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Tudor Books, Chronicle of Queen Jane and Two Years of Queen Mary 1553
Chronicle of Queen Jane and Two Years of Queen Mary 1553 is in Chronicle of Queen Jane and Two Years of Queen Mary.
The MS. being now imperfect, as well as incorrectly bound up, its earliest portion in point of date commences in the midst of a passage relating to the Duke of Northumberland's preparations to march against the lady Mary on the 13th of July, which Stowe has extracted. A few introductory paragraphs from Stowe, which were probably taken by that chronicler, either in whole or in part, from our MS., will render the course of events distinct from the time of king Edward's death:
06 Jul 1553. KING EDWARD (age 15) died at Greenwich, on the 6th July 1553, "towards night."a The event was kept perfectly secret during the next day;b but measures were taken to occupy and fortify the Tower of London [Map].c On "the 8. of July the lord maior of London was sent for to the court then at Greenwich, to bring with him sixe aldermen, as many merchants of the staple, and as many merchant adventurers, unto whom by the Councell was secretly declared the death of king Edward, and also how hee did ordaine for the succession of the Crowne by his letters pattents, to the which they were sworne, and charged to keep it secret."d
Note a. Letter of the council to sir Philip Hoby (age 48), ambassador with the emperor, printed in Strype's Memorials, 1721, ii. 430. It was not written until the 8th of the month, and is silent regarding the successor to the throne. Mary (age 37), in her letter to the lords of the council, dated from Kenynghall [Map] on the 9th of July (printed in Foxe's Actes and Monuments), also states that she had learned from some advertisement that the king her brother had died on Thursday (the 6th) at night last past.
Note b. Northumberland's (age 49) intention was to keep the death of the king a secret, until he should have obtained possession of the person of the lady Mary, who had been summoned to visit her brother, and was at no further distance from London than the royal manor of Hunsdon in Hertfordshire. But there were not wanting about the court those who from attachment to Mary, or from self-interest, ventured to incur the hazard of conveying to her this momentous intelligence; whereupon she immediately took alarm, and rode off towards the eastern coast, from which she might have escaped to the continent, had such a step become necessary. Many writers assert that it was the earl of Arundel (age 41) who made a private communication to her. I have not found any contemporary authority for this statement; but sir Nicholas Throckmorton (age 38), in his poetical autobiography (MS. Cole, vol xl. p. 272, verses 111, 112, 113, 114), claims the credit of having been the officious person. He had been a favourite servant of king Edward; and on his royal master's death,
"Mourning, from Greenwich I didd strayt departe
To London, to an house which bore our name.
My bretheren guessed by my heavie hearte
The King was dead, and I confess'd the same:
The hushing of his death I didd unfolde,
Their meaninge to proclaime queene Jane I tolde.
And, though I lik'd not the religion
Which all her life queene Marye hadd profest,
Yett in my mind that wicked motion
Right heires for to displace I did detest.
Causeless to proffer any injurie,
I meant it not, but sought for remedie.
Wherefore from four of us the newes was sent,
How that her brother hee was dead and gone;
In post her goldsmith then from London went,
By whome the message was dispatcht anon.
Shee asked,' If wee knewe it certainlie?'
Whoe said,' Sir Nicholas knew it verilie.'
The author bred the errand's greate mistrust:
Shee fear'd a traine to leade her to a trapp.
Shee saide,' If Robert had beene there shee durst
Have gag'd her life, and hazarded the happ.'
Her letters made, shee knewe not what to doe:
Shee sent them oute, butt nott subscrib'd thereto."
By "Robert" the lady Mary meant sir Robert Throckmorton, one of the four brothers.
Note c. See the Diary of Henry Machyn, p. 35. for 07 July 1553.
Note d. It appears most probable that this was the first intimation which the citizens had received of the existence of the letters patent: and that it was on this occasion that, being "sworn to them," they affixed their signatures, although the document had been previously executed on the 21st of June. No fewer than thirty-two signatures follow that of the lord mayor, but the parties were perhaps not all citizens, and from the arrangement of their names in the existing transcript (mentioned in the following note b ) it would be difficult to distinguish which were the aldermen, which the merchants of the staple, and which the merchant adventurers.
10 Jul 1553. The 10. of July, in the afternoone, about 3. of the clocke, lady Jane (age 17) was convayed by water to the Tower of London [Map], and there received as queene.a After five of the clocke, the same afternoone, was proclamation made of the death of king Edward the sixt, and how hee had ordained by his letters pattents bearing date the 21. of June last pastb that the lady Jane should be heire to the Crowne of England, and the heire males of her body, &c.
Note. a. Dr. Peter Heylyn, in his History of the Reformation, fol. 1674, p. 159, has described the interview supposed to have taken place between the dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk and their daughter the lady Jane, when they waited upon her on the morning of the 10th of July, and then first made known to her the fatal diadem to which she was destined. The scruples of the gentle heiress were overcome with much difficulty, and the whole course of argument, pro et contra, is stated at considerable length. I believe, however, that this is only one of those dramatic scenes in which historical writers formerly considered themselves justified in indulging, as I have not been able to trace it to any earlier authority. Its verisimilitude may indeed be justified by the passage of the duke of Northumberland's speech recorded by our present chronicler (p. 6), "Who, by your and our enticement, is rather of force placed therein, than by her own seeking and request." However, having been adopted by the writer of the Life of Lady Jane Grey in the Biographia Britannica, it is followed as authentic history by many subsequent writers. The more recent authors (including sir Harris Nicolas, Mr. P. F. Tytler, and Mr. Aungier the historian of Syon-house and Isleworth) have placed the scene of this interview at Syon; but Heylyn himself fixed it at Durham-house in the Strand: which was the duke of Northumberland's town mansion, and where the lady Jane's marriage had been celebrated only a few weeks before. Here Heylyn might well suppose she would be lodged at this critical period of her father-in-law's conspiracy. The fact, however, seems to have been otherwise. In the chronicle of the Grey Friars (which will be found in the Appendix) she is stated to have come down the river from Richmond to Westminster, and so to the Tower of London. If, then, she was supposed to have come from Richmond, she may very well have come from Syon, which was also at this time in the hands of the duke of Northumberland.
Note. b. Scarcely any of our historical writers show an acquaintance with these letters patent, though they have been conversant with the substance of them from the recital which is made in queen Jane's proclamation. A copy of the letters patent exists among Ralph Starkey's collections in the Harl. MS. 35, bearing this attestation: "This is a true coppie of Edward the Sixte his Will [this terme is misapplied], takene out of the original! undere the greate scale, which sir Robart Cottone delyvered to the King's Ma tie the xij th of Apprill 1611 at Roystorne to be canseled." From this source the document is printed, in connection with the lady Jane's trial, in Cobbett's State Trials; and Mr. Howard, in his Lady Jane Grey and her Times, pp. 213-216, has described its contents.
It is set forth in these letters patent that the king intended to complete this settlement of the crown by making a will, and by act of Parliament: thus following the precedent of his father Henry the Eighth's settlement, which this was to supersede (see an essay by the present writer in the Archaeologia, vol. xxx. p. 464). But the rapid termination of king Edward's illness prevented these final acts of ratification; and Northumberland, in consequence, could only rely upon the validity of the letters patent, which had passed the great seal upon the 21st of June.
There are, besides the letters patent, two other documents extant, marking the earlier stages of this bold attempt to divert the succession.
Note. 1. The king's "own devise touching the said succession." This was "first wholly written with his most gracious hand, and after copied owt in his Majesties presence, by his most high commandment, and confirmed with the subscription of his Majesties owne hand, and by his highnes delivered to certain judges and other learned men to be written in full order." It was written in six paragraphs, to each of which Edward attached his signature. Burnet has printed the whole in his History of the Reformation, Documents, book iv. no. 10, from the MSS. of Mr. William Petyt, now in the Inner Temple Library. Strype, in the Appendix to his Life of Cranmer, has printed the first four clauses only, from the same manuscript, the fifth and sixth having, as Burnet remarks, been erased with a pen, but not so as to render them illegible nor was it intended to cancel them, for they are followed in the letters patent.
Note. 2. An instrument of the Council, undated, but signed at the head by the King, and at its close by twenty-four councillors, &c. in which they "promise by their oaths and honors to observe, fully perform, and keep all and every article, branch, and matter contained in the said writing delivered to the judges and others." This also is printed both by Burnet and Strype.
Besides these documents, three very important papers in reference to this transaction are, 1. the narrative of chief justice Montagu, printed in Fuller's Church History; 2. sir William Cecill's submission to queen Mary, printed in Howard's Lady Jane Grey and Tytler's Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary; and 3. his servant Alford's statement as to Cecill's conduct at this crisis, written in 1573, and printed in Strype's Annals, vol. iv. p. 347.
12 Jul 1553. The 12. of July word was brought to the Councell, being then at the Tower [Map] with the lady Jane (age 17), that the lady Mary was at Keninghall castle [Map] in Norfolk, and with her the earle of Bath (age 54), sir Thomas Wharton (age 33) sonne to the lord Wharton (age 58), sir John Mordaunt (age 45) sonne to the lord Mordaunt (age 73), sir William Drury (age 3),a sir John Shelton (age 50), sir Henry Bedingfield (age 44), master Henry Jerningham (age 41), master John Sulierde, master Richard Freston, master sergeant Morgan, master Clement Higham of Lincolnes inne, and divers others; and also that the earle of Sussex and master Henry Ratcliffe his sonne were comming towards her: whereupon by speedy councell it was there concluded, that the duke of Suffolk, with certaine other noblemen, should goe towards the lady Mary, to fetch her up to London. This was first determined; but by night of the same day the said voyage of the duke of Suffolke was cleane dissolved by the speciall meanes of the lady Jane his daughter, who, taking the matter heavily, with weeping teares made request to the whole councell that her father might tarry at home in her company: whereupon the councell perswaded with the duke of Northumberland to take that voyage upon him, saying that no man was so fit therefor, because that he had atchieved the victory in Norfolke once already,b and was therefore so feared, that none durst once lift up their weapon against him: besides that, he was the best man of warre in the realme; as well for the ordering of his campes and souldiers both in battell and in their tents, as also by experience, knowledge, and wisedome, he could animate his army with witty perswasions, and also pacific and alay his enemies pride with his stout courage, or else to disswade them if nede were from their enterprise. "Well (quoth the duke then) since ye thinke it good, I and mine will goe, not doubting of your fidelity to the quenes majestie, which I leave in your custodie." So that night hee sent for both lords, knights, and other that should goe with him, and caused all things to be prepared accordingly. Then went the councell in to the lady Jane and told her of their conclusion, who humbly thanked the duke for reserving her father at home, and beseeched him to use his diligence, whereto he answered that hee would doe what in him lay.
Note a. Sir William Drury, for his services "at Framlingham," received, by patent dated the 1st Nov. following, an annuity of 100 marks: see it printed in Rymer's Foedera, xv. 352. A like annuity of 200 marks was granted on the 14th Nov. to Thomas West lord la Warre for his services against the duke (ibid. p. 352); one of 100. on the 4th Dec. to sir Richard Southwell (ibid. p. 355); and one of 501. on the 10th Feb. to Francis Purefay for his services at Framlingham (ibid. p. 365). Probably many others, unnoticed by Rymer, are recorded on the Patent Rolls.
Note b. In the suppression of Kett's rebellion.
13 Jul 1553. The morrow following great preparation was made. The duke (age 49) early in the morning calleda for all his owne harnes, and sawe yt made redy. At Duram Place he apoynted all the retenue to mete. The same day cartes were laden with munytion, and artyllery and felde peces prepared for the purpose. The same forenoone he moved eftesones the counsell to sende theire powers after him, as yt was before determyned, which should have met him at Newmarket, and they promysed him they wolde. He saide further to some of them, "My lordes, I and theis other noble personages, and the hole army, that nowe go furthe, aswell for the behalfe of you and yours as for the establishing of the queues highnes, shall not onely adventer our bodyes and lives amongest the bludy strokes and cruell assaltes of our adversaryes in the open feldes, but also we do leave the conservacion of our selves, children, and fameUies at home here with you, as altogether comytted to your truths and fydellyties, whom if we thought you wolde through malice, conspiracie, or discentyon leave us your frendes in the breers and betray us, we coulde aswell sondery waies foresee and provide for our owne savegardes as eny of you by betraying us can do for youres. But now upon the onely truste and faythefullnes of your honnours, wherof we thincke ourselves moste assured, we do hassarde and jubarde our lives, which trust and promise yf ye shall violate, hoping therby of life and promotyon, yet shall not God counte you innocent of our bloodes, neither acquite you of the sacred and holley othe of allegiance made frely by you to this vertuouse lady the queues highenes, who by your and our enticement is rather of force placed therin then by hir owne seking and request Consider also that Goddes cause, which is the preferment of his worde and the feare of papestry's re-entrance, hathe been as ye have herebefore allwaies layed,b the oryginall grounde wherupon ye even at the first motyon granted your goode willes and concentes therunto, as by your handes writinges evidentlie apperith. And thincke not the contrary, but if ye meane deceat, thoughe not forthwith yet hereafter, God will revenge the same. I can sale no more; but in theis troblesome tyme wishe you to use constaunte hartes, abandoning all malice, envy, and privat affections."
Note a. Here commences our Manuscript, at f. 31 of the Harleian volume No. 194, as now incorrectly bound.
Note b. i. e. alleged; printed said in Stowe.
13 Jul 1553. Therewith-all the first course for the lordes came uppe. Then the duke (age 49) did knit uppe his talke with theis words: "I have not spoken to you on this sorte upon any distrust I have of your truthes, of the which allwaies I have ever hitherto conceaved a trusty confidence; but I have put you in remembrance therof, what chaunce of variaunce soever might growe emongest you in myne absence; and this I praye you, wishe me no worse goode spede in this journey then ye wolde have to yourselves." "My lorde, (saith one of them,) yf ye mistrust eny of us in this matter, your grace is far deceaved; for which of us can wipe his. handes clene therof? And if we should shrincke from you as one that were culpable, which of us can excuse himself as guiltles? Therefore herein your doubt is too farre cast." "I praie God yt be so (quod the duke); let us go to dyner." And so they satt downe.
13 Jul 1553. After the dyner the duke (age 49) went into the quene (age 17), wher his comyssion was by that tyme sealed for his liefetenantship of the armye, and ther he tooke his leave of hir; and so dyd certayn other lordes also. Then, as the duke cam thoroughe the counsayle chamber, he tooke his leave of the erle of Arundell (age 41), who praied God be with his grace; saying he was very sory yt was not his chaunce to go with him and beare him companye, in whose presence he coulde fynde in his harte to spende his bloode, even at his foote. Then my lorde of Arundell tooke also my lordes boy Thomas Lovell (age 27) by the hande, and saide, "Farewell, gentyll Thomas, with all my harte." Then the duke cam downe, and the lorde marques (age 41),a my lorde Grey, with diverse other, and went out of the Tower and tooke their boote and went to Dyrrame Place or Whithall, wher that night they musteryd their company in names, and the next day in the morning the duke departed, to the nomber of vj c men or theraboutes. And as they went thoroughe Shordyshe [Map], saieth the duke to one that rid by him,b "The people precec to se us, but not one sayeth God spede us."
Note a. The marquess of Northampton.
Note b. Stowe has altered this to the lord Grey.
Note c. presse in Stowe.
13 Jul 1553. By this tyme worde was broughte to the quene (age 17) at the Tower [Map] that sir Edmonde Peckham (age 58), sir Edward Hastings (age 32), and the lorde Windsore (age 54), with others, were upp proclayming quene Mary (age 37) in Buckinghamshire.a
Note a. See the commissions addressed to several commanders to suppress the rebellion in Buckinghamshire, in the Catalogue of State Papers of the reign of queen Jane in the Appendix.
13 Jul 1553. Note, thisse dale also sir John Gates (age 49) went oute. The morowe followinge ther was sent after the duke (age 49) the cartes with munytion and the ordenance.
12 Jul 1553. The xij th dale the lady Mary (age 37) sent to Norwich [Map] to be proclaymed, but they wolde not, because they were not certeyn of the kinges death; but within a daye after they dyd not only proclayme hir, but also sent men and weapons to ayde hir.
13 Jul 1553. The xiij th daie ther cam dyverse gentyllmen with ther powers to quene Maries (age 37) suckour.
13 Jul 1553. About this tyme or therabouts the vj. shippes that were sent to lie befor Yarmothe [Map], that if she had fled to have taken hir, was by force of wether dreven into the haven, w(h)er about that quarters one maister Gerningham was ray sing power on quene Maryes (age 37) behalfe, and hering therof came thether. Wherupon the captaynes toke a bote and went to their shipes. Then the marynours axed maister Gernyngham what he wolde have, and wether he wolde have their captaynes or no; and he said, "Yea, mary." Saide they, "Ye shall have theym, or els we shall throwe theym to the bottom of the sea." The captaynes, seing this perplexity, saide furthwith they wolde serve quene Mary gladlie; and so cam fourthe with their men, and convayed certeyn great ordenaunce; of the which comyng in of the shipes the lady Mary and hir company were wonderfull joyous, and then afterwarde doubted smaly the duke's puisance. And as the comyng of the shipes moche rejoyced quene Mary's party, even so was it as great a hart-sore to the duke (age 49), and all his campe, whose hartes wer all-redy bent agaynst him. But after once the submyssyon of the shipes was knowne in the Tower [Map]a eche man then began to pluck in his homes; and, over that, worde of a greater mischief was brought to the Tower the noblemen's tenauntes refused to serve their lordes agaynst quene Mary. The duke he thought long for his succours, and writ somewhat sharplie to the counsayll here in that behalfe, aswell for lacke of men as munytion: but a slender answer he had agayn.
Note a. This passage, together with those that follow, shows that the Chronicler was still writing in the Tower of London.
13 Jul 1553. By this tyme newes was brought that sir John Williams was also proclamyng quene Mary (age 37) in Oxfordeshire. From that tyme forwarde certayne of the counsayll, that is, the erle of Penbroke (age 52) and the lorde warden (age 68),b sought to go out of the Tower to consult in London, but could not as yet.
Note b. Thomas lord Cheney.
16 Jul 1553. The xvj th daye of July the lorde highe treasurer (age 70)c was going to his howse in London at night, and about vij. of the clocke the gates of the Tower [Map] upon a sudden was shut, and the keyes caryed upp to the quene Jane (age 17); but what the cause was I knowe not. The noyes in the Tower was that ther was a seale lackinge; but many men thought they surmysed that but the truthe was she feared some packinge in the lorde treasurer, and so they dyd fetch him at xij. of the clocke in the night from his house in London into the Tower.
Note c. The marquess of Winchester.
19 Jul 1553. Note here, the xlx th day at night he harde howe that quene Mary (age 37) was proclaymed in London. And the next morning he called for a herolde and proclaymed hir himself.b Within an hower after he had lettresc from the counsell here that he should forthwith dismysse his armye, and not to come within x. myles of London, or els they wolde fight with him. The rumour hereof was no sooner abrode but every man departyd. Then was the duke (age 49) arested, by the mayre of the towne of Cambridge [Map] some say, some say by mr. Thomas Myldemay at the quenes commandement.d At last cam lettres from the counsell of London that all men shoulde go eche his waye. Then saide the duke to certayn that kepte him, "Ye do me wrong to withdrawe my libertye; se you not the counselles lettres, without exception, that all men should go whether they wolde?" At which wordes they than sett them agayn at libertye, and so contynued they all night; in so moche that the erle of Warwicke (age 26) was booted redy to have ryden in the mornynge. Then came the erle of Arundell (age 41), who had ben with the quene, to the duke into his chamber; and when the duke knewe therof he came out to mete him; and assone as ever he sawe the erle of Arundell he fell downe on his knees and desyred him to be goode to him, for the love of God. "And consider (saith he) I have done nothing but by the concentes of you and all the hole counsell." "My lorde (quod he), I am sent hether by the quenes majestic, and in hir name I do arest you." "And I obey it, my lorde (quod he), and I beseeche you, my lorde of Arundell (quod the duke), use mercy towardes me, knowing the case as yt is." "My lorde (quod the erle), ye shoulde have sought for mercy sooner; I must do according to my commandement." And therwith he commytted the charge of him to diverse of the garde and gentyllmen that stoode by. And so the duke contynued walking up and downe in the utter chamber almost ij howers; and once or twyce he wolde have gone to the bedd-chamber about some busynes, but he coulde not be sufferyd. Then was Thome and Coxe from him.
19 Jul 1553. At last the duke, loking throughe the window, spied the erle of Arundell passyd by; then he called to him, and said, "My lorde of Arundell; my lorde, I praye a worde with you." "What wolde ye have, my lorde?" sayde he. "I beseche your lordship," quod he, "for the love of God, let me have Coxe, one of my chamber, to wayt on me." "You shall have Tome a your boy," quod the erle of Arun- dell. "Alias, my lorde!" quod the duke, "what stede can a boye do me? I pray you let me have Coxe;" and so both Tome and Coxe were with him.b
Note b. The duke was brought to the Tower of London by the earl of Arundel on the 25th of July; see Machyn's Diary, p. 37.
The next portion of this interesting narrative is unfortunately lost; but a series of ex- tracts from news-letters, preserved in Ralph Starkey's Collections, MS. Harl. 353, pp. 139 et seq. apply so exactly to the period deficient, that they may be very properly here introduced.
19 Jul 1553. By a lettre, writtene in London, it appeareth that "the 19 of July, my lady Maryes grace was in the afternoone proclaymed queene of England heare in Londone, my lord of Northumberland, the lord admirall,c the marques of Northampton, the lord of Huntington, my lord Grey, my lord of Westmerlande, and divers others, beinge at Cambridge, proceeding in battaile towards hir grace, who lyethe at a castle in Norfolk.d Great was the triumphe hear at London; for my tyme I never sawe the lyke, and by the reporte of others the like was never seene. The nomber of cappes that weare throwne upe at the proclamation weare not to be tould. The earle of Pembroke threwe awaye his cape full of angelletes. I sawe myselfe money was throwne out at windowes for joy. The bonefires weare without nomber, and what with showtynge and crienge of the people, and ringinge of the belles, theare could no one heare almoste what another sayd, besides banketyngs and synging in the streete for joye. Theare was presente at the proclamation the earle of Pembroke, the earle of Shrewsbury, the earle of Arundell, my lord warden, my lord niayere, sir John Mason, sir John Cheeke, and divers other to the nomber of...; and, after the proclamation made in Cheapside, they all went to Poules to evensonge. The duke of Suffolk being at the Towerea at the makinge of the proclamation, and as some saye did not knowe of it, but so soone as he herd of it, he came himselfe out of the Towere, and comaunded his men to leave their wepones behinde them, sayenge that hee him selfe was but one man, and him- selfe proclaymed my lady Maryes grace queene on the Towere hille, and so came into London, levinge the leiftenaunt in the Towere.
"Greate stire was in Northamptonshire about proclayminge of hir. Yesterday at Northampton sir Thomas Treshame (age 53) proclaymed hir with the ayd and helpe of the towne, beinge borne amongeste them, whether he would or not; ser Nicholas Throgmorton (age 38) beinge presente, withstandinge him to his powere, was drivene for safetye of his lyfe to take a howse, and so beinge borne amongeste divers gentlemen escaped with much adoe; the inhabitants would have killed him veri fayne.
"Sir Robarte Tirwite mustered yesterdaye in Northamptonshire to goe to my lord of Northumberland as many men as he could gette. Sir Thomas Tresham, receving like letters to muster for my lord of Northumberlande, would not goe. Sir John Williams hathe 6 or 7000 men thear, as Richard Silliard saythe, and thear is with him sir Edmonde Peckham, the sherive of Oxfordshire, the sherive of Northamptonshire, and divers others.
Sir John Gates and my lord Garret, who went downe with the garde to my lady Mary, as is crediblie reported, are both slayne,a1 and the moste parte of the garde gone to my lady Mary."
Note c. Edward lord Clinton.
Note d. Framlingham.
Note a. The party of the Council which made the Proclamation had left the Tower on the plea of giving audience to the French ambassador at Baynard's Castle. The earl of Arundel is represented as having been the chief instigator of this revolution, and a long address which he made to the assembled lords on the occasion is given in his Life by one of his chaplains, printed in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1833, vol. CHI. ii. 119.
a1. This report was untrue.
23 Jul 1553. A lettere written in London mentiones that the lord admirall, and the lords Greye (age 44),b Garret, Wormon,c and the lord Fitzwarren, sir Henry Sidney (age 24), and sir James Croffts (age 35), with divers others, have already their pardon graunted them.
The duke of Northumberland is in custody of the garde as a prisoner in Cambridge, and my ladie his wyfe, the lord Guilford (age 18), and the lady Jane (age 17), are in the Towere as prisoneres. My lord marques of Northampton, the earle of Huntingdon, sir Henry Gates, and divers other, cannot as yet gett their pardones."
Note b. William lord Grey of Wilton was the commander upon whose military talents the duke of Northumberland seems to have mainly relied: but lord Grey, who had been an adherent of the duke of Somerset, probably did not serve on this occasion very cordially. He seems to have left Northumberland when at Cambridge, and made his submission to Mary; who on her arrival at her manor of Newhall in Essex, on the 31st of July, dismissed him to his former charge of the castle of Guisnes, with a reinforcement of 350 footmen and 50 horsemen demi-lances: see her letters patent, printed in the Appendix to the Life of Lord Grey of Wilton, No. VI.
Note c. The earl of Ormond.
From London, 1 Aug. 1553. "Sir John Cheeke (age 39), with diveres others, whos names presently I cannot remember, be prisoners in the Towere.
29 Jul 1553. "The lady Elizabethes (age 19) grace came the 29. of July to Somerset place, well accompanyed with gentlemen, and others, righte strongly, and theare she rested a nighte, and the morowe ensuinge she went throwghe Cheapside to meete the queenes grace to London-wardes, who is loked for the 3. or 4. of Auguste.
24 Jul 1553. "Sethence the 24. of July, 6 of youre mend on horsbacke like souldieres, in coats of red and white, at youre cost and charges, have waited on sir Thomas Tresham (age 53) and sir Nicholas Throgmorton (age 38), to guarde the queen to London."
Note d. The name of the person to whom the letter is addressed is not preserved.
22 Aug 1553. On tuisdaie the xxijth of Auguste thir came into the Tower all the garde, with their wepons, and aboute ix. of the clocke the erle of Warwicke and sir John Gates were brought to the chappell and herde masse, receiving the sacrement. A lityll before the receyte wherof, they kneling before the alter, one doctour Boureman, which saide the masse, turned to theym from the alter, and saied theis wordes, or moche like, " And if ye do require to receive this holie sacrement of the body and blud of our savyour Christ, ye must not onelie confesse and beleve that he is ther reallie and naturally, very God and very man, yea the same God that died on the crosse for our redemption, and not a phantasticall God, as the heretykes wolde make him; but also ye must here openlie acknowledg and graunt your abuse and errour therin of long tyme had and don; and then I assure you ye shall receyve him to your salvacion, were ye never so detestable an offendour." Then said sir John Gates, " I confesse we have ben out of the waie a long tyme, and therfore we are wourthellie punished; and, being sory therfore, I axe God forgevnes therfore most humblie; and this is the true religion." In moche like sorte said the erle of Warwicke; and then one axed the other forgevenes, and required al men to forgeve theym as they forgave every man frelie.
22 Aug 1553. Then tourned mr. Gates to the lorde Courtney, saying, "I besiche you, sir, to forgeve me, for I have ben a pece of the cause of your contynuaunce in prison, not for eny hatred towardes you, but for feare that harm might come therby to my late younge maister." Then my lorde of Warwike axed him likewise forgevenes. (Memorandum, the duke of Somersettes sonnes stode by.) Then saide the preste to theyme, "I wolde ye should not be ignoraunt of God's mercy, which is infynyt; and lett not death feare you, for it is but a litell while, ywis, ended in one half hower. What shall I saie? I trust to God it shalbe to you a short passag (though somwhat sharpe), out of innumerable myseries into a most pleasaunt rest; which God graunt." The preist having spoken theis or moche like wordes, gave theym the host, whych being fynyshed, and the masse ended, they came fourthe agayne; and the erle of Warwicke was ledd to his lodging, and sir John Gates to the levetenauntes howse, where he remayned about half an hower and more. In thys meane tyme was sir Thomas Palmer brought into the levetenauntes garden, wher he walked with Watson, his gostlie father, aboute iij quarters of an hower, taking acquayntance of diverse gentyllmen, alwaies praying theym to forgeve and pray for him. His countenaunce never changed, but rather he semed more cherefull in countenaunce then when he was most at his libertye in his life-tyme. Anon, the sherive and sir John Gadge had made redy the indentures; then was sir John Gates brout out of the levetenauntes house, and sett at the garden gate; then the(y) went for the duke, who within a littell while cam fourthe, and sir Thomas Palmer after him; and at the garden gate the duke and sir John Gates mett and spake together. " Sir John," saieth the duke, " God have mercy upon us, for this daie shall ende bothe our lives. And I praye you forgeve me whatsoever I have offended; and I forgeve you with all my harte, althoughe you and your counsaill was a great occasion herof." " Well, my lorde," saithe sir John Gates, " I forgive you as I wolde be forgeven; and yet you and your auctoritye was the onely originall cause of all together; but the Lorde pardon you, and I praie you forgeve me." So, ether making obeasaunce to other, the duke preceded. The duke of Somerset's sonnes stoode therby.
22 Aug 1553. And when he [John Dudley 1st Duke Northumberland (age 49)] came apon the scaffolde, first, he put of his gowne of crane-colored damaske, and then he leaned apon the raile towarde the est, and saide to the people, allmost in every poynt as he had saide in the chapella, saving that when he came to the confession of his belife tie saide, I trust, my lorde the bushopeb here will beare me witnes hereof." At the last he put of his jerkyn and doblet, and then saide his prayers; after which tyme the hangman reched to him a kerchef, which he dyd knit himself about his ees, and then layd him downe, and so was behedded.
Note a. "This present daye the duke of Northumberlande, sir John Gates, and master Palmere, came to executione, and suffered deathe. The duke's confessyon was in effecte but lytle, as I hard saye; hee confessed himselfe worthie to dye, and that he was a greate helper in of this religion which is false, thearfore God had punished us with the lose of kinge Henry 8, and also with the lose of king Edward 6, then with rebellione, and aftere with the swetinge sicknes, and yet we would not turne. Requiringe them all that weare presente to remember the ould learninge, thankinge God that he would vutsafe to call him nowe to be a Christyane, for this 16 yeares he had byne non. Theare weare a greate nomber turned with his words. He wished every man not to be covetous, for that was a greate parte of his distruction. He was asked further yf he had any thinge moare to saye, and he said nothinge but that he was worthie to dye, and so was moe than he, but he cam to dye, and not to accuse any mane. And thus bouldly he spak, tyll he layd his head on the block." (Letter of William Dalby, as before cited.) Another account of the duke of Northumberland's confession, from the MS. Harl. 284, is printed in Bayley's History of the Tower of London, Appx. p. xlviii.; and by Tytler, vol. ii. p. 230, who refers to others in MS. Cotton, Titus, B II. in MS. Reg. 12 A 26 (in Latin), and an abstract in MS. Harl. 2194.
Note b. Nicholas Heath (age 52), bishop of Worcester.
22 Aug 1553. Afterwardes cam sir John Gates; and after a few wordes spokena he would have no kerchef, but laed downe his hed; where at iij. blowes his hed was striken of.
Note a. Sir John Gates's confession, as stated in the MS. Harl. 284, is printed in the Appendix to Bayley's History of the Tower of London, p. xlix.
22 Aug 1553. Next cam sir Thomas Palmer,c who assoone as he cam to the scaffolde toke every man by the hand, and desired them to praye for him; then putting of his gowne, he leaned upon the est raile and saide theis or moche-like wordes in effecte: "My maisters, God save you; yt is not unknowne unto you wherfore I am come hither, which I have wourthellie well deserved at God's hande, for I knowe yt to be his devine ordenaunce by this mean to call me to his mercy, and to teache me to knowe myself, what I am, and wherto we ar all subjecte. I thancke his mercyfull goodenes, for he hathe caused me to learne more in one littell darke corner in yonder Tower, then ever I learned by eny travaille in so many places as I have bene; for ther I say I have sene God, what he is, and howe unserchable his wonderouse works ar, and howe infynite his mercyes be. I have sene ther myself thorowhlie, and what I am; nothing but a lompe of synne, earthe, dust, and of all vylenes most vilest. I have seen ther and knowne what the hole worlde is, howe vayne, decetefull, transytorie, and short yt is; howe wicked and lothesome the works therof ar in the sight of God's majesty; how he neither regardeth the manaces of the proud men and mighty ones, nether despiseth the simplenes of the pore and lolie, which ar in the same worlde. Fynallie, I have seen ther what deathe is, howe nere hanging over every man's hed, and yet how uncertayn the tyme and howe unknowne to all men, and how littell it is to be feared. And shoulde I feare death, or be sad therfore? have I nott seene ij. die before myne eys, yea and within the hearing of myn eares? No, neither the sprinckling of the bludd or the shedding therof, nor the bludy axe itself, shall not make me afraied. And nowe, taking my leave to the same, I praye you all to praie for me. Come on, goode fellowe," quod he, " art tliou he that must do the dede? I forgeve the with all my harte." And then kneled downe, and laed his hed downe, saying, " I will se howe met the blocke is for my neck; I praie the strike me not yet, for I have a fewe prayers to say, and that done, strike in God's name, goode leave have thowe." His prayers enden, and desyring eche man to praie for him, he layed downe his hed agayn, and so the hangman toke yt from him at one stroke. Theyr corpes, with the hedes, wer buryed in the chapell in the Tower; the duke at the highe alter, and the other too at the nether ende of the churche. You must understande that sir Thomas Palhner had moche longer talke on the scaffolde, but that afore rehersed was in maner the some therof.
Note c. "Then came sir Thomas Palmere, who when hee was upon the scaffold pute of his cape to the auditory and sayd: 'God geve you all good morowe,' and divers did byd him god morowe againe, and he replyed and sayd, 'I doe not doubt but that I have a good morowe, and shall have I truste a better good even. Good frends (quothe he) I am come hether to dye, for I have lyved heare under a lawe, and have offended the same, and for my so doinge the same lawe fyndethe me guilty, hathe condemned me to ende heare my lyfe this daye; for the which I give God thankes, in that he whichshewed me the thinge which I have seene, and which also I knowe to be juste and trewe, and that is this, I have since my cominge out of yonder place (pointing to the Towere) seene with myne eyes my Redeemere sittinge at the right hand of God the Father, in glory and majesty equall, whose powere is infinite, and in whome whoso puttethe his truste shall nevere be deceaved, and as he is almighty so can he doe what he lystethe, and to whom he wille, and when he will, and non in the heven above nor in the earthe beneathe can or maye let [i. e. withstand] his determinate will; by whom I lyve, by whom I am, and in whom I truste to lyve eternally. I have, as some of you doe knowe, good people, bine a man not altogether noreshid in England, but some parte of my brede I have eaten in other realmes; but to saye that befoare nowe I did [know] God arighte, the worlde arighte, or myselfe arighte, I did nevere. And nowe what I have sayde ye knowe. I saye God is such a one that without thowe wilt sit downe and behould the heavenes above, the sonne and moone, the starres above the firmament, the course of the sonne and moone, starres and clowds, the earthe with all that in them is, and howe they be all preserved, thow shalt nevere knowe God aright. The world is altogether vanity, for in it is nothinge but ambition, flatery, foolishe or vaine glory, pride, disorder, slander, bostinge, disdayne, hatred and mallis; all which thinges the same God that made the world, or as they saye man, which heare I compare to the world, dothe utterly deteste and abhor; in the which offences I have bine so noseled, that nowe, havinge a juste occasione to looke into myne owne selfe, I have seen nothing but a bodye voyde of all goodnes, filthie, a stinking karkas, worse then donge of beastes, a very miserable creature, and yet the verie worke of the mighti hand of God. But yet, notwithstandinge, in nowe knowinge my Creator arighte, I doe not thinke any sinne to be that I have not byne plunged even into the middeste of it; for the which prayinge God to pardon me, willinge you and prayinge you to praye for me and withe me unto the Lord my God and your God, which God I faithfully beleeve is in heaven, and at the laste daye shall with all triumphe come againe into this worlde, judginge the same by fyere. And nowe I will bide you all farwelle, prayenge you all to forgeve me, and to saye, the Lord receave me to his mercy, when you shall see the axe passe between my head and shoulders.' And so did prepare him to the deathe." Letter written in London by John Rowe, 24 Aug. 1563, in Starkey's transcripts, MS. Harl. 353.
18 Aug 1553. Note, that the [18th] daye of August ther was a proclamationa set out by the queues highnes, that she willed all men to embrace that religion which all men knew she had of long tyme observed, and ment, God willing, to contynue the same; willing all men to be quiet and not call men the names of heretyk or pa(pi)st, but eche man to live after the religyon he thought best untyll further order wer taken concernyng the same.
Note a. There is a copy of this proclamation in Foxe, vol. iii. p. 18; and its substance in Strype, Memorials, vol. iii. p. 25, Heylyn's Ecclesiastical History, 1674, p. 193.
29 Aug 1553. bNote, that on tuisdaie the xxixth of Auguste, I dyned at Partrige's house with my lady Jane (age 17), being ther present, she sitting at the hordes ende, Partrige, his wife, Jacob my ladyes gentill woman, and hir man. She comanding Partrige and me to put on our cappes, emongest our communycacion at the dyner, this was to be noted: after she had once or twice droncke to me and bad me hartellie wellcome, saithe she, "The queues majesty is a mercyfull princes; I beseche God she may long contynue, and sende his bountefull grace apon hir." After that, we fell in (discourse of1) mattiers of religion; and she axed what he was that preched at Polles on sonday beefore; and so it was tolde hir to be one (blank in MS.) "I praie you," quod she, "have they masse in London?" "Yay, for suthe," quod I, "in some places." "Yt may so be" quod she, "yt is not so strange as the sodden convertyon of the late duke; for who wolde have thought," saide she, " he would have so don? " Yt was aunswered her," Perchance he thereby hoped to have had his pardon." "Pardon?" quod she; "wo worthe him! he hathe brought me and our stocke in most myserable callamyty and mysery by his exceeding ambicion. But for th' aunswering that he hoped for life by his tourning, thoughe other men be of that opynion, I utterly am not; for what man is ther lyving, I pray you, although he had been innocent, that wolde hope of life in that case; being in the felde ageinst the quene in person as generall, and after his taking so hated and evell spoken of by the comons? and at his coming into pryson so wonderyed at2 as the like was never harde by any man's tyme. Who was judge that he shoulde hope for pardon, whose life was odyous to all men? But what will ye more? like as his life was wicked and full of dissimulacion, so was his ende therafter. I pray God, I, nor no frende of myne, dye so. Shoulde I, who (am) yonge and in my fewers,3 forsake my faythe for the love of lyfe? Nay, God forbed! moche more he should not, whose fatall course, allthoughe he had ly ved his just noumber of yeres, coulde not have long contynued. But life was swete, it appeered; so he might have lyved, you will saye, he dyd (not) care howe. Indede the reason is goode; for he that wolde have lyved in chaynes to have had his lyfe, by like wold leave no other meane attempted. But God be mercyfull to us, for he sayeth, Whoso denyeth him before men, he will not knowe him in his Father's kingdome." With this and moche like talke the dyner passyd away; which ended, I thanked her ladyship that she would witsafe accept me in hir companye; and she thancked me likewise, and sayd I was weUcome. She thancked Partrige also for bringing me to dyner. "Madam," saide he, "wee wer somewhat bolde, not knowing that your ladyship dyned belowe untyll we fonde your ladyship ther." And so Partrig and I departed.
Note b. MS. f. 46, b. — This highly interesting passage has been unknown to the modern biographers of Lady Jane Grey, though it has been once extracted, and printed, when the MS. was in the possession of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, in his pamphlet intitled "The Primitive Practice of preserving Truth. 1645." 4to. Sir Simonds has there appended to it the following remarks: "How justly may the masculine constancie of this excellent lady, whose many vertues the pens of her very enemies have acknowledged, rise up in judgement against all such poore spirits, who for feare of death, or other outward motives, shall deny God and his truth, and so crown the trophees of the antichristian or mongrill adversaries by their lamentable apostasie. For what shee here spake christianly, sbee within a few moneths afterwards performed constantly, her life being taken from her on the 12th day of February, 1553, having lived first to see Mr. Harding, her father's chaplain, revolted to Antichrist, to whom she wrote an effectual letter of admonition and reproof, published by Mr. Fox in his Acts and Monuments, p. 1291, not unworthy the perusall of the ablest Christians and greatest doctors." In Foxe also, and in most of her biographies, will be found the lady Jane's conference with Dr. Feckenham, who was sent by queen Mary to persuade her to lie reconciled to the church of Rome.
Note 1. These words are inserted in the MS. by sir Simonds D'Ewes.
Note 2. i. e. apparently, gazed at without sympathy.
Note 3. So the MS. probably for "few years." Sir Simonds D'Ewes so understood it, but altered the phrase to "the flower of my yeeres."
04 Sep 1553. 1The iiij. daye of September, ther was ij. proclamations set out, the one forgeving the subsydy, and the other for the stabling2 of certen coynes, as the grot, ijd. and id. and certen golde coynes.
Note, that at the proclamacion for remytting the subsydy, ther was a mervaylouse noyes of rejoysinge, and gevyng the queene thankes, in Chepesyde, by the people for the same.
Note 1. MS. fol. 57, b.
Note 2. i. e. establishing? Both these proclamations are noticed under the same date in Stowe's Chronicle.
Sep 1553. Note, that the (blank) daye of September, the lord Ferris (age 65)1, the lord chefe justice Chumbley (age 58)2, and the lorde Montegue (age 68)3, wer dysmyssed of ther imprysonement in the Tower.
Note 1. Walter Devereux, who had been created viscount Hereford in 1550, though both in this Diary and in that of Machyn he is still called lord Ferrars, and by Stowe lord Ferrers of Chartley. In the register of the Privy Council he is properly styled viscount Hereford. He had married lady Mary Grey, aunt to the duke of Suffolk (age 36).
Note 2. Sir Roger Cholmley: see notes to Machyn 's Diary, p. 368.
Note 3. Sir Edward Montagu: see notes to Machyn's Diary, p. 356.
14 Sep 1553. Note, that the (xiiij.1) daie of September, maister Latamer (age 66)2 was brought to the Tower prisoner, who at his coming in saide to one Rutter, a warder ther, "What, my olde frende, howe do you? I am nowe come to bee your neighbour agayne;" and was lodged in the garden in sir Thomas Palmer's lodging.
Note 1. These figures are filled in by a second hand.
Note 2. On the 24th August (the same day that bishop Gardiner was made lord chancellor), "Hugh Latymer clerke apeared before the lords, and for his sedicious demeanor was committed to the Tower, there to remaine a close prisoner, having attending upon him one Anstey his servant." Register of the Privy Council.
13 Sep 1553. Note, that the xiijth of this moneth mr. Cheke (age 39) a was dismissed out of his imprysonment in the Tower.
Note 1. Sir John Cheke.
14 Sep 1553. Item, the xiiijth of September, the busshope of Canterbury (age 64)1 was brought into the Tower as prysoner, and lodged in the Tower over the gate anenst the water-gate, wher the duke of Northumberland laye before his death.
Note 1. Thomas Cranmer.
14 Sep 1553. Note, about this daye, or the day before, my lady of Warwike (age 15) had licence to come to hir husbande (age 26); at the same tyme my lady Taylebushe (age 31), nowe my lorde Ambrose wif, had lycence to come to my lorde Ambrose (age 23); and he and my lorde Harry had the liberty of the leades over Cole Harbert. Likewise had the lorde Herry and the lord Guilforde the liberty of the leades on Beacham's tower; likewise had mr. Yorke the liberty of the leades on the Bell tower; the said tyme had my lorde marques and the erle of Huntingdon libertye to come to the chappell to masse a' dayes; like liberty had doctour Rydley (age 53), lat bushop of London.
Sep 1553. Note, that on Wenisdaie the (blank) daye of Septembre, ther was certayn raskalles or mariners that would have taken awaie the quenes horses at Greenwich, and meaned to have assembled on Blakheathe for that purpose, but they were prevented by syr Edward Hastings (age 32), who, at vij. of the clocke at night went thether with the garde and sondery other; and so the raskalles cam not accordinge to ther appoyntement.
27 Sep 1553. Note, that the xxvij. of September, the quenes majestye cam to the Tower by water towarde hir coronatione, and with hir the lady Elizabeth hir sister, with diverse other ladyes of name, and the hole counsayll. The lord Paiget bare the sworde before hir that daye. Before hir ary vail was shott of a peale of gonnes.
30 Sep 1553. Note, the last daie of September 1553, the queue came thoroughe London towardes hir coronation, sytting in a charret of tyssue, drawne with vj. horses, all betrapped with redd velvett She sat in a gown of blew velvet, furred with powdered arinyen, hangyng on hir heade a call of clothe of tynsell besett with perle and ston, and about the same apon her hed a rond circlet of gold, moche like a hooped garlande, besett so richely with many precyouse stones that the value therof was inestymable; the said call and circle being so massy and ponderous thai; she was fayn to beare uppe hir hedd with hir handes; and a canopy was borne over the char. Before hir rydd a iiomber of gentlemen and knightes, and then dyverse judges, then diverse doctours of dy vynity; then followed certeyn bushopes; after theym came certayn lordes; then followed most parte of hir counsaille; after whom followed xiij. knights of the bathe, every one in thir order, the names wherof were theis, the erle of Devonshire, the lorde of Cardyf, son to the erle of Pembroke, the erle of Aruiidell's son, being lorde Mountryvers1. Then followed the lorde of Winchester, being lorde chauncellor, the merques of Winchester, lorde highe treasurer, having the scale and mace before them; next came^the duke of Norfolk, and after him the erle of Oxforde, who bare the sworde before hir; sir Edward Hastinges led hir horse in his hande. After the quenes chariott cam another chariott having canapie all of one covereng, with cloth of sillver all whitt, and vj. horses betrapped with the same, bearing the said charyat; and therin sat at the ende, with hir face forwarde, the lady Elizabeth; and at the other ende, with her backe forwarde, the lady Anne of Cleves. Then cam theyre sondry gentyllwomen rydyng on horses traped with redd vellvet, after that charyet, and their gownes and kertelles of red vellvet likewise. Then rid sir Thomas Stradlyng after theym; then followed ij. other charyots covered with redd sattyn, and the horses betraped with the same; and certayne gentellwomen betwen every of the saide charyots rydyng in chrymesyn satteyn, ther horses betraped with the same. The nomber of the gentillwomen that rydd were xlvj. in noumber, besides theym that wer in the charyots.
Note 1. The rest of their names are omitted. A list of them has been given iu the notes to Machyn's Diary, p. 334.
30 Sep 1553. At Phanclmrche was one pageaunt made by the Geneways, and ther a childe dressed in a girles apparell was borne uppe by ij. men siting in a chaire, and gave the quene a salutation. At Gracechurche corner ther was another pageant made by the Esterlings, and theron was made a mount on hie, and a littell condyt which ran wyn. Upon the saide mount stoode iiij. childeren, which with certayn salutacions did likewise gratefye the quene. Over that ther was a device that maister (blank) flyed downe from the tope of the pageant as she ryd by. At the ende of Gracechurche ther was another pageant made by the Florentyns, very highe, on the toppe wherof ther stode iiij. pictures, and on the syde of them, on the highest toppe, ther stoode an angell clothed in grene, with a trompete in his hande, and he was made with suche a device that when the trornpeter, who stoode secretly in the pageant, ded blow his trornpet, the angell dyd put his trompet to his mowth, as though it should be he that blewe the same, to the marvaling of many ignorant persons. The pageant was made with iij. thorough-fares like gates, and on either syde of the great gat ther dyd hang ij. tables of clothe of sillver, wherin was wrytten certayn verses; the one table in Latten, and the other in Inglyshe myter, gratefyeng. And in the myds of the saide pageant ther stoode vj. persons clothed in longe colord gownes with coputances hats, who gave hir a salutacion of goode lucke. At the condyt in Cornehill, ther was a very prity pageant made very gorgosly, wheron ther set iij. childeren clothed in womens apparell; the myddlemost of theym, having a crowne on hir hedd, and a septer in hir hande, was called Grace; the other on her right hand, called Yertue, a cupp; and the other on her left hande, called Nature, a branch of olyf. And when the quene cam by, they in order kneled down, and every one of them sung certayn verses of gratefyeng the quene. Ther sonded also trompets on high.
30 Sep 1553. At the great conduit ther was also another pageant made by the cyty. At the lyttell condyt ther was another pageant, wheron stoode certayn children in women's apparell, and after a certayn oracion and salutacion ther was geven the quene, by one of the children, for the cyty, in a goodly purse a thousande li.1 which she most thankfully receyved.
Note 1. Stowe says " a thousand markes of golde."
30 Sep 1553. At the scholehouse in Palles church ther was certayn children and men sung dy verse staves in gratefying the quene1; ther she stayed a goode while and gave dilligent ere to their song.
Note 1. Here "maister Haywood sate in a pageant under a vine, and made to her an oration in Latin and English." Stowe.
30 Sep 1553. At this tyme a fellow who had made ij. scaffoldes apon the tope of Polles steeple, the one upon the ball therof, and the other upon the tope therof above that, and had set out viij. streamers vean grat1 apon the same scaffolde, having the red crosse and the sworde as the arms of the cyty of London doth geve; and he himself standing apon the veary toppe or backe of the wether cocke, dy(d) shake a lytel flag with his hande, after standing on one foot dy(d) shak his other legg, and then knelled on his knees apon the saide wether cock, to the great mervayle and wondering of all the people which behelde him, because yt was thought a mattyer iiupossyble.
Note 1. i. e. very great? Stowe describes this performance more fully. It was done by "one Peter a Dutchman," to whom the city gave £16. 13s. 4d. for his costs and pains, and all his stuff.
30 Sep 1553. Over agaynst the deanes house in Polles churche yarde ther was another pageant, wher on ether syde stoode sondery persons singing dyverse salutacions as the quene cam by, and certayn lyttell children stoode apon the pageant on highe, with tapers light and burning, which tapers wer made of most swete perfumes.
30 Sep 1553. 1At the condyt in Flet Street was likewis another pageant, which was made like a castell, wher was also diverse as well children as men, synging songes of rejoycing as she cam by.
Note 1. MS. f. 68.
01 Oct 1553. Memorandum, the first dale of October, 1553, was quene Mary crowned1; that dale she cam first by water to the old palice and ther tarryed tyll about xj. of the clocke, and then went to the churche on foot apon blew clothe being rayled on every syde; she was in a gown of blew velvett, lyned with pouderyd armyn, having the same cyrclet on hir hedd with the whiche she cam thorough London the daye before. She was ledd betwen one bushope and (blank), and many bishopes in their myters and crosiars before hir.
Note 1. The ceremonial of queen Mary's coronation has been published at considerable length in Mr. Blanche's Regal Records, 1837. 12mo. A document respecting the claims made to perform services on this occasion, was printed in the Camden Society's volume of Rutland Papers, p. 118.
1In the churche, before she was anoynted, the lorde chauncellour went to the foure corners of the no.. (?) and cried, "Yf eny man will or can alledge eny cause whie quene Mary shoulde not be crowned, let theym speke now:" and then the people in every place of the churche cryed, "Quene Mary! quene Mary!" Then the bushope of Winchester, being lorde chauncellour, proclaymed the quenes pardon, wherin was excepted all prysoners in the Tower, the Flet, certayn in the Mershallsey, and suche as had eny comandement to kepe the house, and certayn other.
Note 1. MS. f. 6
01 Oct 1553. Note, she was ledde iiij. or v. tymes on the alter, with so many and sondery cerymonyes in anoynting, crowning, and other olde customes, that it was past iij. almost iiij. of the clocke at night or ever she cam from the church agayn. And as she cam homeward ther was borne before her iij. swordes shethed, and one naked. She was ledd likewise betwen the old bushope of Dyrom (age 79)1 and (blank), having in hir hande a cepter of golde, and in hir other hande a ball of golde, which she twirled and tourned in hir hande as she came homewarde. She wore a chrymesyn vellvet gown, and a crown on hir hedd, every rely [erle?] and contesse following in crymesyn vellvet with crownets on ther hedds of gold. When she was enteryd in Westminster hall ther was ill scramble for the cloth and rayles; then was ther the wast meat cast out of the ketchen made under the pallaice wall with bordes, which was very muche of all kinde of meat. And when they had don casting out meat ther was no lesse scrambling for the ketchyn yt self, every man that wolde plucking downe the hordes therof, and carying yt away, that yt might welbe callyd a wast indedde.
Note 1. Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of Durham.
