on his mission, the Count of Charolois contemplated this new alhance whilst his second wife Avas still living; for Isabella of Bourbon did not die until the 26th of September, 1465, two months after the battle of Montlhery.
Note 2. In Rymer, vol, v. part ii. p. 1 73., is a letter from Duke Charles, acknowledging the receipt of the garter from the English ambassadors.
Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3
Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3 Chapter IV
1470. Of the Civil Wars between the Princes in England, during the DitFereuce between Louis XL and Charles, Duke of Burgundy.
In mentioning the preceding passages, I had almost forgotten to speak of Edward, King of England; for those three great princes. King Louis XI. of France, King Edward IV., and Charles, Duke of Burgundy, were contemporaries. I shall not here observe the method and order of writing which is usual among historians, nor name the years and moments of time when every action happened; neither shall I produce any examples out of history (of which you know enough, and it would be like talking Latin to monks). I shall only give you a plain account of what I have seen, known, and heard of these three great princes above mentioned. In my judgment, you that live in the age when these affairs were transacted, liave no occasion of being informed of the exact hours when everything was done.
I have formerly1 mentioned the reasons that prevailed with the Duke of Burgundy to marry the sister of Edward, King of England, and it was principally to strengthen his alliance against the King of France; otherwise he would never have done it, for the love he bore to the house of Lancaster, to which he was allied by his mother, who was Infanta of Portugal, but her mother2 was the Duke of Lancaster's daughter; wherefore his kindness for the house of Lancaster was as great as his hatred to that of York. At the time of this marriage, the house of Lancaster was quite depressed, and of the house of York there was no great talk; for Edward, who was both Duke of York and King, enjoyed the peaceable possession of the kingdom. In the war between these two contending houses, there had been seven or eight3 memorable battles in England; in which threescore or fourscore persons of the blood-royal of that kingdom were cruelly slain, as is said before in these Memoirs. Those that survived were fugitives, and lived in the Duke of Burgundy's court; all of them young gentlemen (wliose fathers had been slain in England) whom the Duke of Burgundy had generously entertained before this marriage, as his relations of the house of Lancaster. Some of them were reduced to such extremity of want and poverty before the Duke of Burgundy received them, that no common beggar could have been poorer. I saw one of them, who was Duke of Exeter4 (but he concealed his name), following the Duke of Burgundy's train bare-foot and bare-legged, begging his bread from door to door. This person was the next of the house of Lancaster; he had married King Edward's sister, and being afterwards known, had a small pension allowed him for his subsistence. There were also some of the family of the Somersets5, and several others, all of them slain since, in the wars. The fathers and relations of these persons had plundered and destroyed the greatest part of France, and possessed it for several years, and afterwards they turned their swords upon themselves, and killed one another; those who were remaining in England, and their children, have died as you see; and yet there are those who affirm that God does not punish men as he did in the days of the children of Israel, but suffers the wickedness both of princes and people to remain unpunished. I do believe, indeed, he does not speak and converse with mankind as he did formerly; for he has left them examples enough in the world to instruct them; but you may see, by the sequel of this discourse, and by reflecting on what you know besides, that of those bad princes, and others, who cruelly and tyrannically employ the power that is in their hands, none, or but few of them, die unpunished, though, perhaps, it is neither in the same manner, nor at the same time, that those who are injured desire.
Note 1. See Book 1. Chap. 5.
Note 2. Philippa of Lancaster, daughter of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Blanche his wife. She married John, King of Portugal; and died on the 19th of June, or 18th of July, 1415.
Note 3. There had been twelve, viz, at St. Albaus, in 1455; at Bloreheath, in 1459; at Northampton and Wakefield, in 1460; at Mortimer's Cross, Barnerheath and Towton, in 1461; at Hexham, in 1463; at Banbury and Stamford, in 1470; at Barnet, in 1471; and at Tewkesbury, in 1471.
Note 4. Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter, was the son of John, Duke of Exeter, and Anne, daughter of Edmund, Earl of Stamford. He married Anne, sister of Edward IV., whom he divorced on the 12th of November, 1472. He was found dead at sea between Dover and Calais, in 1475.
Note 5. The Duke of Somerset was with the Count of Charolois at the battle of Montlhery; and again, at Ghent, in 1469.
But to return to King Edward. The greatest support of the house of York was the Earl of Warwick; and the greatest partisan of the house of Lancaster was the Duke of Somerset. This Earl of Warwick, in respect of the eminent services he had done him, and tlie care he had taken of his education, might have been well called King Edward's father; and indeed he was a very great man; for besides his own patrimony, he was possessed of several lordships which had been given him by the king, some of crown lands, and some that were confiscated. He was made Governor of Calais1, and had other great offices, so that I have heard he received annually in pensions and that kind of profits, 80,000 crowns, besides his inheritance. By accident the Earl of Warwick had fallen out2 with his master the year before the Duke of Burgundy's expedition against Amiens.3 The Duke of Burgundy had indeed, in some measure, been the occasion of the breach between them, as he disliked the mighty sway and authority that the earl bore in England. Besides, there was no good understanding between them, for the Earl of Warwick held constant correspondence with the King of France our master. In short, about this very time, or a little before, the Earl of Warwick was grown so exorlbitant in his power, that he imprisoned his master King Edward4, put the Queen's5 father6 (the Lord Rivers) and two of his sons to death, and the third was in great danger (though all of them were great favourites of the king.) He also caused several knights to be put to death. For some time he used the king very honourably, and put new servants about him, hoping that he would have forgotten the old, for he looked upon his master as a very weak prince.
Note 1. He received this appointment immediately after the first battle of St. Albans, which was fought on the 23rd of May, 1455.
Note 2. The Earl of Warwick, finding that his influence with Edward was on the decline, excited insurrections in the north of England, in the hope thereby to regain his power. As one of his daughters was married to the king's brother, the Duke of Clarence, he made common cause with that prince, and they both betrayed Edward's confidence by marching against him with the troops which they had received orders to Iq\j in his name. This was in March, 1470.
Note 3. On the 6th of March, 1471.
Note 4. About the beginning of 1470, the king and the earl were nearly coming to blows, when an attempt was made to reconcile them; while the king, trusting to these negotiations of peace, had relaxed his vigilance, the Earl of Warwick fell suddenly on his camp, and took him prisoner. Edward was conveyed to Middleham Castle, but speedily made his escape from captivity.
Note 5. Elizabeth Woodville was married 1. to Sir John Grey of Groby, who fell in the second battle of St. Albans, on the 17th of February, 1461; and 2. to Edward IV. She had two children by her first marriage, Thomas, Marquis of Dorset, and Richard. She married King Edward in 1465; and in 1486, was confined in Bermondsey Abbey, where she died some years afterwards.
Note 6. Richard Woodville, Earl Rivers, married Jacquetta of Luxembourg, widow of the Duke of Bedford, brother of King Henry V. He was taken prisoner in 1469, with his son, John Woodville, and conducted to Northampton, where they were both beheaded.
The Duke of Burgundy was extremely concerned at what had happened, and privately contrived a way for King Edward's escape, and that he might have an opportunity of speaking with him: and their plot succeeded so well, that King Edward escnped out of prison, raised men, and defeated a great body of the Earl of Warwick's troops. King Edward was very fortunate in his battles, for he fought at least nine pitched battles (always on foot), and was always conqueror. The Earl of Warwick finding himself too weak to oppose King Edward, having lirst given instructions to his private friends what tliey were to do in his absence, put to sea with the Duke of Clarence, who had married his daughter1, and was then of his faction, notwithstanding that he was brother to the king; and carrying with them their wives and children, and a great number of forces, he appeared before Calais. There were at that time several of the earl's servants in the town, and one in the quality of his lieutenant, Lord Wenlock2, who, instead of receiving him, fired his great guns upon him. Whilst they lay at anchor before the town, the Duchess of Clarence (who was daughter to the Earl of Warwick) was brought to bed of a son3, and great entreaties had to be used before Wenlock and the rest could be persuaded to send her two flagons of wine, which was great severity in a servant to use towards his master; for it is to be presumed tlie earl thought himself secure of that place, it being the richest treasure belonging to England, and the best captaincy in the world (or at least in Christendom); and this I know, for I was there several times during their diiferences, and was told by the chief officer of the staple for cloth, that he would willingly farm the government of the town from the King of England at 15,000 crowns per annum; for the Governor of Calais receives all profits on that side of the sea, and has the benefit of all convoys, and the entire disposal and management of the garrison.
Note 1. Isabella, daughter of the Earl of Warwick, and Anne Beauchamp, his wife, was born at AVarwick Castle on the 5th of September, 1451. She was married at Calais on the 11th of July, 1469.
Note 2. John, Lord Wenlock, Chief Butler of England, was appointed Lieutenant of Calais in 1470, and was killed at the battle of Tewkesbury on the 4th of May, 1471.
Note 3. This child probably died very young, for Dugdale makes no mention of him.
Tiie King of England was extremely pleased, and well satisfied with Lord Wenlock for refusing his captain, and sent him a patent to constitute him governor, in the Earl of Warwick's room; for he was an old experienced officer, a wise gentleman, and of the Order of the Garter. The Duke of Burgundy was also well pleased with him for this action, and being at St. Omer1, he sent me to Lord Wenlock, to assure liim of a pension of 1000 crowns, and to desire him to continue that affection which he had already shown to the King of England. I found him fixed and resolved to be so, and in the Hotel de I'Etape in that town, he swore solemnly to me, that he would serve the King of England against all opposers whatsoever; and when he had done, all the garrison and townsmen took the same oath. I was near two months going and coming to and from him, to keep him steady in his allegiance: but the most part of that time I was with him, the Duke of Burgundy was come to Boulogne, and had his residence there2, in order to the setting out a great fleet against the Earl of Warwick, who, at his departure from Calais, had taken several ships belonging to the Duke of Burgundy's subjects, which was partly the occasion of the war between the King of France and him. For the Earl of Warwick's soldiers selling all their booty in Normandy, the Duke of Burgundy, by way of reprisal, seized upon all the French merchants who came to the fair at Antwerp.
Note 1. On the 28tb of June, 1470.
Note 2. He had been there ever since the 26th of July.
Since it is as absolutely necessary to be acquainted with the examples of the deceit and craftiness of this world, as with instances of integrity (not to make use of them, but to arm ourselves against them), I shall in this place lay open a trick, or piece of policy (but, call it what you please, it was certainly wisely managed), by which you may understand the juggling of our neighbours, as well as our own, and that there are good and bad people in all places of the world. When the Earl of Warwick came to Calais, which he looked upon as his principal refuge, and expected to be received, Lord Wenlock, being a person of great prudence, sent him word, that if he entered he was a lost man, for all England and the Duke of Burgundy would be against him; besides, the inhabitants of the town would be his enemies, as well as a great part of the garrison, as Monsieur de Duras1, who was the King of England's marshal, and several others, who had great interest in the place, were hostile to him. Wherefore he advised him, as the best thing he could do, to retire into France, and not to concern himself for Calais, for of that he would give him a fair account upon the first opportunity. He did his captain good service by giving him that counsel, but none at all to his king. Certainly no man was ever guilty of a higher piece of ingratitude than Lord Wenlock, considering the King of England had made him Governor in chief of Calais, and the Duke of Burgundy settled a large pension upon him.
Note 1. Galhard de Durfort, Lord of Duras, retired to England in 1453, was made a Knight of the Garter, and appointed Governor of Calais. He was recalled to France in 1476, by Louis XI, and was killed in that king's service in Burgundy, in 1487. He married Anne, daughter of the Duke of Suffolk.
Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3 Chapter V
May 1470. How the Earl of Warwick, by the Assistance of Louis, King of France, drove King Edward IV. out of England, to the great Displeasure of the Duke of Burgundy, who received him into his Countries.
May 1470. The Earl of Warwick, who followed Wenlock's counsel, landed in Normandy1, and was kindly received by the King of France, who furnished him with great sums of money to pay his troops. The Duke of Burgundy had at this time a great fleet abroad, infesting the king's subjects both by land and sea; and this fleet was so powerful, that none durst oppose it. The king ordered the Bastard of Bourbon2, Admiral of France, with a strong squadron3, to assist the English against any attempt that should be made upon them by the Duke of Burgundy's fleet. All this happened the season before the surrender of St. Quentin and Amiens, which was in the year 1470. The Duke of Burgundy was stronger at sea than the Earl of Warwick and the king together; for at Sluys he had seized upon several great ships belonging to Spain and Portugal, and two Genoese vessels, besides many hulks from Germany.
Note 1. Between Honfleur and Harfleur, in May, 1470.
Note 2. Louis, Bastard of Bourbon, a natural son of Charles I., Duke of Bourbon, by Jeanne de Bournan, was legitimated in September, 1463; hi; married Jeanne, a natural daughter of Louis XL, and died on the 19ih of January, 1486.
Note 3. According to Chastellain, it consisted of " sixty fine and powerful ships."
King Edward was not a man of any great management or foresight, but he was of an invincible courage, and the handsomest prince my eyes ever beheld. The Earl of Warwick's landing in Normandy did not so much affect him as it did the Duke of Burgundy, who presently perceiving there were great transactions in England in favour of the Earl of Warwick, gave frequent information of it to that king, but he never heeded it; which in my opinion was great weakness, considering the mighty preparations the King of France had made against him, for he fitted out all the ships he could get, and well manned and victualled them, and ordered the English fugitives to be equipped.
13 Dec 1470. By his management also a marriage was concluded between the Earl of Warwick's second daughter (age 14) and the Prince of Wales1, which prince was the only son to King Henry VI. (who was at that time alive, and prisoner in the tower.) An unaccountable match! to dethrone and imprison the father, and marry his only son to the daughter of him that did it. It was no less surprising that he should delude the Duke of Clarence, brother to the king whom he opposed, who ought in reason to have been afraid of the restoration of the house of Lancaster; but affairs of so nice a nature are not to be managed without great cunning and artifice.
Note 1. Edward, son of Henry VI. and Margaret of Anjou. He married Anne, youngest daughter of the Earl of Warwick, and was killed in.the battle of Tewkesbury, on the 4th of May, 1471. His widow afterwards married the Duke of Gloucester, who subsequently ascended the throne as Richard III.
During the whole time of this preparation, I stayed at Calais to keep Lord Wenlock firm to his allegiance; but I could discover nothing of his juggling, though he had been at it for three months. My business with him then was, to desire that he would order twenty or thirty of the Earl of Warwick's servants who were there, to depart the town; for I was assured the king's fleet, in conjunction with the earl's, was ready to set sail from Normandy, and if they should land suddenly in England, it might happen that those servants of the Earl of Warwick's might raise some tumult or otlier in the town of Calais, that he might not be able to appease, for which reason I was very earnest for their being turned out. Before, he had always promised me he would, but then he took me aside, and told me that he would keep the town well enough, but he had something else to impart to me, and that was, that I would acquaint the Duke of Burgundy, that if he desired to show himself a friend to England, he would advise him to employ his good offices rather in mediating peace, than endeavouring to promote war; and this he said in respect of the preparations which the Duke of Burgundy had made against the Earl of Warwick. He told me farther, that it would be no hard matter to compass an accommodation, for that very day there was a lady passed by Calais into France, with letters to the Duchess of Clarence, and in them overtures of peace from King Edward; and he said truly; but as he had done with others, so the lady dissembled with him; for her business was of another kind of importance, which she accomplished at last, to the prejudice of the Earl of "Warwick and all his party.
You cannot be better informed by any other person of the secret contrivances and subtle collusions which happened on our side of the water, than by me, especially as to the transactions of these last twenty years.
The secret affair to be managed by this lady, was to solicit the Duke of Clarence not to contribute to the subversion of his own family, by endeavouring to restore the house of Lancaster; that he would remember their old insolences, and the hereditary hatred that was between them, and not be so infatuated as to imagine that the Earl of Warwick, who had married his daughter to the Prince of Wales, and sworn allegiance to him already, would not endeavour to place him upon the throne. This lady managed the affair that was committed to her charge, with so much cunning and dexterity, that she prevailed with the Duke of Clarence to promise to come over to the king's party as soon as he was in England.
This lady was no fool, nor loquacious; and being allowed the liberty of visiting her mistress the Duchess of Clarence, she for that reason was employed in this secret, rather than a man. Wenlock was a cunning man, and shrewd enough; yet this lady was too hard for him, wheedled him, and carried on her intrigues till she had eftected the ruin of the Earl of Warwick and all his faction; for which reason it is no shame for persons in his condition to be suspicious, and keep a watchful eye- over all comers and goers; but it is a great disgrace to be outwitted, and to lose anything tlirough one's own negligence; however, our suspicions ought to be grounded on some foundation, for to be over-suspicious is as bad the other way.
13 Sep 1470. You have already been informed that the Earl of Warwick's fleet, with the squadron the King of France had sent to convoy him, was ready to sail, and that the Duke of Burgundy's navy lay ready at Havre to engage them; but it pleased God to order it so, that a great storm arising that night, the Duke of Burgundy's navy was driven by stress of weather, some into Scotland, some into Holland, and all of them dispersed; after which, in a short time, the weather coming about fair for the Earl of Warwick, he took his opportunity, and sailed safely to England.
Sep 1470. The Duke of Burgundy had sent King Edward word of the port where the earl designed to land, and had persons constantly about him, to put him in mind of taking care of himself, and putting his kingdom in a posture of defence. But he never was concerned at anything,- but still followed his hunting, and nobody was so trusted by him as the Archbishop of York1 and the Marquis of Montague2, both the Earl of Warwick's brothers, who had sworn to be true to him against their brother, and all opposers whatsoever; and the king put an entire confidence in them.
Note 1. George Neville, Chancellor of the University of Oxford, was created Bishop of Exeter on the 25th of November, 1455, before he had attained his twentieth year. He became Lord Chancellor of England in 1460, and Archbishop of York in 1465; and he died on the 8th of June, 1476.
Note 2. John Neville (age 39), Marquis of Montague, married Isabella (age 29), daughter of Sir Edmond Ingoldsthrop of Borough Green, and was killed in the battle of Barnet on the 30th of April, 1471.
13 Sep 1470. Upon the Earl of Warwick's landing1, great numbers came in to him; and King Edward when he heard it, was much alarmed; and (when very late) he began to look about him, and sent to the Duke of Burgundy to desire that his fleet might be ready at sea to intercept the Earl of Warwick on his return to France, for on land he knew how to deal with him. The Duke of Burgundy was not well pleased with these words, for he looked upon it as a greater piece of policy to have hindered the earl from landing, than to be forced to run the hazard of a battle, to drive him out again. The Earl of Warwick had not been landed above five or six days before the whole country came in to him, and he encamped within three leagues of the king, whose army was superior to the earl's (had they been all true to his interest), and waited on purpose to give him battle: the king was possessed of a fortified village or house1, to which (as he told me himself) there was no access but by one bridge, which proved of great service to him; the rest of his forces were quartered in the neighbouring villages. As he sate at dinner, news was suddenly brought him that the Marquis of Montague, the Earl of Warwick's brother, and several other persons of quality, were mounted on horseback, and had caused their soldiers to cry, "God bless King Henry." At first King Edward would give no credit to it, but despatched other messengers to inquire, and in the meantime armed himself, and posted guards to defend the bridge in case of any assault. There was with him at that time a very prudent gentleman called the Lord Hastings2, High Chamberlain of England, in great authority with the king; and he deserved it, for though his wife was the Earl of Warwick's sister, he continued loyal to his king, and was then in his service (as he told me afterwards) with a body of 3000 horse. There was likewise with him the Lord Scales3 (brother to King Edward's queen) besides several good knights and gentlemen who began to think that all was not well, for the messengers confirmed what had been told the king before, and that the enemy was marching boldly on, with a design to surprise him in his quarters.
Note 1. Rapin states that Edward was at Lynn at this time.
Note 2. William, Lord Hastings, son of Richard Hastings, and Alice, daughter of Lord Camoys. He married Catherine, daughter of Richard Neville, last Earl of Salisbury; and was beheaded by order of Richard III on the 13th of June, 1483.
Note 3. Anthony Woodville, Lord Scales and Earl Rivers, was the son of Richard Woodville and Jacquetta of Luxembourg. He married 1. Elizabeth, daughter of Lord Scales, and 2. Mary, daughter of Henry Fitz Lewes. He was beheaded in 1483,
It happened by God's grace that King Edward's quarters were no great distance from the sea, and some ships that followed with provisions for his army, lay at anchor with two Dutch merchant vessels hard by. King Edward had but just time to get aboard one of them; his chamberlain stayed a little behind, and advised his lieutenant and the rest of the officers to go in with their men to the Earl of Warwick, but conjured them to retain their old affection and allegiance to the king and himself; and then he also went aboard the ship with the others, which were just ready to set sail. It is the custom in England, when a battle is won, to give quarter, and no man is killed, especially of the common soldiers (for they know everybody will join the strongest side), and it is but seldom that they are ransomed; so that when the king had made his escape, not one of his men was put to the sword. King Edward told me, that in all the battles which he had gained, his way was, when the victory was on his side, to mount on horseback, and cry out to save the common soldiers, and put the gentlemen to the sword, by which means none, or very few of them, escaped.
02 Oct 1470. And thus King Edward made his escape in the year 1470, by the assistance of a small vessel of his own and two Dutch merchantmen, attended only by 700 or 800 men, without any clothes but what they were to have fought in, no money in their pockets, and not one of them knew whither they were going. It was very surprising to see this poor king (for so he might justly be called) run avay in this manner, and be pursued by his own servants. He had indulged himself in ease and pleasures for twelve or thirteen years together, and enjoyed a larger share of them than any prince in his time. His thoughts were wholly employed upon the ladies (and far more than was reasonable), hunting, and adorning his person. In his summer-hunting, his custom was to have several tents set up for the ladies, where he treated them after a magnificent manner; and indeed his person was as well turned for love-intrigues as any man I ever saw in my life: for he was young, and the most handsome man of his time; I mean when he was in this adversity, for afterwards he grew very corpulent. But see now how, on a sudden, he is fallen into the calamities of the world! He sailed directly for Holland. At that time the Easterlinjzs1 were at war both with the English and French; they had many ships at sea, and were dreaded by the English, and upon good grounds; for they were good soldiers, had done them much prejudice that year already, and bad taken several of their ships. The Easterlings at a great distance descried the ships which were with the king, and about seven or eight of them began to give them chase; but being far before them, he gained the coast of Holland, or rather some thing lower, for he put into Friesland, not far from a little town called Alquemare2, where he came to an anchor, and, it being low water, the king could not get into the harbour, but ran himself as near the town as he could. The Easterlings came as near him as they could possibly make, and dropt their anchors, intending to board him the next tide.
Note 1. Easterlings, in French Ostrelins, was the name given to the merchants of the Hanseatic League,
Note 2. Alkmaar, tlie capital of North Holland, distant about twenty miles from Amsterdam.
Misfortune and danger never go alone: the king's success and his courage were now strangely altered. A fortnight before that man would have been looked upon as mad, who should have told him, "The Earl of Warwick shall drive you out of England, and in eleven days have the supreme power and dominion in his own hands" (for it cost him no more time to bring the whole kingdom to obedience). Besides, he laughed at the Duke of Burgundy for squandering his money in the defence of the sea, giving out, that he wished his adversary were landed in England; but what excuse could he make for himself after such a loss, and by his own fault, unless this, " That I did not think it possible?" and, if a prince be but arrived to years of discretion, he ought to blush at such an excuse, for it will not serve his turn. So that this is a fair example for such princes as think it beneath them to be afraid, or have a watchful eye on their enemies, and are fond of such courtiers as flatter and indulge them in that opinion; and think they are the more valued and esteemed for it, and that it is a proof of their courage and resolution to despise and laugh at danger. I know not what they may say to their faces, but I am sure wise nien account such expressions great folly. It is honourable to fear where there is occasion, and provide against it with all the caution imaginable. A wise man in a prince's court is a great treasure to his master, if the one has liberty to speak truth, and the other discretion enough to believe him, and follow his advice.
11 Oct 1470. By chance the Lord de la Gruthuse1, the Duke of Burgundy's governor in Holland, was at that place where and when King Edward wished to land; who, by some persons put on shore, was immediately informed of his miserable condition, and the danger he was in by reason of the Easterlings. The governor sent immediately to the Easterlings to charge them to lie still, and went on board the king's ship himself, and invited him on shore; whereupon the king landed, with his brother the Duke of Gloucester (who was called afterwards King Richard III.), and about 1500 men in their train. The king had no money about him, and gave the master of the ship a gown lined with beautiful martens, and promised to do more for him whenever he had an opportunity; but sure so poor a company was never seen before; yet the Lord de la Gruthuse dealt very honourably by them, for he gave many of them clothes, and bore all their expenses till they came to the Hague, to which place he safely conducted them.2 He then despatched the news of his arrival to the Duke of Burgundy, who was much surprised when he heard it, and would have been much better pleased if it had been news of his death; for he was in great apprehension of the Earl of Warwick, who was his enemy, and at that time absolute in England. The earl, immediately after his landing, had prodigious numbers of people flock in to him3; even the king's own party, some for love, and others through fear, submitted to him wholly; so that every day his army increased, and not long after he marched to London.
Note 1. Louis de Bruges, Lord de la Gruthayse, Prince of Stecnhuysc, Knight of the Golden Fleece, was the son of Jean de Bruges and Marguerite de Steenhuyse. He was created Earl of Winchester for his eminent services to King Edward IV.; and he died ou the 24th of November, 1492.
Note 2. King Edward arrived at tlie Hague on the 11th of October, 1470; and the Duke of Burgundy gave him 500 golden crowns per month for his support. Lenglet, ii. 196.
Note 3. The number of Warwick's partisans was very great, especially in London. He had obtained them, according to Oliver de la Marche, by three ways, which do honovu* to his ability, if not to his honesty. " The first, by flatteries, and feigned huniihty to the people of London, by whom he Avas much loved. Secondly, he was master of the five ports of England, where he allowed great injury to be done; and never, in his time, was justice done in England to any foreigner who had suffered loss; wherefore he was beloved by the English freebooters, whom he thus contributed to support. And thirdly, he kept the city of London on his tide by always owing 300,000 or 400,000 crowns to different citizens; and those whose debtor he was desired his life and prosperity, that they might be paid their dues." La Marche, ii. 276.
A great number of good knights and squires, who were in King Edward's interest, fled to the sanctuaries in London, and did the king good service afterwards; and this did the queen his wife, who, in great want of all tilings that were necessary, was there1 brought to bed of a prince.2
Note 1. She went to "St. Catherine's Abbey, say some, but others say to the sanctuary at Westminster." Chastellain, 486.
Note 2. Edward V., born on the 4th of November, 1470.
Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3 Chapter VI
1470. How the Earl of "Warwick released Henry VL, King of England, out of the Tower.
The Earl of Warwick, immediately upon his arrival in London, went directly to the Tower (which is the castle), and released King Henry, whom long before he had committed thither himself. When he imprisoned him, he went before him, crying "Treason, treason, and behold the traitor!" but now he proclaimed him king, attended him to his palace at Westminster, and restored him to his royal prerogative, and all in the Duke of Clarence's presence, who was not at all pleased with the sight. Immediately he despatched 300 or 400 men over to Calais to overrun the Boulonnois, which party was well received by the Lord Wenlock, whom I mentioned before, and the affection which he had always borne to his master, the Earl of Warwick, was at that time very conspicuous. That very day on which the Duke of Burgundy received the news of King Edward's being in Holland, I was come from Calais, and found him at Boulogne, having heard nothing of that, or of King Edward's defeat. The first news the Duke of Burgundy heard of him was, that he was killed, and he was not at all concerned at it, for his affection was greater for the house of Lancaster than for York, and there were at that very time in his court the Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, and several others of King Henry's party; so that he thought by their means to be easily reconciled to that family; but he dreaded greatly the Earl of Warwick. Besides he knew not after what manner to carry himself to King Edward (whose sister he had married); and moreover they were brethren of the same orders, for the king wore the Golden Fleece, and the duke the Garter.
The duke despatched me presently back to Calais, and a gentleman or two with me, who were of King Henry's party. He gave me instructions how I was to proceed with this new set, and pressed me very earnestly to go, assuring me the business required good service. I went as far as Tourneghem (a castle near Guynes), but durst venture no farther; for I found the people flying from the English, who had sent out a strong party to plunder and harass the country. I sent immediately to the Lord Wenlock for a passport; though before I used to go without any such thing, and was always honourably entertained, for the English are naturally of a free and generous temper.
This was a new phase of affairs to me, for I had never seen such mutations in the world before. That night I sent the duke word of the danger which hindered me from proceeding in my journey; but not knowing what answer I should receive from Wenlock, I did not say that I had sent for a passport. He sent me a signet ring from off his finger, commanding me to go on, and if I was taken prisoner, he would ransom me. He made no scruple to expose any of his servants to danger, when he thought it for his advantage; but I had well provided for myself by sending for a passport, which I received with very gracious letters from the Lord Wenlock, assuring me that I should have the liberty of coming and going as formerly. Upon these letters I went on to Guynes; where I found the captain at the gate, who presented me with a glass of wine, yet did not invite me into the castle as he was wont, but showed me great respect, and treated the gentlemen who were with me, who were of King Henry's party, very nobly. From thence I went to Calais, but nobody came out to meet me, as formerly; all were in the Earl of Warwick's livery. At the gate of my lodgings, and the door of my chamber, the people had made more than a hundred white crosses with certain rhymes underneath, signifying that the King of France and Earl of Warwick were all one; all which I thought very surprising. I sent, however, to Gravelines (which is about five leagues from Calais), requiring them to seize all English merchants and their effects because of all the mischief done us in their incursions into the Boulonnois. The Lord Wenlock sent to me to dine with him; I found him well attended, with a ragged staff of gold upon his bonnet, which was the cognizance of the Earl of Warwick; all the rest had ragged staffs likewise, but they who could not be at the expense of gold, had them of cloth. I was informed at dinner, that within a quarter of an hour after the arrival of an express from England with the news, the whole town had got this livery, so hasty and sudden was the change; and this was the first time that I had ever seen or considered such an instance of the instability of all human affairs.
The Lord "Wenlock made me many compliments, and some excuses in behalf of his captain the Earl of Warwick, from whom, as he told me, he had received many favours; but for the rest who were with him, I never heard people talk so extravagantly. ^ Those whom I had looked upon as the king's greatest friends, were the most bitter and invective against him; yet I am apt to think some did it for fear, though others spoke the real sentiments of their hearts. Those whom I formerly endeavoured to have turned out of the town (as being servants to the earl) were now in great reputation; yet they never knew of my ever having spoken anything against them to the Lord Wenlock. I told them upon all occasions that King Edward was dead, and that I had certain information of it (though indeed I well knew to the contrary); I added, likewise, that if he were not dead, it w^as of no great importance, for the Duke of Burgundy's alliance was with the king and kingdom of England, so that this accident could not infringe it; for whomever they declared their king, should be so to us: and in consideration of such revolutions in times past, they had put in these very words, "with the king and the kingdom;" and we were to have four of the chief towns in England as a security for performance of these articles. The merchants pressed very hard that I might be detained, because theirgoods had been seized at Gravelines, and, as they pretended, by my express command. At length we came to this composition, that they should pay for, or restore, all the cattle which had been plundered; for by agreement with the house of Burgundy they had liberty to take what cattle they wanted, for the necessary provision of the town, out of certain grounds that were appointed, on paying a certain price; and for prisoners, they had taken none. Hereupon it was concluded between us, that the alliance which we had made with the crown of England should stand good, only we were to put in Henry instead of Edward.
This accommodation was extremely welcome to the Duke of Burgundy; for the Earl of Warwick was sending 4000 men over to Calais, to make war upon him, and furiously invade his territories, and no way could be found out to pacify him. But the great merchants of London (many of whom were then at Calais) diverted him from that undertaking, because it was the staple1 of their wools, and it is almost incredible what prodigious returns they make from thence twice every year; there their wool lies till the merchants come over, and their chief vent is into Flanders and Holland: for which reason, therefore, they were very solicitous to promote this accommodation, and stop the forces which the Earl of Warwick was sending over. This treaty fell out very luckily for the Duke of Burgundy; for it happened at the same time that the King of France had taken Amions and St. Quentin, and if he had been forced to have maintained war with both these kings at a time, he had certainly been ruined. He tried all the ways imaginable to pacify the Earl of Warwick; declaring himself of the house of Lancaster, and that he would do nothing to the prejudice of King Henry; and making use of such other expressions as he thought would serve his turn best.
Note 1. The staple of wool at Calais Avas established by King Edward III. Rapin, iii. 231.
In the meantime King Edward arrived at the Duke of Burgundy's court at St. Pol1, and pressed very hard for supplies to enable him to recover his kingdom; for he assured him of the great interest he had in England, and entreated him, for God's sake, not to abandon him, since he had married his sister, and they were besides brethren of the same orders. The Dukes of Somerset and Exeter violently opposed it, and used all their artifice to keep him firm to King Henry's interest. The duke was in suspense, and knew not which side to favour; he was fearful of disobliging either, because he was engaged in a desperate war at home; but at length he struck in with the Duke of Somerset and the rest of that party, upon certain promises which they made him, against the Earl of Warwick, their ancient enemy. King Edward was present at the place, and was much dissatisfied to see how unsuccessfully his affairs went on; yet they gave him all the fair words imaginable, and told him that all was but dissimulation, to keep off a war against two kingdoms at once; for if the duke were ruined, he would not be in a capacity to assist him afterwards, if he should be ever so inclinable to do it. However, finding King Edward bent upon his return to England, and being unwilling, for several reasons, absolutely to displease him, he pretended publicly that he would give him no assistance, and issued out a proclamation forbidding any of his subjects to go along with him; but privately and underhand he sent him 50,000 florins with St. Andrew's cross2, furnished him with three or four great ships, which he ordered to be equipped for him at La Vere3 in Holland, which is a free port where all persons are received; besides which, he hired secretly fourteen Easterling ships for him, which were well armed, and had promised to transport him into England, and serve him fifteen days afterwards; which supply was very great, considering those times.
Note 1. On Wednesday, the 2nd of January, 1471, the Duke of Burgundy left Hesdin and went to Aire, where he met the King of England. He remained there on the 3rd, and returned to Hesdin, after dinner, on the 4th. Lenglet, ii. 197.
Note 2. Equal to more than 200,000 pounds sterling.
Note 3. Now Weer, or Ter Veere, a town in the province of Zealand, on the eastern coast of the island of Walcheren.
Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3 Chapter VII
1471. How King Edward returned into England, where he defeated the Earl of Warwick in Battle, and the Prince of Wales afterAvards.
14 Mar 1471. King Edward set sail for England in the year 1471, at the same time as the Duke of Burgundy marched towards Amiens against the King of France. The duke was of opinion that the affairs of England could not go amiss for him, since he was sure of friends on both sides. King Edward was no sooner landed, but he marched directly for London, where he had above 2000 of his party in sanctuary; among whom were 300 or 400 knights and esquires, who were of great advantage to his affairs, for he brought over with him a small number of forces.
Note 1. He embarked at Ter Veere on the 2nd of March, 1471, and landed at Ravenspur on the 14th of the same month.
11 Apr 1471. The Earl of Warwick was at that time in the north with a powerful army, but upon the news of King Edward's landing, he marched back again with all speed towards London, in hopes to have got thither before him. However, he presumed the city would have been true to him, but he was mistaken; for King Edward was received into the city on Maunday Thursday1, with the universal acclamation of the citizens, contrary to the expectation of most people, for everybody looked upon him as lost: and without dispute, if the citizens had but shut their gates against him, he had been irrecoverably lost, for the Earl of Warwick was within a day's march of him. As I have been since informed, there were three things especially, which contributed to his reception into London. The first was, the persons who were in the sanctuaries, and the birth of a young prince, of whom the queen was there brought to bed. The next was, the great debts which he owed in the town, which obliged all the tradesmen who were his creditors to appear for him. The third was, that the ladies of quality, and rich citizens' wives with whom he had formerly intrigued, forced their husbands and relations to declare themselves on his side.
Note 1. April 11. 1471.
14 Apr 1471. He stayed but two days in the town, for on Easter-eve he marched with all the forces he could collect to give the Earl of Warwick battle: the next day, being Easterday, they met1, and as they were drawn up, and stood in order of battle one against the other, the Duke of Clarence went over to his brother King Edward, and carried with him near 12,000 men, which was a great discouragement to the Earl of Warwick, and a mighty strengthening to King Edward, who before was but weak.
You have already heard how the negotiation with the Duke of Clarence was managed; yet, for all this, the battle was sharp and bloody: both sides fought on foot; and the king's vanguard suffered extremely in this action, and the earls main battle advanced against his, and so near, that the king himself was engaged in person, and behaved himself as bravely as any man in either army. The Earl of Warwick's custom was never to fight on foot, but when he had once led his men to the charge, he mounted on horseback iiimself, and if he found victory inclined to his side, he charged boldly among them; if otherwise, he took care of himself in time, and provided for his escape. But now at the importunity of his brother, the Marquis of Montague (who was a person of great courage), he fought on foot, and sent away his horses. The conclusion of all was, that the earl, the Marquis of Montague, and many other brave officers, were killed, for the slaughter was very great. King Edward had resolved, at his departure from Flanders, to call out no more to spare the common soldiers, and kill only the gentlemen, as he had formerly done; for he had conceived a mortal hatred against the commons of England, for having favoured the Earl of Warwick so much, and for other reasons besides, so that he spared none of them at that time. This battle was bravely fought, and on the king's side there were killed 1500 men.
Note 1. The battle was fought upon a plain near Barnet, between London and St. Albaas, known by the name of Gladsmore Heath,
14 Apr 1471. The very day on which this fight happened, the Duke of Burgundy, being before Amiens, received letters from the duchess, his wife, that the King of England was not at all satisfied with him1; that the assistance he had given him was not done frankly and willingly, but as if for a very little cause he would have deserted him; and. to speak plainly, there was never great friendship between them afterwards; yet the Duke of Burgundy seemed to be extremely pleased at the news, and published it everywhere.
Note 1. Edward nevertheless wrote, on the 28th of May, 1471, a letter in which he thanked the duke for the valuable and brotherly assistance he had given him in his distress. See Salazard, iv. 306.
21 May 1471. I had almost forgotten to acquaint you that King Edward, finding King Henry in London, took him along with him to the fight. This King Henry was a very ignorant prince and almost an idiot; and (if what was told me be true) after the battle was over, the Duke of Gloucester (who was King Edward's brother, and afterwards called King Richard) slew this poor King Henry with his own hand, or caused him to be carried into some private place, and stood by while he was killed.1
Note 1. King Hemy VI., says Hume, " exi^ired in the Tower a few days after the battle of Tewkesbury, but whether he died a natural or violent death is uncertain. It is pretended, and was generally believed, that the Duke of Gloucester killed him with his own hands; but the universal odium which that prince has incurred, inclined perhaps the nation to aggravate his crimes, without any sufficient authority. It is certain, however, that Henry's death was sudden; and, though he laboured under an ill state of health, this circumstance, joined to the general manners of the age, gave a natural ground of suspicion, which was rather increased than diminished by the exposing of his body to public view."
14 Apr 1471. The Prince of Wales (of whom I have spoken before) had landed in England before this battle, and had joined his forces with those of the Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, and several others of their family and party; so that in all (as I have been informed by those who were in that army) they amounted to above 40,000 men. If the Earl of Warwick had stayed till he had been joined by those forces, in all probability they had won the day. But the fear he had of the Duke of Somerset, whose father and brother he had put to death1, and the hatred he bore to Queen Margaret, mother to the Prince of Wales, induced him to fight alone, without waiting for them. By this example we may observe how long old animosities last, how highly they are to be feared in themselves, and how destructive and dangerous they are in their consequences.
Note 1. The Earl of Warwick was not personally the cause of their death. Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, lost his life at the battle of St. Albans, on the 23rd of May, 1455, commanding the army opposed to that of which Warwick was the leader. The two sons of this Duke of Somerset, Edmund and John, were slain in the battle of Tewkesbury.
04 May 1471. As soon as King Edward had obtained this victory, he marched against the Prince of Wales, and there he had another great battle1; for though the Prince of Wales's army was more numerous than the king's, yet King Edward got the victory; and the Prince of Wales2, several other great lords, and a great number of common soldiers, were killed upon the spot, and the Duke of Somerset, being taken, was beheaded the next day. In eleven days the Earl of Warwick had gained the whole kingdom of England, or at least reduced it to his obedience. In twenty-one days King Edward recovered it again, but it cost him two great and desperate battles to regain it. And thus you have an account of the revolutions of England. King Edward caused numbers of persons to be put to death in many places, especially those that were guilty of any confederacy against him. Of all nations in the world, the English are most inclined to such battles. After this fight. King Edward enjoyed continual peace till his death, yet not without some troubles and afflictions of mind; but I shall forbear saying any more about English affairs, till I can do it more conveniently in another place.
Note 1. This battle was fought near Tewkesbury, in Gloucestershire, on the 4th of May, 1471.
Note 2. "Queen Margaret and her son," says Hume, " were taken prisoners, and brought to the king, who asked the prince, in an insulting manner, how he dared to invade his dominions? The young prince, more mindful of his high birth than of his present fortune, replied that he came thither to claim his just inheritance. The ungenerous Edward, insensible to pity, struck him on the face with his gauntlet: and the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, Lord Hastings, and Sir Thomas Gray, taking the blow as a signal for further violence, hurried the prince into the next apartment, and there despatched him with their daggers." Commines says erroneously that he fell on the field.