Tudor Books, Hall's Chronicle 1492
Hall's Chronicle 1492 is in Hall's Chronicle.
In this very season Charles the French King (age 22), received lady Anne (age 15) as his pupil into his hands, and with great solemnity her espoused, having with her for her dower the whole country of Brittany. And so by this means the Britons became subject to the French King. Maximilian (age 33), being certified of this, fell into a great rage and agony, for it he was not content with the forsaking and refusing of his daughter lady Margaret (age 12), but also had taken and ravished away from him his assured wife lady Anne duchess of Brittany. And calling upon God for vengeance and punishment for such an heinous and execrable fact, cried out and railed on him, wishing him a thousand deaths. Yet after that he was pacified, and came to himself again, and had gathered his wits together, he thought it was most expedient to vindicate and revenge his honour and dignity so manifestly touched, with the dint of sword. And being in this mind, sent certain Ambassadors to King Henry (age 35) with his letters, desiring him with all diligence to prepare an army, and he himself would do likewise, to invade the French Kings realms with fire, sword and blood.
King Henry (age 35) hearing of this, and putting no diffidence in the promise of Maximilian (age 33), whom he knew to have a deadly hatred and lodge grudge against the French King (age 22), caused a muster to be made in all the parts of his realm, and put his men of war in a readiness armed and weaponed according to their feats: beside this he rigged, manned and vittalled his navy ready to set forward every hour, and sent couriers into every shire to accelerate and hast the soldiers to the sea side. After the message was declared, there came without any delay an huge army of men, as well of the low sort and commonalty as other noble men, harnessed and armed to battle, partly glad to help their price and to do him service and partly to buckle with the Frenchmen, with whom the Englishmen very willingly desire to cope and fight in open battle. And immediately, as monicion was given, every man with his band of soldiers repaired to London.
After that, all this army was arrayed and even ready to set forward whereof were chieftains and leaders, Jasper Duke of Bedford (age 61), and John, Earl of Oxford (age 50) beside other the King (age 35) sent Christopher Urswick (age 44) almoner, and syr John Wriothesley knight to Maximilia (age 33), to certify him that the King was all in a readiness, and would shortly arrive in the continent land, as soon as he were advertised that Maximilian and his men, were ready and prepared to join with him. The Ambassadors sailed into Flanders, and after their message done, they sent two letters in all hast to King Henry, the which not only sore unquieted and vexed him, but also caused him to take more thought, care and study on him then he did before: for they declared that no prince could be more unprovided or more destitute of men and armure, no more lacking all things, appertaining to war than was Maximilian, and that he lay lurking in a corner, sore sick of the flux of the purse, so that he had neither men, horses, munitions, armour nor money, nevertheless his mind and will was good, if his power and ability had been correspondent and therefore there was no trust to be put in his aide or puissance. Their letters both appalled and made sorrowful the King of England, which like a prudent prince did well consider and ponder, that it were both jeopardous and costly, for him alone to enterprise so great a war. And on the other part, if he should desist and leave of his pretended purpose, all me might call him coward and recreant prince. Beside this, he thought that his own nation would not take his tarrying at home in good nor favourable part, considering that syth they had given so large money for the preparation of all things necessary and convenient for the same, they might conceive in their heads and imagine, that under colour and pretence of a dissimulated war he had exacted of the notable sums of money, and now the treasure was once paid, then the war was done, and his coffers well enriched, and the commons impoverished. So that at this time he doubted and cast perils on every side and part, and beside this he was not a little sorry that Maximilia author of this war did absent himself and defraud him of his society and assistance. And while he studied and mused what counsel he should best take in such a doubtful and sudden case, he like a grave prince, remembering the saying of the wise man, work by counsel and thou shall not repent the, assembled together all his lords and other of his private counsel, by whose minds it was concluded and determined, that he should manfully and courageously persevere and precede in this broached and begun enterprise, recording well with themselves, and affirming plainly that all chivalry and martial prowess, the more difficult and heard that it is to attain to, the more renowned is the glory, and the fame more immortal of the vanquisher and obtainer. Therefore by this counsel of his friends and senate, he made Proclamation that every man should set forward into France, and yet not opening how Judasly Maximilian had deceived him, least that they knowing the whole fact, should not be so courageous to go toward that battle and precede forward on their journey. And therefore, to provide and force all perils and dangers that might accidentally ensue, he so strengthened, multiplied and augmented his army in such number before he took ship, that he with his own power might discourage and overcome the whole puissance of his adversaries.
he had thus gathered and assembled his army, he sailed to Calais [Map] the sixth day of October, and there encamped himself, tarrying there a certain space to see his men harnessed and apparelled, that neither weapon nor any engine necessary for his journey should be neglected. At which place all the army had knowledge by the Ambassadors, which were newly returned out of Flanders (for they did not know of it before) that Maximilian could make no preparation for lack of money, and therefore there was no succour to be expected at his hand. At the which report, the Englishmen were nothing abashed nor dismayed, trusting so much to their own puissance and company: but yet they marvelled and wondered greatly that heard it related, that Maximilian receiving such great villainy not long before at the hand of King Charles, was not present to prick them forward, to cry and call, to move and excite the Englishmen, ye and if he had had six hundred bodies to put them all in hazard, rather than to leave the Englishmen, now setting upon his daily enemies and deadly adversaries. Albeit Maximilian lacked no heart and good will to be revenged, yet he lacked substance to continue war, for he could neither have money nor men of the drunken Flemings nor yet of the cracking Brabanders, so ungrateful people were they to their sovereign Lord.
In the mean season, although the French King was as well with courage replenished as with men furnished mete to try a battle, yet all this notwithstanding he made semblance, as though he desired nothing more than peace, being not ignorant that peace to be obtained was of normal value and price, and yet he determined to make more expense in getting of peace then in setting forth of war and hostility, and regarded so much the less the treasure to be dispensed for the acquiring of unity and concord, for as much as he was afraid that he being diligent to resist the invasion of the Englishmen, that the Britons whereof the most part bare the yoke of his subjection contrary to their hearts and minds, would suddenly rebel and set themselves at liberty, and pluck out their heads out of his colour, and set up another duke and governor. And at the same very time he was invited and desired of Louis Sforcia duke of Milan to war against Ferdinand King of Naples, at whose desire he was pressed and joyous, thinking that he had that occasion sent to him from God, for the which he long before thirsted and sore wished. The which Kingdome he pretended to be due to him by succession and intended long before to acquire and conquer it by force of arms, as his very right and inheritance. For when Rene Duke of Angou last King of Sicily, departed without any heir male of his wife lawfully begotten, he did adopt to his heir of all his realms and dominions, Lewes the eleventh father to the third King Charles, to the intent that he should deliver Queen Margaret his daughter, out of the hands of King Edward the Third as you have well before perceived, wrongfully and without cause disinheriting his cousin, Godson, and heir, Rene duke of Lorraine and Barre. For the which cause he did the more busily procure and labour for the amity, favour friendship of his neighbours around about him, that when all things were appeased and set in good; stay at home he might the better employ his whole force and puissance on his war in Italy. Wherefore being much desirous to have all things pacified and set in a perfect concord and security, he sent Philip Creueceur lord Cordes his chief counsellor and diligent officer to entreat, move and persuade the King of England to be reconciled made again as a new friend to the French King. He not forgetting his message, sent letters to King Henry before he passed the sea, and arrived in the firm land, by the which he notified to him that he of his bound duty and observance which he ought to the King his master, and to the profit of his realm would take pain to invent and excogitate some mean way, that his highness King Charles his master being dissevered in amity, and made extreme enemies, only for the cause of Maximilian newly elected King of Romanes, should be reduced and brought again into their pristine estate consuete [usual] familiarity, doubting not to bring his ship to the port desired, if it might stand with his pleasure to send some of his counsellors to the confines and borders of the English pale, adjoining to France, there to hear what reasonable offers, should be demonstrated and proffered: which conditions of peace should be so reasonable and so ample that he doubted not, but that he might with his great honour break up his camp, and retire his army back again into his own seignory and dominion.
The King of England (age 35), maturely considering that Brittainy was clearly lost, and in manner irrecuperable, being now adjoined to the crown of France by marriage, which duchy, his whole mind was to defend, protect and confirm, and that Maximilian what for lack of money, and what for mistrust that he had in his own subjects, lay still like a dormouse nothing doing, perceiving also that it should be both to his people profitable, and to him great honour to determine this war without loss or bloodshed, appointed for commissioners the bishop of Exceter (age 40), and Gyles Lord Daubeney (age 41) to passe the seas to Calais [Map], to come with the Lord Cordes of articles of peace to be agreed upon and concluded.
When the commissioners were once met, they so ingeniously and effectively proceeded in, their great affairs, that they agreed that an amity and peace should be assented to and concluded, so that the conditions of the league should be equal, indifferent and acceptable to both parts as after shall be declared.
While the commissioners were thus consulting on the marches of France, the King of England (age 35), as you have heard, was arrived at Calais [Map], where he prepared all things necessary for such a journey. And from thence he removed in four battles, near to the town of Boulogne [Map], and there pitched his tents before the town, in a place propitious and convenient and determined to gene a great assault to the town. In the which fortress was such a garrison of warlike soldiers, that valiantly defended the town, and the same so replenished with artillery, and munitions of war, that the loss of the Englishmen assaulting the toun, should be greater damage to the realm of England, then the conquering and gaining of the same should be emolument or profit. Howbeit the King’s daily shot, razed and defaced the walls of the said town: but when every man was pressed and ready to give the assault, a sudden rumour rose in the army, that a peace was by the commissioners taken and concluded, which brute as it was pleasant and mellifluous to the Frenchmen, so it was to the English nation bitter, sore and dolorous because they were pressed and ready at all times to set on their enemies, and refused never to attempt any enterprise, which might seem either to be for their laud or profit: they were in great fumes, angry and evil content, railing and murmuring amongst themselves, that the occasion of so glorious a victory to them manifestly offered, was by certain conditions to no man, nor yet to the King commodious or profitable, refused, put by and shamefully slacked: But above all other diverse lords and captains, encouraged with desire of fame and honour, trusting in this journey to have won their spurs, which for to set themselves and their band the more gorgeously forward had mutuate [borrowed], and borrowed diverse and sundry sums of money, and for the repayment of the same, had mortgaged and impignorated [pawned] their lands and possessions, sore grudged and lamented this sudden peace, and return of them unthought of, and spoke largely against the Kinge’s doings, saying and affirming, that he as a man fearing and dreading the force and puissance of his enemies, had concluded an inconvenient peace without cause or reason: But the King as a wise man and most prudent prince, to assuage the indignation and pacify the murmur of the people, declared what damage and detriment, what loss and perdition of many noble Captains and strong soldiers must of necessity happen and ensue at the assault of a town, and especially when it is so well fortified with men and munitions, as the town of Boulogne at that present time was: protesting farther, that he might be justly accused and condemned of iniquity and untruth, except he did prefer the safeguard of their lives, before his own wealth, health and advantage.
When he had thus prudently consolate and appeased the minds of his men of war, he returned back again with his whole army, to the toun of Caieys [Map], where he began to smell certain secret smoke, which was like to turn to a great flame, without it were well watched and politicly seen to. For by the crafty invention and devilish imagination of that pestiforous serpent lady Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy, a new idol was set up in Flanders, and called Richard Plantagenet, second son to King Edward the 4th as though he had bene resuscitate from death to life, which sudden news more stack and fretted in his stomach, then the battle which now was set late forward and more pain he had (not without great jeopardy of himself) to appease and quench this new sprung conspiracy, then in making peace with the French King his enemy. And so he was content to accept and receive (and not to offer and give) the honest conditions of peace of his enemy proffered and oblated, except he would at one time make war, be the at home in his own country, and also in foreign and external nations. Wherefore King Henry foreseeing all these things before (and not without great counsel) concluded with the French King, to the intent that he being delivered of al outward enmity might the more quickly provide for the civil and domestical commotions, which he perceived well to be budding out. The conclusion of the peace was thus, y the peace should continue both their lives, and that the French King should pay to King Henry a certain sum of money in hand, according as the commissioners should appoint for his charges sustained in his journey:
Whiche (as the Kinge certified the Mayre of London by his letters the ninth day of November) amounted to the sum of vii C xlv M ducats, which is in sterling money I C Ixxxvi M ii C I l, and also should yearly for a certain space pay or cause to be paid for the money that the King of England had sent and expended in the tuycion [constitution?] and aide of the Britons 25,000 crowns, which yearly tribute, the French King afterward vexed and troubled with the wars of Italy, yearly satisfied, contented and paid, even to the time of his son King Henry the 7th to the intent to pay the whole duty and tribute, and for the further conservation and establishing of the league and amity between both the realms.
Shortely after that King Henry had tarried a convenient space, he transfreted [crossed the sea] and arrived at Douer [Map], and so came to his manor of Greenwich [Map]. And this was the yere of our Lord a. M.CCCC.xciii. and the 7th yere of his troublesome reign. Also in this sojourning and be beseiging of Boulogne (which I’ve spoken of before) there was few or none killed, saving only John Savage knight, which going privately out of his pavilion with Sir John Riseley, rode about the walls to view and see their strength, was suddenly intercepted and taken of his enemies. And he being inflamed with ire, although he were captive, of his high courage disdained to be taken of such villains, defended his life to the utmost and was manfully (I will not say wilfully) slain and oppressed, albeit Sir John Riseley fled from them and escaped their danger.
When King Henry was returned into England, he first of all things elected into the Society of Sainct George, vulgarly called the Order of the Garter, Alphose duke of Calabria son, according to his desire which Alphonse was son and heir to Ferdinand King of Naples,and after King of the same realm, until he was overcome by King Charles. And after, the King sent Christopher Urswick, Ambassador with the garter, collar, mantel, and other habiliments appertaining to the companions of the said noble order. Which Ambassador arriving at Napels [Map], delivered to the duke the whole habile, with all the ceremonies and due circumstances thereunto belonging which duke very reverently received it, and with more reverence requested himself with the same in a solemn presence, thinking that by this apparel and investiture, he was made a friend and companion in order with the King of England, whose friendship obtained, he feared nothing the assaults or invasions of his enemies. And this was the cause that he desired so much to be companion of that noble order, firmly believing that the King of England sovereign of that order, should be aider and maintainer of him against the French King, whom he knew would passe the mountains and make war on him. But this custom of assistance in orders was, either never begun, or before clearly abolished: For in our time there have bene many noble men of Italy, companions as well of the Golden Fleece in Burgundy, as of the order of Saint Michael in France, that have bene banished and profligate from their natural country, and yet have not been aided by the sovereign nor companions of the same order. For surely the statutes and ordinances of all the said orders do not oblige and bind them to that case, but in certain points. After this the duke dismissed the Ambassador, rewarding him most princely.
Shortely after this Charles the French King concluded a league with Ferdinand King of Spain, and also being entreated and solicited with the orations of diverse princes, which, persuaded and mollified the stony heart of a frozen prince, caused him to come to communication and treaty with Maximilian King of Romans, and to conclude a peace with him for a season, to the intent that he might without disturbance of his neighbours adjoining, prosperously and safely make war on Ferdinand King of Naples, and on all Italy, as he before had minded and excogitated.
And so Charles, being furnished with men, of arms, horsemen, footmen, navy, and aid of some Italians, passed through Italy by Rome and without any great labour won the city of Naples [Map]. When he had obtained this victory: in his return being assailed with the Venetians at the town of Fornovo, he had a great dangerous victory. And so like a conqueror, with great triumph returned into his realm and country. After him Louis the 12th being Kinge, when he found opportunity and saw the gap open, invaded the Italians again, and recovered again the realm of Naples, which Frecleryck the son of King Alphonse, not long before had gotten from the French nation: and after that he subdued and conquered the whole duchy of Milan. Albeit not long after (fortune turning her wheel) he lost both the Kingdom of Naples, and the fair city and duchy of Milan both together. And so the Frenchmen warring upon the Italians had no better success in their conquests, then their parents and predecessors heretofore have been accustomed. For undoubtedly, as many places as they vexed and sacked with murder and spoiling, so many or more in conclusion they did ennoble and decorate with their blood and slaughter. Which small recompense little profited and less relieved, such as before were robbed and spoiled of all their goods, substance and riches. After this the Spaniards arrived in Italy, and their putting to flight the Frenchmen, obtained the possession of the realms of Naples and Sicily, the which they possess and enjoy at this hour. And at length a certain nation of Germany, called the Swytsers, called to be partakers of the spoil of Italy, wane certain towns there, which they possess and enjoy at this present time.
In this war and tumultuous business in Italy, which was the most terrible and sorest plague, that any man can remember of that nation, there was no person, no place, no private house, no noble family, no captain or prince, but he was oppressed either with the heaps of the dead carcasses, or with the blood of his friends or subjects, or else sutired some affliction injury or detriment. And in some wise at one time or another, every man did taste and suffer all the mischiefs that appertained to the victory gotten by their enemies. The which defacing and blotting of the beauty of that country, sometime called the Queen of the Earth, and flower of the world, chanced not of her own self of hearing cause or desert, but the Italians her own sucking children opened the gap, and made the way of her destruction. For at that time thus it chanced, that when the potentates and seignories of Italy perceived, that all things under them succeeded, even as they would desire and wish, to their great exultation and rejoicing by reason whereof they sat still at home like sloggardes (as women be accustomed to do) scolding and brawling, exercising and practising privy displeasure and malice, not against their enemies as they were accustomed, but among themselves one against another, casting out of memory drowning their ancient renown, glory and honour with desire of rule and appetite to be revenged, and so destroyed the common weal, and subverted the olde monuments and acts of their forefathers and predecessors. And because some of them, thinking themselves, not of force and puissance sufficient enough to bring their purpose to effect, and to revenge their quarrel, they enticed, stirred and procured with gifts, rewards and promises, strangers and foreign nations to their aide and assistance. The other seeing them so desirous to have their help, partly moved with their gifts, partly with desire of rule, spoils, prayes, gathered together a great company and entered into Italy, and there destroyed, spoiled and possessed the better part of it. And so the Italians, as men out of their wit, where as they thought one to noye and hurt another with hateful warring, they destroyed their native country, being of nature enclosed and munyte with high hills and the main sea round about, and opened the way to strangers to their utter ignominy and final destruction, which they might have kept out of all danger, if they had bene their own friends, and loved their own wealth and commodity. Therefore, I may say: O progeny, as well wicked as ungodly, hath discord and dissention pleased the so much that thou wouldest utterly extinguish and confound the glory and honour of thy native country? And in conclusion, thou thyself art come to the deepest pit of wretchedness, because that thou perceiving the ruin that thou hast caused and procured, thou art more repentant for the beginning of it, then glad to desist and cause it, and so according to thy desert thou hast thy penance and guardon. The grand captain and beginner of this mischief was Sforcia, which at that time ruled at his will the duchy of Milan under Duke John Galeas his nephew: but for a truth this Louis ruled all, and the Duke did nothing. Wherefore Alphons Duke of Calabria, and after King of Naples, grudging that this Duke John his son in law, should be defrauded of his superiority and dominance, threatened sore this Louis Sforcia. Where he fearing to be put from his authority, solicited and by great entreaty procured Charles the French King to invade the realm of Naples. By reason of which procurement, Alphonse duke of Calabre, which succeeded his father Ferdinand in the Kingdom of Naples (which also as you have heard, was made Knight of the Garter) was first deprived of his Kingdom by the said King Charles, and shortly after of his life. But Louis’ force had no long joy after the death of his enemy, for he was betrayed and taken by the Swytzers which warred under King Louis the twelfth, then being French King, and carried into France, where he in the Castell of Loches miserably finished his life, according to the saying of the Gospel, woo be to him by whom a slander begins. Thys mischief began at that time when Charles came thither, and continued yet, which is the yere of our Lord MDXLIII for an example to other, the strangers invited to a prosperous country be loath to depart from the sweet savour once thereof tasted.
This yere was borne at Grenewiche [Map] lord Henry, second son to the King (age 34), which was created duke of Yorke, and after Prince of Wales, and in conclusion succeeded his father in crown and dignity. Nowe let us return to the new found son of King Edward, conjured by men’s policies from death to life.
And first to declare his lineage and beginning, you must understad that the Duchess of Burgoyne (age 45) so nourished and brought up in the seditious and scelerate factions of false contryers and founders of discord could never cease nor be unquiet (like a viper that is ready to burst with superfluity of poison) except he should infest and unquiet the King of England, for no desert or displeasure by him to her committed, but only because he was propagate and descended of the house of Lancaster, ever being adverse and enemy to her line and lineage. For which only cause she compassed, imagined and invented how to cast a scorpion in his bosom, and to infect his whole realm with, a pestiferous discord. To the intent that he being vanquished and brought to confusion, both the boiling heat of her malicious heart might be fully satiated with his innocent blood, and also advance and prefer some darling of her faction to his Empire rule and dignity. And principally remembering that the Earl of Lincoln, which was by her set forth and al his company had small fortune and worse success in their progression and enterprise, contrary to her hope and expectation, she like a dog reverting to her olde vomit, began to devise and spin a new web, like a spider that daily weaves when his caul is torn. And as the devil provides venomous sauce to corrupt banckettes, so for her purpose she espied a certain young man of visage beautiful, of countenance demure, of with subtle crafty and pregnant, called Peter Warbreck. And for his dastard cowardness of the Englishmen, in derision called Perkin Warbreck (age 17), according to the Dutch phrase, which change the name of Peter to Pekin, to younglings of no strength nor courage for their timorous hearts and pusillanimity. Which young man travelling many countries, could speak English and many other languages, and for his basenes of stock and birth was known of none almost, and only for the gain of his living from his childhood was of necessity, compelled to seek and frequent diverse realms and regions. Therefore the duches thinking to have gotten God by the foot, when she had the devil by the taile, and adjudging this young man to be a mete organ to convey her purpose, and one not unlike to be duke of Yorke, son to her brother King Edward, which was called Richard, kept him a certain space with her privately, and him with such diligence instructed, both of the secretes and common affaires of the realm of England, and of the lineage, descent and order of the House of Yorke, that he like a good scholar not forgetting his lesson could tell all that was taught him promptly without any difficulty or sign of any subornation and besides, he kept such a princely countenance, and so counterfeit a Majesty Royal, that all men in manner did firmly believe that he was extracted of the noble house and family of the Dukes of Yorke. For surely it was a gift given to that noble progeny as of nature in the root planted that all the sequel of that line and stock did study and devise how to be equivalent in honour and fame with their forefathers and noble predecessors.
When this diabolical Duchess had framed her cloth mete for the market, and imagined that all things was ready and prepared for the confusion of King Henry, suddenly she was informed that the said King of England prepared a puissant army aganst Charles the French King. Then she considering the opportunity of the time, as who would say, a time wished and a day desired to achieve and bring to passe her olde malicious and cantarde inventions, which always nothing less minded than peace and tranquility, and nothing more desired than dissention, civil war and destruction of King Henry. Wherefore she sent Perkyn Werbeck, her new invented Mawmet first into Portugal, and so craftily into the realm of Ireland, to the intent that he being both witty and wily might move, inveigle and provoke the rude and rustic Irish nation (being more of nature euclyived [?] to rebellion then to reasonable order) to a new conflict and a seditious commotion. This worshipful Perkin, arriving in Ireland, whether it were more by his crafty wit, or by the malicious and beastly exhortation of the saltiage Irish governors, within short space entered so far into their favours, and so seriously persuaded and allured them to his purpose, that the greatest lords and princes of the country, adhibited such faith and credit to his words, as that thing had bene true in deed, which he untruly with false demonstrations set forth and divulged. And as though he had bene the very son of King Edward, they honoured, exalted and applauded him with all reverence and due honour, promising to him aid, comfort and assistance of all things to the feat of war, necessary and appertaining.
In the mean season these news were related to Charles the Freeh King, then being in displeasure with King Henry, which without delay sent for Perkin into Ireland to the intent to send him against the King of England, which was invading France (as you before have heard). This Fleming Perkin was not a little joyful of this message, thinking by this only request to be exalted into heaven, when he was called to the familiarity and acquaintance of Kings and Princes. And so with all diligence sailed into France, with a very small navy, not so small as smally furnished. And coming to the King’s presence was of him royally accepted, and after a princely fashion entertained, and had a guard to him assigned, whereof was governor the Lord Congreshal. And to him at Paris [Map] resorted Sir George Neville bastard, Syr John Taylor, Rowland Robinson and an hundred English rebels. But after that a peace, as before is said was appointed and concluded betwixt him and the King of England, the aid King Charles dismissed the young man, and would no longer keep him. But some men say which were there attending on him, that he fearing that King Charles, would deliver him to the King of England, beguiled the lord Congreshal, and fled away from Paris by night. But whether he departed without the French King’s consent or dis-assent, he demeaned in his expectation, and in manner in despair, returned again to the Lady Margaret his first foolish foundation.
The duches thinking every hour from his departure a whole year, until such time she heard from him, and effectively desiring to know which way Lady Fortune turned her wheel, hearing him to be repudiate and abjected out of the French court, was in a great agony and much amazed and more appalled. But when she was ascertained of his arrival in Flanders, she no less revived, then he that bathe instead of the sword of execution, a pardon and restoration of his life and degree to him delivered and showed. And at his coming to her presence, she received him with such gladness, with such rejoicing and such comfort (as indeed she could dissemble alone above all other) as though she had never seen nor known him before, or as he were newly cropped out of his mother’s lap again, that what in trust to prefer him to the pre-eminence by her imagined, and what for the hope that she had to destroy King Henry, she fell into such an unmeasurable joy, that she had almost lost her wit and senses. And that this her gladness might be notified and made appear unto every man, she first rejoiced of her nephew’s health and welfare. And secondly she much thrusted and sore longed, not once, but diverse and sundry times in open audience, and in solemn presence to hear him declare and show by what meanes he was preserved from death and destruction, and in what countries he had wandered and sought friendship. And finally, by what chance of fortune he came to her court and presence. To the intent that by the open declaration of these feigned fantasies, the people might be persuaded to give credit and belief, that he was the true begotten son of her brother King Edward. And after this she assigned him a guard of thirty persons in murray and blue, and highly honoured him as a great estate and called him the White Rose, Prince of England.
By reason whereof, the nobility of Flanders were to him diligent, and with due reverence did him all the pleasure that lay in their power or offices. And to be short, the more that, this poetical and feigned invention was shadowed with the pretence of sincere verity, the more faith and undoubted credence was adhibited to it. In so much that many one thought him to be preserved, only by the will and mighty power of Almighty God, and to be conveyed at the first danger by some faithful friend of King Edward his father into some strange country, and so escaped the violent tyranny of his uncle King Rychard, which indubitably, hereafter should recover his father’s possessions and Kingdom. The same and brute of this juggled miracle was almost in one moment blown over all the country of Flanders, and the territories thereabouts. But in England it was biased in every place sooner than a man could think or devise it. In which country more than in other places it was received for an infallible verity and most sure truth, and that not only of the common people, but also of diverse noble and worshipful men of no small estimation, which are affirmed it to be true, and no comment or fable fantastically imagined. After this divulgation the Richard son to King Edward was yet living, had in great honour amongst the Flemings, there began sedition to springe on every side, none otherwise than in the pleasant time of year, trees are wont to bud or blossom. For not only they that were in sanctuaries, for great and heinous offences by them committed, but also many other that were fallen in debt, and doubting to be brought to captivity and bondage, assembled together in a company, and were passed over the sea into Flanders, to their counterfeit Richard son to King Edward, otherwise named Perkyn Warbeck. After this many of the noble men conspired together some through rashness and temerity induced thereunto, some being so earnestly persuaded in their own conceit, as though they knew perfectly that this Perkyn was the undoubted son of King Edward the Fourth solicited, slurred and allured to their opinion all such as were friends and favourites of the House of Yorke. Other through indignation, ennui and avarice, ever grudging and thinking they were not condignly rewarded for their pains and parts taken in the King’s behalf and quarrel. Other whom it grieved and vexed to see the world stand still in one stay, and all men to live in peace and tranquillity, desirous of some change, ran headlong into that fury, madness and seditious conjuration.
This rumour and vain fable of this twice borne duke Richard, divided all England and drew the realm into partakings and several factions, so that the minds of all men were vexed either with hope of gain and preferment, or with fear of loss and confusion. For no man was quiet in his own mind, but his brains and senses daily laboured and bet about this great and weighty matter, every man according to their intelligence, pondering and weighing in equal balance, the incommodity and danger that might hereof ensue, and the gain and commodity that by the same might be obtained and got. Albeit the King, and his counsel and other his faithful friends, not a little marvelled that any person (being in his right wit) could induce in his mind or find in his heart falsely to think and fraudulently too imagine, such a pernicious fable and fiction, being not only strange and marvellous, but also prodigious and unnatural, to feign a dead man to be renated and newly borne again. By the which open fallacy and untrue surmise set forth and palliated with the vesture and garment of a professed verity. Many of the noble men (as he well then perceived) took and reputed it, which was foolishly and maliciously set forth to unquiet perturb him and his realm, to be a thing true, just and unfeigned. So that he then saw as far as lynce [?] with his bright eyes, that this new invented comment and poetical painted fable, would make some broil and discord in his realm. Except it were manifestly published and openly declared to be a feigned fable, a seditious fraud and a crafty imagined mischief. Other persons, to whom war, sedition, and strife, were as pleasant as delicate viand or epicures living, were very joyous of these new, and believing no fraud nor deceit to be hid or cloaked under this golden tale. But whatsoever the fame was and the voice that ran abroad, that they reputed, sincere, true, and as an open plain thing, thinking that to redound both to their advantage, commodity and high preferment and honour, which thing did greatly animate and encourage them to set up the sails, and launch forth the oar of their pernicious and detestable entreprise. And because the matter was weighty and required great aide and assistance. Therefore they determined to send messengers to the Lady Margaret, to know when Richard Duke of Yorke might come conveniently into England to the intent that they being thereof certified might be in a readiness to help and succour him at his first arrivall.
1506. After this, the King having peace as well with foreign princes, for the terme of three years, as disburdened and purified of all domestic sedition, began to be diseased with a certain infirmity and weakeness of body, which thrice in the year, but especially in the spring time sore vexed & tormented him. And because for the most part, the harm and evil that chanced to the prince, is parted and communicate to his subjectes and people, the olde sweating whereof you heard before amongst the commons of the realm, came again, howbeit by the reason of the remedy that was invented by the death of many a creature in the beginning, it did less hurt and displeasure to the people at this time than it did before. But now the thirde plague equal with the pestilence ensued by the working of the masters of the forfeitureres by the King appointed as I shewed you before.