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Tudor Books, Diary of Edward VI Volume 2, Diary of Edward VI 1549

Diary of Edward VI 1549 is in Diary of Edward VI Volume 2.

1549 Kett's Rebellion

1549 Prayer Book Rebellion

Jan 1549. Also the lord Sudeley admiral of England was condemned to death, and died the Marche ensuing.1 Sir Thomas Sharington was also condemned for making fals coine, wich he himself confessed;2 divers also were put in the Towre.

Note 1. The lord Sudeley's condemnation was by act of parliament, founded upon examinations taken by privy councillors. The parliament (says Stowe) "brake up on the 14 of March, and on the 20 of March the said lord Tho. Seimer was beheaded on Tower hill." The act of his attainder is printed in the Statutes of the Realm, and some extracts have been given in the present volume, at p. 54. The articles upon which the act was founded, and some of his replies thereto, are printed from the Council Book in Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. ii. Records, No. 31, and the warrant for his execution, ibid. No. 32. The examinations are extant in the State Paper office, and are printed in part by Tytler, as well as from other copies in the Burghley Papers, by Haynes.

Note 2. Respecting the misdemeanours of sir Thomas Sharington, as mint-master at Bristol, various documents are preserved in the Burghley Papers by Haynes. His confession, made in the Tower 2 Feb. 1548, is in Strype, Eccl. Memorials, ii. App. Z.

Feb 1549. Hum(e) castle was taken by night and treason by the Scottis. Mr. Wilford in a skirmish was left of his men sore hurt, and taken.3 Ther was a skirmish at Bouchtekrage, wherin mr. Lutrel4, capitain after mr. Dudley, did burne certain villages, and toke monsuiour de Toge prisonnier.

Note 3. "By a Gascoigne of the country of Basque called Pellicque, that won no smal commendation for that his good happe in taking such a prisoner, whose name for his often approved prowes was so famous among the enimies." Holihshed.

Note 4. Sir John Luttrell.

May 1549. The frenchmen by night assaulted Boulinberg5, and were manfully repulsed. After, the(y) had made fagottes with pich, tar, talow, rosia, powder, and wilefier, to burne the shippes in the havin of Bolein [Boulogne]. But thei wer driven away by the Boulenois, and there fagottes taken.

Note 5. Boulogne berg was a fort outside the town of Boulogne, which had been built by the English in 1546. The attack mentioned by King Edward took place on the night of May-day, 1549, when the place was successfally defended by its captain sir Nicholas Arnold. Its subsequent capture by the enemy is mentioned hereafter.

In Mr. Bowes' place1 who was Warden of the West Marches, was put the lord Dacre; and in the lord Gray's place2 the erle of Rutland, who after his comming entred Scoteland, and burnt divers villages, and toke moche pray.

Note 1. Sir Robert Bowes.

Note 2. As Warden of the East and Middle Marches.

May 1549. The peple began to rise in Wiltshier, where sir William Harbert (age 48) did put them downe, overrun, and slay them.3 Then the(y) rose in Sussex, Hamptshier, Kent, GlocitersMer, Sowthfolk, Warwickeshir, Essex, Hartfordshier, a pece of Lecitershier, Worcestershier, and Rutlandshier1, where by fair purswasions, partly of honestmen among them selfes and partly by gentlemen, thei were often appeased, and again, bicaus certain commissions wer sent downe to pluke downe inclosures, then did arise again.

Note 3. "In the month of May (says Stowe), by meanes of a proclamation for inclosures, the commons of Somersetshire and Lincolnshire made a commotion, and brake up certain parks of sir W. Herberd's and lord Sturton's, but sir W. Herberd slue and executed many of those rebels." For "Lincolnshire" in this passage should probably be read Wiltshire; but no further account of the disturbances in that county has been discovered, except that a local chronicle of Salisbury mentions an "uproar" occurring at Harnham hill, near that city. (Hatcher's History of Salisbury, fol. 1843, p. 261.) The "Proclamation for Inclosures," to which Stowe so ambiguously alludes, was the origin of all the insurrections and civil troubles that now ensued, and eventually of the protector's deposition and destruction. It was dated on the 1st June, 1548, and alleged that "of late by the inclosyng of landes and arable groundes in diverse and sundery places of this realme, many have been driven to extreme povertie, and compelled to leave the places where thei were borne, and to seke them livynges in other countreis, vdth greate misErle and povertie. Insomuche, that where as in tyme past, x. xx. yea, in some place c. or cc. christian people hath been inhabityng and kept houshold, to the bryngyng furthe and norishyng of youthe, and to the replenishyng and fiilfillyng of his majesties realmes with faithftdl subjectes, who might serve both almightie God and the Kynges majestie, to the defence of this reame, now there is nothynge kepte but shepe or bullockes: all that lande whiche heretofore was tilled and occupied with so many men, and did brynge furthe not onely diverse families in worke and labor, but also capons, hennes, chickens, pigges, and other suche furniture of the merkettes, is now gotten, by insaciable gredines of mynde, into one or two mennes handes, and scarsely dwelled upon with one poore shephard: so that the realme thereby is brought to a mervelous desolacion, houses decayed, parishes diminished, the force of the realme weakened, and Christian people, by the gredy covetousness of some men, eaten up and devoured of brute beasts, and driven from their houses by shepe and bullockes." This unfortunate manifesto so far encouraged the people to take the law into their own hands that in the follovfing summer it was judged necessary to issue another proclamation to a contrary effect. It is dated on the 14th June, 1549, and, in reference to the former proclamation, it states; "Upon this moste Godly warnyng, admonishement, and Proolamacion, whiche was to kepe ordre and lawes, his highnes is advertised that a greate nombre of rude and ignoraunt people, in certain shires of Englande, hath taken occasion, or at the least pretended to take occasion, of doyng greate and moste perilous and heinous disordre, and contrary to all good lawes and statutes, and th'ordre of this realme, have riotously, with routes and compeignies, with force, strength, and violence, of their owne hed and aucthoritie, assembled theimselfes, plucked doune mennes hedges, disparked their parkes, and beeyng led by furious and light guydes of uprore, taken upon theira the direccion of thynges, the Kynges royall power and sworde, and committed thereby such enormitie and offence, as thei have justly therefore deserved to lose life, landes, and goodes, and to bee made example to all other." This proclamation then proceeds to excuse them, "acceptyng that this outrage was dooen, rather of foly and of mistakyng the sayd Proclamacion, and at th'instigacion and mocion of certain leude and sedicious persones, then of malice or any evill will." Pardon therefore is proclaimed, and the proclamation concludes with threatening punishment in case of future like offences. (Original in the Society of Antiquaries' collection.)

The council repudiated the former of these proclamations, and, in the 10th article of their charges against the protector, alleged, "Also, you caused a proclamation to be made concerning enclosures, whereby the common people have made divers insurrections, and levied open war, and distrained and spoiled divers of the King's subjects; which proclamation went forth against the will of the whole council." The next article relates to a commission concerning inclosures of commons, highways, decaying of-cottages, &c. a copy of which is also preserved in the collection of the Society of Antiquaries; and the 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, and 16th articles allege various acts and speeches of the protector, which were calculated to encourage the rebels. Leaning to the popular side of this question, the duke of Somerset was overpowered by the great lords. In parliament they were less triumphant: a bill "for the appointing of parks" was passed in the upper house, by common assent of the peers, excepting the earl of Arundel (age 37), on the 4th Feb. 1548-9 (Lords' Journals, i. 337), but rejected by the commons on a division for the third reading, on the 11th March. (Commons' Journals, i. 10.)

Note 1. No detailed accounts of the insurrections in these counties are known to the present Editor. A letter of the earl of Huntingdon to the earl of Shrewsbury, written on the 12th September, briefly relates that he had been occupied by "such busynessys for the Kynges Matie, uppon a sturre of dyverse confederators that hadd intended a rebellyon within the counties of Rutland and Leycester, for wiche rebellyon ther have already dyrerse in the countie of Rutland byn condempned, and have suffred for the same, and this next week there shall dyvers other in the countie of Leycester be arrayned before me and the Kynges Mates justices of assyse, accordyng to his Matie's laws." Lodge's niustrations of British History, i. 134.

It is recorded that the insurrection in Essex deprived the Londoners of their usual supply of cheese: "there was no cheesys in Bartylmew fayer but soch as came owte of dyvers men's howsys within London that was not good, and the cause was for them that rose in Essex at that tyme." Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 62.

08 Aug 1549. The French king (age 30), perceiving this, caused warr to be proclaimed1, and, hearing that our shippes lay at Jersey, sent a great nombre of his galeis, and certein shippes to surprend our shippes; but thei laying at anker bett the French, that they war fain to retir, with the losse of a 1000 of their men. At the sam time the French king passed by Boulein to Newhaven with his army, and toke Blakeness by treason, and the Alman camp;2 wich don, Newhaven surrendred.

Note 1. "Aug. 8. The French ambassador declared his revocation and the opening of the warres to my lord's Grace." (Privy Council Register.) On the following day, he "came to the court, and proclaimed open war with a herald and trumpeter." (Chron. of the Grey Friars of London, p. 61.) The consequent proceedings of the French king and his army will be found related by Foxe and Holinshed. He passed by the English fort of Boulogne lierg on the 19th August

Note 2. The Almaine Camp was the name given to one of the English forts, built about a mile from Ambleteuse. The "treason" which the King alludes to "was reported to be begun by one Sturton, a bastard sonne of the lord Sturton's, which had betrayed Newhaven, and went himselfe to the French king's service." This is Stowe's account; but it is not entirely confirmed by Holinshed. That chronicler, quoting "Le Chroniques de Aquitaine," relates that little more than two hours after the French artillery had begun to batter this fort, "Charles Sturton, capteine of that peece, and George Willoughbie, a gentleman associat with him, came foorth to parlée with the conestable, offering to yeeld the fort into his hand, upon condition they might depart with bag and baggage." The French at that moment thrust forward, and entered the fort. This happened on the 24th of August. The castle of Ambleteuse, otherwise called Newhaven, was surrendered on the 26th by lord John Grey; and the fort of Blackness on the 27th. These forts had been btiilt by the English in 1546. See Holinshed, edit. 1808, iii. 854.

Aug 1549. Ther were also, in a skirmish between thre hundred English footmen and 700 French horsmen, six noblemen slain. Then the French king cam with his army to Bolein [Boulogne], wich thei seing raised Bouhnberg.1 But because of the plage he was compelled to retire, and Chastilion (age 30)2 was left behind as gouvernour of the army.

Note 1. Sir Nicholas Arnold, the captain of Boulogne berg (see note in p. 224), observing the success of the French, removed his artillery and stores into the high town of Boulogne, and set fire to the abandoned fort, whereupon it was seized by the enemy. Holinshed.

Note 2. Gaspard de Coligni, seigneur de Châtillon, who shortly after came to England as ambassador (see a subsequent page).

23 Jul 1549. In the mean season, bicause ther was a rumour that I was dead, I passed thorowgh London.3

Note 3. "Item the xxiij. day of the same monyth (July) the Kynges grace came from the dewke of Suffokes place in Sothwarke thorrow London, and soo to Whytte hall, goodly, with a goodly company." Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 60.

Aug 1549. After that, thei ros(e) in Oxfordshier, Devonshier, Northfolk, and Yorkshier.4

Note 4. Of the Yorkshire rebellion, which broke out at Semer, on the sea-coast, some account will be found in Foxe and the other chroniclers. See also Drake's History of York, p. 128.

01 Jul 1549. To Oxfordshier the lord Gray of Wilton (age 40) was sent with 1500 horsmen and footmen; whose coming, with th'assembling of the gentlemen of the countrie, did so abash the rebels, that more then hauf of them rann ther wayes, and other that tarried were some slain, some taken, and some hanged.5

Note 5. These disturbances commenced towards the end of June. A circular letter of summons to attend the King at Windsor with as many horsemen and foot as could be raised, accompanied by a long list of persons to whom such letters were sent, is preserved in the State Paper office, indorsed "pimo Julij 1549." The suppression of the tumults in the counties of Berks, Buckingham, Northampton, and Oxford, was confided to the lord Grey of Wilton. It was in Buckinghamshire and Oxfordshire that they most prevailed, but, as Holinshed states, were "speedily appeased," and the lord Grey was then sent into the West. In the State Paper office is a very remarkable document, dated the 19th July, containing the orders he left behind with the sheriff and gentlemen of Oxfordshire, for the completion of the terrible commission which he left unfinished. Executions were ordered in all the principal towns, and several of the parish priests were to be hung on their own steeples.

1549 Prayer Book Rebellion

Aug 1549. To Devonshier the lord Previ-seal (age 64)1 was sent, who with his band, being but smal, lay at Honington whils the rebels besieged Exciter [Map], who did rise divers preaty feates of warre. For after divers skirmishes, when the gatis were burnt, thei in the cite did continew the fir(e), til thei had mad a ramper within. Also afterward, when they were underminded and pouder was laid in the mind, thei within drouned the pouder and the mind with water they cast in; wich the lord Previ-seal hearing, thought to a gone to renforce them a bie way; of wich the rebels having spial, cut al the trees betwixt St. Mary-Outrie and Exciter. For wich cause the lord Previ-seal burnt that toun, and thought to returne home. The rebels kept a brig behind his bake, and so compelled him with his smal band to set upon them, wich he did and overcam them, killing 600 of them, and returning hom without any loss of men. Then the lord Gray (age 40) and Spinula2 with their bandis came to him, and afterward Gray (sic) with 200 of Reding, with wich bands he being renforcid came to raise the sieg at Exciter, for bicaus thei had scarcety of vitel; and as he passed from Hunniagton, he cam to a little towne of his owne, whether cam but only tow waies, wich thei had ranforced with tow bulwarkes mad of earth, and had put to the defence of the same about 2000 men, and the rest the(y) had layed, some at a brige called Honnington brige, partly at a certein hedg in a hie way, and the most part at the sieg of Exciter. The rierward of the horsmen, of which Travers was captain, set upon the on(e) bulwark, the vauard and battail on the tother. Spiaula's band kept them occupied at their wale. At lenght Travers drove them into the towne, wich the lord Previ-seal burnt. Then thei rane to a bridg thereby; from whence being driven their were in a plain about 900 of them slain. The next day ther wer mete about other 2000 of them at the entrie of a hie way, who first desired to talk, and in the meane season fortified them selves, wich being perceived they ranne ther wayes, and that same night the cite of Exitter was delivered of the siege.1a

Note 1. John lord Russell, shortly after made earl of Bedford. Some of his despatches to the council on this occasion will be found in Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. Records, DD.; also in Wiffen's Memorials of the House of Eussell, i. 369.

Note 2. "Captaine Paule Baptist Spinola, an Italian, borne of a noble house in Genoa, with a band of Italian footmen" Holinshed, p. 1651.

Note 1a. A very full narrative of the Devonshire rebellion, written by John Vowell, alias Hooker, chamberlain of Exeter, accompanied by a "description of the citie," was first published in the edition of 1586 of Holinshed's Chronicle, and it occupies in the edition of 1808 pp. 926-963 of vol. iii. It was also printed distinctly in 4to. 1775. Great pains were taken to refute the religious doctrines advanced in their "supplication" or manifesto: and several drafts of "the King's answer" thereto are preserved in the State Paper office, which Mr. Tytler has partly printed, i. 178 — 182; but a much more elaborate reply was compiled by Cranmer, which will be found at length in his works (Parker Soc, edition), ii. 163—187.

Aug 1549. After that thei gathered at Launston, to whom the lord Prevy scale (age 64) and sir William Herbert (age 48)2 went, and overthrue them, taking their chief heades and executing them. Nevertheles some sayled to Brigewater [Map] and went about sedicion, but were quikely repressed. Hitherto of Devonshire.

Note 2. Sir William Herbert, then master of the King's horses, and afterwards earl of Pembroke, brought a thousand Welshmen, who, says Hooker, though they came too late to the fray, were yet soon enough to the play; for the whole country was then put to the spoil.

Aug 1549. At this time the blake gali taken.3

Note 3. I have not found this black galley elsewhere mentioned.

Kett's Rebellion

Aug 1549. Now to Northfolk.4 The people sodenly gathered together in Norfolke, and encreased to a great nomber; against whom was the lord marquise Northampton (age 37) sent, with the nombre of 10601a horsmen, who winning the towne of Norwich, kept it one day and one night, and the next day in the morning with losse of 100 departed out of the towne; among whom the lord Sheffield (deceased)2a was slaine. There were takin divers gentlemen and serving men to the nombre of 30, with wich victory the rebels were very glade. But afterward, hearing that th'erle of Warwic (age 45) came against them, thei began to stay upon a strong plat of ground upon a hil niere to the towne of Norwich, having the towmie confederat with them. Th'erle of Warwic came with the nombre of 6000 men and 1500 horsmen, and entred into the toune of Norwich, wich having wone, it was so weke that he cold scarcely defend it, and oftentimes the rebels came into the streets killing divers of his mene, and were repulsed again; ye, and the townsmen were gieven to mischief themselfis. So, having endured ther assaultis three dayes, and stoped there vitailes, the rebels were constrained for lake of raeat to remove, whome th'erle of Warwic folowed with 1000 Almans and al his horsemen, leaving th'English footmen in the towme, and overcam them in plaine battail, killing 2000 of them and taking Keit there captain, who in January folowing was hanged at Norwich, and his head hanged out. Kelt's brother was taken also, and punished alike.3a.

Note 4. Of the Norfolk rebellion a history was written in Latin by Alexander Nevylle, secretary to archbishop Parker, the archbishop himself having been present in the city of Norwich during the tumults, against which his oratory was unsuccessfully inhsted. It was printed in 1575, under the title, "Alexandri Nevylli Angli de Furoribus Nolfolciensium, Ketto duce. Liber unus. Ejusdem Norwicus. Ex ofEcina Henrici Bynneman, 1575." There was a second edition in 1582; and an English translation, made by Richard Woods, was printed in 1615, entitled, "Norfolk Furies and their Foyle, under Kett, their accursed Captaine. Second edition, 1623." See Upcott's British Topography, pp. 972, 973. In the first instance the duke of Somerset himself intended to take the field against "one Kett, a tanner, who hath taken upon himself our royal power and dignity, and calleth himself master and king of Norfolk and Suffolk." See letter under the King's signet, dated 6th August, printed by Strype, Memorials, II. i. 174, from MS. Cotton. Vesp. P. ixi. A subsequent proclamation, dated 16th August, when it was determined to send the earl of Warwick on this service, is partly given ibid. p. 176.

Note 1a. So the MS., perhaps an error for 1600.

Note 2a. Edmund Sheffield, raised to the peerage in 1547 (see p. 211).

Note 3a. "The 29 of November, Robert Ket, and William Ket his brother, were delivered out of the Tower of London to sir Edmond Windham, knight, and sherifie of Norfolke, to be conveyed to Norwich, where Robert Ket was hanged in chains on the top of Norwich castle, and William Ket likewise hanged on the top of Windham steeple." Stowe's Chronicle.

Jul 1549. In the meane season Chastilion besieged the piere of Bolloin [Boulogne] made in the haven, and after long batry of 20000 shot or more gave assault to it, and were manfully repulsed. Nevertheles thei continued the siege still, and made often skirmishes and fauls assauts, in wich thei wane not mich. Therefore seing thei profited litle that way, thei planted ordinaunce against the mouth of the haven, that no vitail might come to it; wich our men seing, set upon them by night and slew divers Frenchmen, and dismounted many of their piecis. Neverthelesse the French came another time, and planted their ordonaunce toward the sand side on the sand hilles, and bete divers shippes of vitaylours at the entrie of the haven; but yet th' Englishmen at the kinges adventure came into the haven, and refresehed divers times the towne. The French men, seing thei could not that way prevayle, continewed their batry but smally, on wich before they had spent 1500 shote in a day, but laded a galey with stones and gravel, wich they let goe in the streame to sinke it, but or ere it sonke it came niere to on banke, where the Boullenors toke it out, and brought the stones to renforce the piere.

1549. Also at Guines was a certaine skirmush, in wich there was about a 100 French men slaine, of wich some were gentlemen and noblemen.

06 Oct 1549. In the meane season in Englond rose great sturres, like to increase much if it had not been well forseen.1 The counsel, about 19 of them, were gathered in London, thinking to mete with the lord Protectour (age 49), and to make him amend some of his disordres. He, fearing his state, caused the secretary [Petre (age 44)] in my name to be sent to the lordes, to know for what cause they gathered their powres togethers, and, if they ment to talke with him, that they should come in peacable maner. The next morning, being the 6 of October, and Saturday [Sunday], he commaunded the armoure to be brought downe out of th'armury of Hampton court, about 600 harnesses, to arme both his and my men withal, the gates of the hous to be rempared; peple to be raysed. Peple came abundantly to the house. That night, with al the peple, at 9 or 10 a cloke at night, I went to Windsore [Map], and there was watch and ward kept every night. The lordis sat in open places of London, calling for gentlemen before them, and declaring the causes of accusation of the lord Protectour, and caused the same to be proclaimed. After wich time few came to Windsore, but only myn owne men of the garde, whom the lordes willed, fearing the rage of the peple so lately quietid. Then begane the Protectour to treate by letters, sending Sir Philip Hobbey (age 44), lately cum from his ambassad in Flaundres to see to his famyly, who brought in his returne a letter to the Protectour very gentle, wich he delivered to hime, another to me, another to my house, to declare his fautes, ambicion, vain glorie, entriag into rashe warres in mine youth, negligent loking on Newhaven, enriching of himself of my treasour, folowing his owne opinion, and doing al by his owne authorite, et [?]; wich lettres was openly redd, and immediately the lordes came to Windsore, toke him, and brought him through Holborn to the Tower. Afterward I came to Ampton court [Map], wheir they appointed by my consente six lordes of the counsel to be attendant on me, at lest tow, and fower knightes; lordes, the marches Northampton (age 37), th'erles of Warwike (age 45) and Arondel, lordes Russel (age 64), Seintjone, and Wentworth; knigh(tes) sir Andrew Dudely (age 42), sir Edward Rogers (age 51), sir Thomas Darcy, sir Thomas Wroth.1a After I came through London to Westmuster.2a The lord of Warwike made Admyral of England.3a Sir Thomas Cheiney sent to the em perour for relief4, wich he could not obteine. Mr. Wotton5 made secretary. The lord Protectour, by his owne agreement and submission, lost his protectourship, treasourirshipe, marchalshipe, al his moveables, and niere 2,000 pound lande, by acte of parliement.

Note 1. Under the influence of the earl of Warwick, seconded by the ex-chancellor Southampton and the Romanist party, a majority of the council now undertook to terminate the supreme dictatorship assumed by the Protector. It appears that Somerset's suspicions of his insecurity were first alarmed by learning that the councillors in London dined at each others' houses (see Tytler, p. 249); he consequently took measures on the 5th October, if not before (see the documents quoted in p. 285 hereafter), to strengthen his military resources. According to the record of the council, entered in their register, they had appointed on the morning of Sunday the 6th of October "to repayr to Hampton court, accompanied with their ordinary numbers of servants, to have had friendly communication with the lord Protectour about the reformation of the state;" when, "as they were booted and ready to have mounted upon their horses," they "were certainely advertised, as well as credible reportes of diverse gentlemen, as by letters subscribed by the hands of the said lord Protectour, that he, having some intelligence of their lordships' intents, and moved with the conscience of his ill-government, whereof he would abyde no reformation, had suddenly raised a power of the commons, to the intent, if their lordships had come to the court, to have destroyed them; which power he had levyed as well by letters whereunto he caused his Matie to set his most gracious hand, as by most sedicious bills, which he had devised for that purpose, the tenor whereof word for word foloweth. Good People," &c. (not entered in the Council Book, but preserved in the State Paper office, see hereafter, p. 242). Their lordships consequently determined to remain in London, assembling themselves at Ely Place, then the mansion of the earl of Warwick, in Holborn, where the following councillors were present: lord St. John, lord great master (who had been with the Protector at Hampton court only two days before), the earls of Warwick, Arundel (age 37), and Southampton, mr. secretary Petre, sir Edward North, sir Richard Southwell (age 46), sir Edmund Peckham (age 54), sir Edward Wotton (age 59), and mr. doctor Wotton dean of Canterbury. Their first step was to unfold their views to the magistrates of London, who consequently held a court of aldermen at Guildhall that same afternoon, and their proceedings will be found detailed at full by Stowe. The council sent out various letters to countermand and counteract the orders issued by the Protector, and also to levy forces on their own party; and, sending for the lieutenant of the Tower of London sir John Markham, they "required him to suffer certain others to enter for the good keeping thereof to his Majesties use; whereunto the said lieutenant according, sir Edmund Peckham knight and Leonard Chamberlayne esquire, with their servants, were commanded to enter into the Tower, as associates to the said lieutenant, for the better presidy and guard of the same."

The next morning, Monday Oct. 7, the council met at Mercers' hall in London, in number sixteen, there being present, in addition to those of the day before, the lord chancellor (age 52) (Rich), mr. treasurer (Cheyne), sir John Gage, sir Edward Mountagu, sir Ralph Sadler (age 42), and sir John Baker. They were informed that, during the previous night, the lord Protector had hastily conveyed the King from Hampton court to Windsor castle, and they directed to Windsor the letters hereafter noticed.

On the 8th, at 9 a.m. they met at Guildhall, with the further accession to their company of the marquess of Northampton and the earl of Shrewsbury. The mayor, aldermen, and common council were ordered to attend them, and, the lord chancellor and others (as Stowe relates) having declared divers abuses of the lord Protector, they persuaded the citizens to take their part. "The lords dined with master Yorke, one of the sheriffes, and in the afternoone proclamation was made in divers places of the cittie, with trumpets, heraults, and kings at armes, wherein was contained divers articles touching the evill government of the lord Protector."

On the 9th the council was held "at the house of mr. Yorke, sheriff of London" (this was the ancient mansion, then belonging to the Crown, called the Duke's Place in Southwark, the new sheriff being master of the mint then established there). The names of the lord privy seal (Russell), the master of the horses (Herbert (age 48)), the lord Wentworth, and the vice-chamberlain (Wingfield), are also entered as present in council; but the two former were certainly this day at Wilton, as shown by their autograph signatures to the letter mentioned hereafter, and none of the four signed the council's letters of this day.

"The tenth of October (says Stowe, but this certainly should be the 9th), by a common councell at the guild-hall, was granted five hundred men of the citie (one hundred to be horsemen) to be readie on the next morrow: and this day the lords dined with master Yorke, one of the sheriffes of London."

On the 10th, "the same appearance of the councell as before" assembled "at the house of the lord St. John, lord great master, being in London," when they were informed" that, through their former letters, and other means by them devised, and by the dihgent travail also of the archbishop of Canterbury and sir William Paget, then being at Windsor, the Kinges Matie owne servants were again restored to their places of attendance about his Matie person, and that the duke of Somerset's servants and others of the bands were sequestered from his Majtie Having received the private communication from Paget, noticed hereafter, they this day sent to Windsor sir Anthony Wingfield the vice-chamberlain, sir Anthony Sellenger one of the gentlemen of the privy chamber, and sir John Williams treasurer of the augmentations and revenues of the crown, with their servants, for the better guard of the King's person, and for the prevention of Somerset's escape. These officers effected the arrest of the duke the next morning; and, on Sunday the 12th, the lords in a body repaired to Windsor "and presented themselves forthwith before the King's Matie, most humbly on their knees, declaring to the same the occasion and order of their doings, the which his Matie did accept in most gratious part, giving to their lordships his Matie most hearty thanks." Calling before them sir Thomas Smith, sir Michael Stanhope, sir John Thynne (age 34), Edward Wolfe one of his Matie privy chamber, and William Gray esquire, of Reading, "adherents of the said duke, and the principal instruments and councellours that he did use, both at this time, and otherwise also in the affairs of his government," they charged them with their offences, and ordered them to the Tower of London, sir Thomas Smith being at the same time sequestered from the council, and deprived of his secretaryship.

On the 13th, the duke himself "being sent for t'appeare before their lordships, and charged by them with his faults, was with the others before named sent to the Tower of London, under the conduct of the earls of Sussex (not Southampton, as some of the chroniclers state) and Huntingdon, the lords Grey and Burgayny, sir John Gage constable of the Tower, and certain other gentlemen and their bands. This day also the King's Matie departed from Windsor to Hampton court."

Such is the account of this revolution which the privy council were pleased to place upon record. The course of these important events may be further traced by abundant documentary evidence, the greater part of which has been published, but scattered in various places. The two letters placed first in the annexed list may be regarded as a portion of the series — the first clouds that foreboded the coming storm: —

May 8, 1549. A letter of warning from sir William Paget to the lord Protector, remonstrating on his angry and snappish conduct towards those of the council who differed from him or ventured to express their own sentiments. Transcript in MS. Cotton. Titus F. m.; printed by Strype, Memorials, ii. Appendix GG.

July 7. A second, and very long, letter of expostulation and advice, written by Paget when abroad, upon hearing of the insurrection in the West. Transcript in MS. Cotton. Titus F. m.; another in State Paper office. Domestic Edw. VI. vol. viii. art. 4; printed by Strype, Memorials, ii. App. HH.

Oct. 1 [or 5 ?] a letter, signed by the King and the Protector, summoning all the King's loving subjects with all haste to repair to Hampton Court, "in most defensible array, with harness and weapons, to defend his most royal person, and his most entirely beloved uncle the lord Protector, against whom certain hath attempted a most dangerous conspiracy." It is plainly dated "the furstoi October; "but was received (by a party unnamed) on "the vj of October, of George Dunstalle my lord of Canterbury's servant." In the State Paper office. Domestic Edw. VI. vol. ix. art. 1; printed in Tytler's "England under Edward VI. and Mary," i. 205. Another (transcript) copy in the State Paper office, dated Oct. 5, is addressed "To all Justices of peace, mayers, shrives, balives, constables, hed boroughes, and all other the Kynges Matie officers and subjects."

Oct. 4. A letter from the lords at Hampton court to lord Cobham (age 52), deputy of Calais, directing him to select twenty gunners from Calais, and send them to lord Clinton (age 37) (at Boulogne), is signe.d by the Protector, archbishop Cranmer, W. St. John, Wm. Paget, and Wm. Petre. Original in MS. Harl. 284, fol. 46, printed by Tytler, i. 211.

Oct. 5. Letter of the Protector to the lord privy seal and sir William Herbert, then in command of the forces lately employed against the "Western rebels, requesting both of them to come to Hampton court, and the latter by post, and his servants to follow. In the State Paper office. Domestic Edw. VI., vol. ix. art. 5; unpublished.

Letter signed by the Protector, the King's signature being prefixed by a stamp, to Sir Harry Seymour, to levy horse and foot. In State Paper office, art. 3, partly printed by Tytler, p. 213.

Oct. 6. Circular letter, of the like form, summoning those to whom it was sent to repair to Hampton court. In State Paper office, printed by Tytler, p. 214.

Letter under the King's signet, dated from Hampton court, addressed to the lord mayor, aldermen, and citizens of London, requiring them to levy men, to watch their gates, and to send one thousand, well harnessed, and with good and convenient weapons, to be at Hampton court that night, or at least on the morrow before noon. This was accompanied by a letter requiring credence to the bearer, Owen Claydon, signed EDWARD and SOMERSET; printed in Poxe's Actes and Monuments, under the head of "The troubles of the duke of Somerset;" and in Hollnshed's Chronicle.

Letter under the King's signet to the lord privy seal and sir William Herbert, announcing that "suche a henous and grevus conspiracye as never was seen, is attempted against us," &c. Transcript in the State Paper office, art. 9.

Another like letter to the same parties, desiring them to assemble with all expedition as many men, both horse and foot, as they could, and bring them to Hampton court. Transcript in the State Paper office, art. 8.

A third letter to the same, representing the matter more at fuU, and desiring them to repair "with such force as ye have" to Windsor castle. Contemporary transcript in the State Paper office, art. 6; printed by Foxe, Actes and Monuments.

A shorter letter of the same date desiring the same parties to give credence to lord Edward Seymour, the Protector's eldest son, who was the bearer of one or more of the preceding letters. Transcript in the State Paper office, art. 7.

A letter from the Protector to the earl of Shrewsbury, requiring his aid; printed in Lodge's Illustrations of British History, i. 135.

Letter of certain of the council to the lord mayor, &c. denouncing the conduct of the Protector, and requiring that no harness, weapons, or munitions should be sent to him. It is signed by nine councillors — St. John, Northampton, Warwick, Arundel, Southampton, Petre, North, Gage, and Southwell; printed in Foxe and Holinshed.

Circular letter of the council in London, being a summons to arm in support of their side of the dispute. An original copy, undirected, but having the autograph signatures of R. Ryche, cane, W. Seint John, W. Northt., J. Warwyk, Arundell, F. Shrewesbury (age 49), Henry Sussex, T. Cheyne, Edward North, and John Gage: in the State Paper office, art. 10.

Oct. 7. Circular letters from the council to the sheriffs, forbidding the levies ordered to be raised by the Protector. One undirected is preserved in the State Paper office, art. 20, bearing the autograph signatures of the same councillors as above, except Cheyne.

Another letter nearly of the same import, addressed to certain commissioners: signed Kke the last, excepting that it wants the names of the earls of Arundel and Shrewsbury, and has that of Edward Mountagu. Ibid. art. 21.

Letters under the signet, signed both by the King and Somerset, directing levies to be made by the bailiffs of Uxbridge, Hillington, and Cullam. Dated "at our castle of Windsor." Original in State Paper office, art. 15.

Letter of the lord Protector, now at Windsor, to the lords in London, declaring his intention, "if you will take no other way but violence, to defend us (as nature and our allegiance doth bind us) to extremity of death, and to put all to God's hand, who giveth the victory as it pleaseth him." He desires an answer either by secretary Petre, whom he had sent with a message, or, if they would not let him leave them, by the bearer. Original in the State Paper office, art. 16, signed only by the Protector's hand, printed by Tytler, p. 214; also previously pubHshed by Foxe, Holinshed, and Stowe.

The lords of the council in London to those at Windsor, requiring the duke of Somerset to absent himself from his Majesty, and to disperse the force which he had levied. "Consider, my lords, for God's sake, we heartely pray you, that we be almost the hole Councell," viz. the chancellor Eich, lord great master St. John, marquess of Northampton, earls of Warwick, Arundel, Shrewsbury, and Southampton, sir Thomas Cheyne, sir William Petre, sir Edward North, sir John Gage, sir Ealph Sadleyr, sir Richard Southwell, and dr. Nicholas Wotton — in all fourteen. Sent by master Hunnings, a clerk of the council. Original in MS. Cotton. Calig. B. vn. fol. 404; printed in Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. App. No. 44; Ellis's Letters, I. ii. 166. Draft copy in State Paper office, art. 22.

Letter to the King, signed by the same councillors, with the addition of sir Edward Mountagu. Original in MS. Cotton. Titus, B. ii. fol. 35; three draft copies in State Paper office, Nos. 17, 18, and 20; printed in Burnet's History of the Keformation, Part II. Book I. Eecords, No. 41.

To this day (Oct. 7) probably belongs a document which Mr. Tytler has edited, i. 207, with the date Oct. 4, from the State Paper office, art. 13, being suggestions for a letter to be written by the King strongly justifying the general conduct of the Protector. On the second leaf of the same sheet are various memoranda in the same handwriting, (but not copied by Tytler,) consisting partly of informations and partly of suggestions, apparently intended for the eye of the Protector. Among the latter are these: —

"Also that the Kinges matie wold make a letter unto the Maior, sherifes and aldremen of the citie, and to be delyvered unto the messenger by the Kinges own hande.

"Also lettre unto the lordes wylleng that asm any of them as are his treue honorable [subjects] shuld repayre unto him against his ennemys, or else they sought his blode aswell as his uncle's."

A previous paragraph states, "Also that upon sondaie [Oct. 6] my lorde grete m"^ [St. John] entered into the Tower of London to the Kinges use, and have made mr. Peckeham [sir Edward Peckham, treasurer of the mint,] lieutenant therof, and given him allowance for a table."

"Also the disobedyence of mr. Markham [the lieutenant of the Tower] in his office.

"Also that sir Thomas Darcy is laid in the Tower as a traytor."

Oct. 8. Circular letters to counties, countermanding the duke of Somerset's orders for levies, and charging all men to follow their vocations peaceably. Two copies (undirected), each bearing the autograph signatures of — E. Eyche, cane. W. Seint John, W. Northt., J. Warwyk, Arundell, F. Shrewesbury, Thomas' Southampton, William Petre, Nicholas Wotton, Edward Mountagu, Jo. Baker, are in the State Paper office, art. 28, 29.

Autograph letter of Harry lord Morley, acknowledging the council's summons, and expressing his readiness "with that pore power I have within one bower's warnyng, so ether to lyve or to dy." Dated from Mark hall. In State Paper office, art. 30.

Reply of the lord privy seal and sir William Herbert, written from Andover, to the lord Protector: after having received other letters from the lords dated the same day (Oct. 6) as the Protector's letter to them. Contemporary transcript in the State Paper office, printed by Tytler, p. 217: the substance given in Foxe's Actes and Monuments.

Letter from the lords at Windsor (Cranmer, Paget, and Smith) to those in London, in answer to theirs sent the day before. Original in the State Paper office, art. 26, printed by Tytler, p. 223; contemporary transcript in MS. Cotton. Caligula, B. vii. fol. 406; also printed in Stowe's Chronicle, and by Todd, in his Life of Cranmer, 1832, vol, iii. p. 57, Strype and Sharon Turner having considered the archbishop to have been the writer of it.

Letter from the King to the lords in London, entreating them to hold a moderate course; being accompanied by "certain articles exhibited unto us by our said uncle, signed with his own hand." Original in the State Paper office, art. 24; printed by Tytler, p. 220. Draft copy in MS. Cotton. Caligula, B. vn. fol. 405.

"Articles offered by me the lord Protector to the King's majestic, in the presence of his highnes counsail and other his majesties lordes and gentlemen at Wyndesor, to be declared in my behalf to the lordes and the reste of his highnes counsail remayning in London." Original in the State Paper office, marked 24 i. It is signed both at the beginning and end by the King, and at the foot by Somerset: contemporary copy in MS. Cotton. Caligula, B. vn. fol. 407; printed in Burnet, No. 42; Ellis, I. ii. 173.

Private letter from the duke of Somerset to the earl of Warwick, soliciting reconciliation. Printed in Stowe's Chronicle.

Private letter from secretary Smith to secretary Petre, earnestly begging him to advocate moderation. Original in the State Paper office, art. 27, printed by Tytler, p. 228. There is also (art. 39) a second letter of Smith to Petre, which commences with thanking "my lords of Warwicke, Arondell, and yow, that my brother George had leave to come and visite me." It is written in a tone somewhat less anxious than the other, yet it is difficult to say whether a few hours before or a few hours after.

Sir Philip Hoby was the bearer of these five documents. On the same day the council were actively proceeding in their prosecution of the Protector, by issuing a public proclamation. The charges it contained against him are given by Foxe and by Stowe.

Oct. 9. The following anecdote regarding this day is related on the authority of sir Thomas Smith, who remained faithful to the Protector: —

"Sir Phillip Hobby, [having] receaved an answere of the lordes in London by letter, came out of London, and by the way, faininge he had loste his letter out of his poquet, said to his man he would returne for a newe, and willed him to goe to the courte and tell the Counsell all should be well. This excuse was of purpose before devised by the lords, to the end they might winne tyme the better that they might doe their feates. The next daye he came to the courte with a letter to the Kinge from the lordes, and before he delivered said thus —

"Sir Phillip Hobby's saying or mesuage declared to the duke of Somerset, the archebishop of Canterbury, sir W. Pagett mr. comptrolor, sir Thomas Smithe secretary, in the presence of mr. Cecill, sir John Thinne, sir Richard Cotton, and divers others; reported by sir Thomas Smith.'" MS. Harl. 353, fol. 77; printed by Tytler, p. 238.

Letter from the lords in London, to the King. Printed from the Council Book, by Burnet, No. 43. Draft copy in the State Paper office, art. 35.

Reply of the lords in London to those at Windsor, sent by sir Philip Hoby. Original, with fifteen autograph signatures, in MS. Cotton. Caligula, B. vii. fol. 408; draft copy in State Paper office, art. 37; printed from the former in Ellis's Letters, I. ii. 169; and from the Council book by Burnet, No. 44.

Letter from the lord privy seal and sir William Herbert to the lords of the council, dated from Wilton, they having retired farther with their military forces, instead of advancing. Original in State Paper office, art. 31, printed by Tytler, p. 231.

Letter of the lord privy seal and sir W. Herbert to the sheriff of Gloucestershire. "The like letters are goone unto other shirrefes, not only to the sherrifes, but also to every justice of peace and gentleman privately." Summoning levies to repair to Wilton, from which town the letter is dated. Contemporary copy in the State Paper office, art. 31 i.

Letters, addressed to the lady Mary and the lady Elizabeth respectively, relating, on the part of the council, the events that had occurred, and denouncing the pride and ambition of the Protector. Original draft in the State Paper office, art. 33; printed by Tytler, p. 248.

Oct. 10. Letter of the archbishop of Canterbury, sir William Paget, and sir Thomas Smith, the lords at Windsor, acknowledging the receipt of the letter brought by sir Philip Hoby, and professing themselves ready to obey the directions of those in London. Sir Philip Hoby returned with their submission. Original in MS. Cotton. Caligula, B. VII. fol. 412; printed in Ellis's Letters, I. ii. 171; also printed, from the Council Book, by Burnet, No. 45.

Letter from the lords in London to sir William Paget, acknowledging a credence sent them by his servant Bedill, and desiring him to give firm credence to the bearer mr. vicechamberlain sir Anthony Wingfield, who was also captain of the guard. In a postscript (to wliicli the council repeated their signatures), it was intimated to Paget that "if yow shall see any good oportunite for this purpose, and if it may be conveniently doon, as by your sei-vant's message it semed," the duke should be apprehended, and also secretary Smith, sir John Thynne, Richard Whalley, and William Cycill, who was then the duke's private secretary and master of his court of requests. Original in MS. Cotton. Caligula, B. vn. fol. 410; printed by Ellis, I. ii. 173.

A Proclamacion, set furth by the body and state of the Kynges majesties privey counsayle, concernyng the devisers, writers and casters abrode of certain vile, slaunderous, and moste trayterous letters, billes, scrowes, and papers, tendyng to the seducement of the Kynges majesties good and lovyng subjectes: persons "whiche do labor now to maintain the trayterous doynges of the duke of Somerset," for that purpose "doon devise the moste vile, false, and traiterous billes, papers, and bokes that ever wer hard of, strawyng the same in the stretes, as well within the citie of London as in diverse tounes and other places in the country, wherein thei do falsely and traitorously travaile to slaunder the Kynges majesties oounsaill, thinkynge thereby to amase and abuse his majesties good subjects, whiche bee in areadinesse to joyne with the said counsaill for delivery of the Kyng our sovereigne lordes most royall persone, remainyng to his greate perill and daunger in the saied duke's custody." A reward of one hundred crounes is offered for the apprehension of every offender. This document, of which the draft is in the State Paper office, art. 40, is extant in an original broadside copy preserved in the collection of the Society of Antiquaries, It is subscribed by the names of all the following councillors:

The Lorde Riche, Lord Chancellor.

The Lorde Sainct Jhon, Lorde Great Master, and President of the Counsaill.

The Lorde Eussell, Lorde Privey Scale,

The Lorde Marques of Northampton.

The Erle of Warwicke, Lorde Greate Chamberlain.

The Erle of Arundell, Lorde Chamberlain.

The Erle of Shrewsbery,

The Erle of Southampton,

The Lorde Wentworth.

Sir Thomas Cheiney, Knight of the Order, and Threasaurer of the Kynges Maiesties house, and Lord Warden of the Cinque Portes.

Sir Willyam Herbert, Knight, Master of the Kynges Majesties horses.

Sir Anthony Wingfeld, Knight of the Order, the Kynges Majesties vice Chamberlein, and Capitain of the Garde.

Sir Jhon Gage, Knight of the Order, Constable of the Towre.

Sir Willyam Petre, Knight, Secretary.

Sir Edward North, Knight.

Sir Edward Montague, Knight, Chief Justice of the Comon Place.

Sir Raufe Sadler, Knight.

Sir Jhon Baker, Knight.

Sir Edward Wotton, Knight.

Master doctor Wotton, Deane of Cantorbury.

Sir Richard Southwell, Knight.

Sir Edmund Peckham, Knyght, high Threasaurer of all the Kynges Majesties Myntes.

Of the handbills mentioned in this proclamation, two are preserved in the State Paper office: one (art. 11 of the volume so often cited) commencing, "Moste loving and trew Ynglishmen," and signed, "By the Kynges true and loving subject to his poure, Henry A." This is supposed to have been "cast about" in the city of London (see before, p. 233), and it is indorsed. Rede itt and gyve itt furth. (Printed by Tytler, p. 209: the word "conspire" in p. 210, should be read serve?) The other (art. 12) is indorsed, "The copie of the bill sowed emongest the commons" (printed by Tytler, p. 210, where, for "the extortions of gentlemen," read "the extortiouse gentylmen"). There can be little doubt that this was the very bill which the lord privy seal found at Andover; where, he tells the council, "The gentlemen had received like letters from the King's majestie as we had done; and the commons had found bills that were sown abroad, to raise them in the Kinges name and the Protector's quarrel, as by a copy of one of the same bills, which ye shall also receive herewith, your Lordships may more plainly perceive." In his letter written to the duke of Somerset the day before, Russell had directly taxed him with the authorship of these papers: "Your Grace's proclamations and billets sent abroad for the raising of the commons we mishke very much." It is to be considered that the nobility, with great effort and much difficidty, had very recently succeeded in suppressing various insurrections, which they attributed in part to the Protector's former conduct towards the comnion people; they now detected him in acts calculated to provoke a repetition of such troubles. This indiscretion had the effect of arraying them against him, and throwing them into the hands of the more subtle and insidious Warwick.

Oct. 11. Letter written partly by Wingfield, and partly by Paget, signifying to the council the arrest of the duke, and describing the King's behaviour. It is signed also by Cranmer. Original in the State Paper office, art. 42; printed by Tytler, p. 241.

Minute of the whole discourse of the duke of Somerset's doings, addressed to the English ambassadors abroad. In the State Paper office, art. 41.

A circular letter from the council to counties, announcing the dispersal of the forces assembled by the duke of Somerset, and staying any further musters. Contemporary copy in MS. Cotton. Titus, B, ir. fol. 30.

Another circular letter announcing the duke's arrest, and directing the parties addressed "to staye your nombres at home, without taking eny further traveile for this matter." One with the autograph signatures of eleven councillors in State Paper office, art. 44.

Oct. 14. Letter of the council to the lieutenant of the Tower, that he sujBfer no one to speak with the duke of Somerset or any other prisoner. Ibid. art. 45.

Articles objected to the duke of Somerset. These have never been edited accurately. The most perfect printed copy is that in Stowe's Chronicle (but in article 12 for Iniunction read Commission; in article 26 the 6 instead of "9 of October," and there are other errors.) In Foxe's Actes and Monuments, the 29 articles are reduced to 20, by the omission of the 10th, 20th, 21st, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th, 28th, and 29th. Hohnshed follows Foxe. Hay ward's copy (Life and Eeign of King Edward VI.) is imperfect, by the omission of the 28th article, as well as by a modernization of the language throughout; and Burnet copies Hayward. Strype in his Life of Cramner, p. 265, has pointed out the significance of the 10th article, which charged the Protector with having laid the blame of the insurrections on the nobility; and it is to be regretted that Strype did not print the draft copy which he had seen. It was, as he imagined, in the handwriting of bishop Gardiner: but this was a very bold surmise. Strype is in error in attributing these articles to the time of the duke's "second apprehension and trial." There is an old transcript of the whole 29 articles in MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 9069; which is worth consulting if no other can be recovered.

Dec. 23. The duke of Somerset's submission, having read and considered the said 29 articles. Printed in Stowe's Chronicle.

Feb. 2. His second submission, dated from the Tower. Also in Stowe.

Feb. 6. His recognizance in 1000/. to reside at the King's manor of Sheen or his own house at Syon, without passing the limit of four miles from either house. In the Eegister of the Privy Council.

The 6 of February the duke of Somerset was delivered out of the Tower, and that night he supped at sir John Yorke's, one of the sheriffes of London," (Stowe,) where, it appears from the council book, the lords assembled to welcome him.

Feb. 16. A pardon to the duke by letters patent under this date is printed in Rymer, Foedera, &c. xv. 205.

Note 1a. Of the "four principal gentlemen of his Highness' privy chambre" (the knights) it was also ordered that "two at the least should be continually attendants, .. to whom was advanced, above their accustomed fee of L li. by the yeare, the yearly fee of L li. more, in consideration of the singular care and travail that they should have about his Majesties person." (Council Book.) See further arrangements under the 20th April, 1550, hereafter.

[17 Oct 1549]. a. "The 17 of Octobre, King Edward came from Hampton court to his place in Southwarke, then called Suffolke place, and there dined, where after dinner he made master John Yorke one of the sheriffes of London knight, and then rode through the citie of London to Westminster." Stowe's Chronicle. In a subsequent entry (see p. 249) the King dated this passage through London as having taken place on the 15th of October; but "the xvij. day" is the date confirmed by the Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 64. At the Council, "14 Oct. Sir Ralph Sadler (age 42), master of the wardrobe, (was directed) to deliver to the master of the King's horses so much cloth of gold and silke as shall serve for his Maties person and his horse at his highness' entering through London to Westminster in this month."

Note 3a. The letters patent for this second appointment of the earl of Warwick (age 45) as High Admiral, dated 28 Oct. 1549, are printed by Kymer, Foedera, xv. 194. The office had remained vacant from the time of the attainder of lord Seymour of Sudeley.

Note 4a. "18 Oct. The Lords agreed this day to send sir Thomas Cheyney, knt of the order, and treasurer of his Majties houshold, and sir Philip Hobbey (age 44), knight, gentleman of his Majties privy chamber, and ambassadour ordinary with the Emperour, as Ambassadours to the said Emperour, aswell to declare to the same, as to his Majties good brother, the alteration of the present state, as to demand and require ayd of men, of carriages and victualls out of his Low Countries towards the defence and succour of Bulloin, according to the instructions delivered to them in that behalfe, the double whereof remayneth in the councell chamber." (Council Book.)

Note 5a. "14 Oct. This day mr. doctour Wotton, deane of Canterbury and Yorke, was by their lordships appointed to the roome of one of his Maties principall secretaryes, in the lieu of sir Thomas Smith." (Council Book.) He continued in this office to the 5th September, 1550, when he was succeeded by Cecill.

Around 14 Oct 1549. Th' erle of Arrundel1 committed to his house for certaine crimes of suspicion agaiast him, as pluking downe of boltes and lokkes at Westmuster, geving of my stuff away, et [?]. and put to fine of 12,000 pound, to be paide a 1,000 pound yerely; of wich he was after releasid1a

Note 1. There is a mystery hitherto unexplained about this disgrace of the earl of Arundel (age 37). The frivolous charges above recorded were fastened upon a presumed mal-administration of his office of chamberlain of the household: but political causes were doubtless at work. I have found no document relative to his "committal to his house;" but his last attendance at a council as lord chamberlain vras on the 11th Jan. 1549-50. On the 21st Feb. "the lord of Arundell appearing before the lord treasurer [Wiltshire], lord great chamberlayne [Northampton (age 37)], lord Wentworth, and mr. secretary Wootton, declaring to him that, touching his offences, the Kinges majtie referred to his choyce whether he would stand to the tryall of the law, or submit himselfe to such fine as his Majtie by the advice of the lords would set upon him, the same earle made answer that he would submit himselfe to suche order by fine as his Highness would impose and lay upon him; whereupon it was declared unto him that he should forgoe th' office of the lord chamberlayne and the other office about his Majtie [i.e. as one of the six lords attendant, see p. 242], the stewardship of Petworth, and the master of the games there, and his warrant that he had for the mynt, and pay xij. M' li. fyne, to be paid by M' li. by the year." (Council Book.) The lord Wentworth was his successor as lord chamberlain. On the 8th of July the council directed "a letter to th' erle of Arundell to repaire into Sussex, there to remaigne till Mighelmas, and to be in areadiness to serve whensoever he shoulde be called upon by the Kinges matie lievetenaunte or his deputie." There are subsequent entries in the council book showing that the earl for some time stoutly resisted this banishment, and finally came to a compromise upon the point. But we shall find him again in trouble at the time of the duke of Somerset's second prosecution.

It appears that the same suspicions affected several of the Romanist party, including sir Richard Southwell (age 46) and sir Thomas Arundel, the earl's brother-in-law. Bishop Pouet, in his "Short Treatise of Politic Power," published in 1556, thus refers to this crisis: "When Wriothesly, Arundel [i.e. sir Thomas], and Southwel conspired with the ambitious and subtil Alcibiades of England the earl of Warwic, after duke of Northumberland, to pull the good duke of Somerset, King Edward's uncle and Protector, out of his authority, and by forging a great many false letters and lies to make the Protector hated brought to pass Warwic's purpose, who then for a while but they three? Wriothesly that before was banished the court, is lodged, with his wife and son, next the King: every man repaireth to Wriothesly, honoureth Wriothesly, saith unto Wriothesly, as the Assyrians did to Haman, and all things be done by his advice, and who but Wriothesly?

Arundel is promised to be next to the King, groom of his stoole, or comptroller of his house, at the least. Southwel, for his whisking and double diligence, must be a great counsellor in any wise. But what was the end? The earl, as crafty as the best, seeing that his desire should not take place if these men might have that they hoped for, so handleth the matter, that Wriothesly is fain in the night to get him out of the court to his own house, where, upon narrow examination, fearing lest he should come to some open .shameful end, he poisoned himself, or pined away for thought. [He was not present at a council after the 18th Oct. 1549. Having been confined to his house, he obtained leave, on the 28th June, being then very sick, to repair to country air in Hampshire, where he died July 31, 1550.] Southwel is committed to the Fleet; where, being examined, he confessed enough to be hanged for, and had gone very near it, had not his examiners, upon hope of his amendment, — breaking out of his eye, but not out of his heart, — obtained the earl's favour. And at th' erle's sute Arundel hathe his head with the axe divided from the shoulders." [Feb. 26, 1551-2.] This last passage, when quoted by Strype (Eccles. Memorials, ii. 307), was inexcusably interpolated, in order to make it apply to the earl of Arundel, who was supposed by that historian to be the person of whom Ponet spoke. Strype has in this respect misled Carte (iii. 247).

Note 1a. See hereafter, under the 6th Jan. 1550-1.

Part of the Chronicle 3 Anno Reg. Regis E. Sext. in Charta 1549.2

Note 2. This line is written at the head of page *14 of the MS., by the King's own pen.

Also Mr. Southwel3 committed to the Towre for certaine billes of sedicion written with his hand, and put to fine of 500 pound.4

Note 4. The register of the council corrects this entry of the King's in two particulars. Southwell's prison was the Fleet, and his fine 500 marks, not pounds: "ix. March, 1549. Mr. Southwell enlarged out of the Fleet upon recognisance of v C markes fine, payable at Easter 1550 C li., at Easter 1551 C li., and at Easter 1552 CC markes."

Likewise sir Thomas Arrundel1 and sir Jhon committed to the Towre for conspiracies in the West partes.2

Note 1. Sir Thomas Arundel was son of sir John Arundel, KB., of Lanherne in Cornwall, by lady John Arundell of Lanherne and Alianor Grey, daughter of Thomas marquess of Dorset and aunt to lady Katharine Grey, the earl of Arundel's first wife. His half-sister Mary (previously countess of Sussex) was the earl of Arundel's second wife. He was educated in the household of cardinal Wolsey, being "one of the gentlemen of the lord legate's privy chambre;" under which designation, and as his cousin and bedfellow, he is addressed by the earl of Northumberland in 1527 (letter in Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, edited by Singer, 1825, ii. 125). He was made knight of the Bath at the coronation of queen Anne Boleyne; and, having married Margaret, daughter of lord Edmund Howard, and sister to queen Katharine Howard, he was chancellor to that queen. He was also receiver of the duchy of Cornwall. (Council Book, Oct. 20, 1549.) George Cavendish, in his Metrical Visions, represents him as having pursued a line of conduct at this period corresponding with that attributed to him by bishop Ponet in the passage already quoted, —

With the duke of Northumberland I was in consultacion,

Who bore the duke of Somerset high indignacion:

I was cheafe councellor in his first overthrowe

Of the duke of Somerset, which few men did know.

On what ground he got into trouble at the present time has not been ascertained. In the proceedings of the council merely appears this entry under the "xxx. Jan. 1549-50: Sir Thomas Arundell knight committed to the Tower by the order of the board." He continued in the Tower until the 4th Oct. 1551, when he was released; but was again arrested on the 16th of the same month, and was one of those who were executed as conspirators with Somerset (as will further appear hereafter).

Note 2. Sir John Arundel was the elder brother of sir Thomas. He died in 1557; having married lady Anne Stanley, daughter of Edward earl of Derby [Note. This appears to be a mistake? His son John Arundell married Anne Stanley Baroness Stourton]. He was ancestor of the Arundells of Lanherne in Cornwall and Chideock in Dorsetshire; and his brother sir Thomas of those of Wardour, — still peers of the realm. As this passage of the Iving's Journal has been hitherto inaccurately printed, the name of sir John Arundel wholly disappeared from the text. On the xviij April, 1550, the council directed "letters to the lieutenant of the Tower to permit the lady Arundell, wife of sir John Arundell, to resort to her husband, at times convenient, at her liberty, talking with him in the presence of the lieutenant or his deputy." On the vij May "a letter to the lieutenant of the Tower, commanding him to lett sir John Arundell have the libertie of the same, having alwaies one of the lieutenaunt's men to attend upon him." On the 24th June the same liberty was conceded to sir John and sir Thomas Arundell, John a Leigh, and Hosier. (Council Book.) The earl of Warwick blamed the duke of Somerset for "having so unadvisedly attempted the enlargement and delivery of the bishop of Winchester and the Amndells." See a letter of E. Whalley to Cecill, dated 26th June, in Tytler, ii. 21.

In the absence of any other evidence than the above passage of the King's Journal, it may be doubted whether either sir Thomas Arundel or sir John had anything to do with "conspiracies in the West partes." A serious rebellion made head in Cornwall about this time, of which the chief captain was Humphrey Arundel, governor of the castle of St. Michael's Mount. That person, on his defeat, was brought prisoner to the Tower of London, and with some of his comrades was hung at Tybourn on the 27th Jan. 1549-50. Of this rebelKon in Cornwall and Devonshire considerable details are related by Foxe; see also Carew's Survey of Cornwall, and Hals's History of Cornwall, edited by Davies Gilbert, Pres.R.S. 1838, 8vo. ii. 192-198.

04 Nov 1549. A parliement1, wher was made a maner to consecrat priestes, bishops, and deacons.

Note 1. The parliament re-assembled on the 4th Nov. and sat until the 1st of Feb. Among its acts is a very short one, cap. xli, entitled "An Acte for the orderinge of Ecclesiasticall Ministers," whereby it was provided that "one unyforme fasshion and manner for makinge aad consecratinge of Busshoppes, Priestes, Deacons, or Mynisters of the Churche" should be framed by six prelates and six other men learned in God's law, and set forth by the King's proclamation. (Statutes at Large, iv. 112.) The form was subsequently added to the Book of Common Prayer, set forth in 5 & 6 Edw. VI. and confirmed by an act of Elizabeth in 1566: see Strype's Annals, ii. pp. 528 et seq.