Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533 April

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533 April is in Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533.

1533 Anne Boleyn's First Appearance as Queen

1533 Coronation of Anne Boleyn

10 Apr 1553. Vienna Archives. 324. Chapuys (age 63) to Charles V.

Notwithstanding the remonstrances heretofore made by the Estates of the danger to which the King exposes himself and the kingdom, they have done the very contrary as much as they could, and there was no remedy that the King by his absolute will should not have constrained them to conclude and pass what he had put forward against the Pope's authority, viz., to declare that all processes, even in the case of marriage, ought to be settled in this kingdom, without recourse to the Pope, under pain of high treason; and that if any one in such a case bring in excommunication into this kingdom, he shall be considered as a traitor, and without any further process be sent to an ignominious death. This is only aimed at the Queen; which some of the Parliament seeing, one of whom sat for the city of London, who had formerly been in Spain, and is my very good friend, they proposed that if the King would agree to remit the decision of the affair of the Queen and of the Pope to a General Council, they would provide among the people 200,000l. But there is no chance that the King will listen that the affair be determined otherwise than by the Archbishop, of whom he is perfectly assured, as he has performed the office of espousal (de l'esposement), as I have formerly written to you; and he is fully resolved, as he has told many, and those of his Council publish, that immediately after Easter he will solemnize his marriage and the coronation of the Lady. The better to prepare the way, he sent yesterday the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the marquis and the earl of Ausburg (?) to the Queen, to tell her that she must not trouble herself any more, nor attempt to return to him, seeing that he is married, and that henceforth she abstain from the title of Queen, and assume the title of duchess (princess), leaving her the entire enjoyment of the goods she formerly had, and offering her more, if she needed more. The Queen would not fail to advertise me of the interview. I know not whether they are in any doubt as to the Queen's willingness to dislodge or not; but about eight days ago, the King's council commanded my lord Mountjoy to rejoin her with all diligence, and keep watch upon her, and not leave her.

10 Apr 1553. 324. Last Sunday, being Palm Sunday, the King made the bishop of Rochester prisoner, and put him under the charge of the bishop of Winchester; which is a very strange thing, as he is the most holy and learned prelate in Christendom. The King gave out in Parliament that this was done because he had insinuated that Rochford had gone to France with a commission to present an innumerable sum of money to the chancellor of France and the cardinal of Lorraine to persuade the Pope by a bribe to ratify this new marriage, or at all events to overlook it, and not proceed further; which the King thought his Holiness would naturally do, seeing that the matter was already settled. I think that Rochford must have had this among his other charges. Not to spoil their negotiations with the Pope for that which they were soliciting in these Estates, he begged the Nuncio, by the duke of Norfolk, not to write on these matters to his Holiness. The real cause of the Bishop's detention is his manly defence of the Queen's cause. You may learn by it the gross disorder of affairs here, and the obstinacy of this King, who seems to seek for nothing else except his own perdition. Whenever they speak to him of the inconveniences likely to arise, he says that whilst England is united, it is not conquerable by any foreign prince; but it seems to me he is doing all he can to disgust his people.

You cannot imagine the fear into which all these people have fallen, great and small, imagining they are undone; and even if they do not suffer from foreign, they will from civil war. But though their fear be great, their indignation is still greater, except with ten or twelve who hang about the Lady; so that they are willing to incur great losses, if your Majesty would send an army and root out the poison of the Lady and her adherents.

10 Apr 1553. 324. Excuse me if I speak of things concerning your service; but I think it can hardly displease you to make an enterprise against this kingdom, considering the enormous injury done to your aunt; for when this cursed Anne has her foot in the stirrup, you may be sure she will do the Queen all the injury she can, and the Princess likewise,—of which the Queen is most afraid. The said Anne has boasted that she will have the said Princess for her lady's maid (demoiselle); but that is only to make her eat humble pie (manger trop), or to marry her to some varlet, which would be an irreparable injury. And the enterprise would be more justifiable to obviate the scandal which will arise from this divorce, and likewise to prevent the kingdom from alienating itself entirely from our Holy Faith and becoming Lutheran; which will shortly come to pass without any remedy, as the King shows them the way, and lends them wings to do it; and the archbishop of Canterbury does still worse. The attempt would be easy; for they have no horse, nor men to lead them, nor have they the heart of the people, which is entirely in favor of you, the Queen, and the good Princess,—I may say not of the mean, but of the higher classes, except Norfolk and two or three others. It will be right that the Pope should call in the secular arm; and meanwhile, in support of the censures already executed, you might forbid negotiations in Spain and Flanders, and so induce the people to rise against the authors of this cursed marriage; and now and then, in order to animate them, it would be right to take up ships, and secretly support the Scots with money, and prevent them treating with this nation for peace. The chief difficulty is that the Most Christian King might do something new against your coasts; which I can hardly believe, seeing how just your quarrel is. For when the King here asked Monpesat whether his master would assist him in such a case, he said he did not know, as it was not expressed in their treaties. And if the Most Christian King wished to do mischief, seeing that the enterprise of this kingdom would be of so short duration, and doubting whether he could do anything of consequence, he would wait the issue; and if this King, who is the right hand of the other, was punished, it would abate his pride. Moreover, as he can do nothing without the Swiss, if they were advertised of the enormity of the case, they would not assist him against your Majesty, especially if you gave them a good pot of wine.

10 Apr 1553. 324. It is very true, that if the Princess were not in such danger as I have said, and that if the people here did not see you take up this affair a little warmly, they would lose heart and affection; so it would be better to temporise a little, only not allowing them to traffick with your subjects. And, further, in that it appears that there might be some danger that the king of France might make some stir, I think that your Majesty would do well not to allow the English merchants in your realm to be ill treated, for they would be instruments of augmenting the good will of this people.

I understand that the King intends to forbid any one speaking publicly or privately in favor of the Queen; and he will then proceed further, if God and your Majesty do not remedy it. Pray, pardon me, if I thus speak out of compassion for the Queen and the Princess.

The Nuncio has returned from Scotland, and says that the Scots being required by the English will condescend to the conditions they have required since the commencement; and that they are also ready for war. Albany's secretary is here. The German of whom I spoke to you has been despatched with a letter to the Landgrave. The King will not meddle with men-of-war.

The merchants here, seeing the state of affairs, are withdrawing their money. Begs to be furnished with what is necessary. London, 10 April 153[3].

Hol., Fr., pp. 7. From a modern copy.

12 Apr 1533. 12 April. Granvelle Papers, II. 22. 331. Charles V. to his Ambassador in France.

Has received his letters of 15 March and 4 April, and those of the Queen, &c.... Has written already of his disembarcation at Marseilles, and the treatment shown him there. As to the king of England's marriage with Anne Boleyn (age 32), the Imperial ambassador had written of it as a rumor before Easter, but he did not know it for certain. Has heard nothing from him since. Knows not if his letters have been detained. Praises the honest expressions of Francis about this marriage, the good counsel he had given the King, and the sympathy he had expressed for Katharine. Thought the proposed interview of the Pope and Francis had been dropped, &c. Barcelona, 12 April 1533. Fr.

15 Apr 1533. 15 April. Vienna Archives. 351. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

On Tuesday the 7th, hearing the strange and exorbitant terms and conduct used by the King against the Queen, of which I have heretofore advertised you, I went to Court at the hour assigned me for audience in order to remonstrate, taking Hédin with me, who is here by consent of the Queen for his pension, to be a witness of these remonstrances, in the hope that the King would take matters in better part in his presence. As soon as I arrived there Wiltshire met me; and on coming to the chamber of the duke of Norfolk, who had gone to the Queen, he told me that the King was marvellously busy, and had commissioned him to hear what I wished to say. I told him that what I had to say was of very great importance, and that I had never been denied audience before, and I could not think that the King would wish to break a custom without any occasion, seeing that your Majesty always willingly heard his ambassadors. He made very many excuses, and would not report my words to the King; until at last, when returning from the King a second time, he attempted to discover what I wanted to say, and wished to put off my audience till after the holidays. We concluded at last for Maundy Thursday (Jeudi Saint), on which I went to Court with Hédin, and was introduced to the King by Wiltshire (age 56). I was graciously received, and told him I could report nothing but old news of your Majesty, but I thought that you must have embarked since the commencement of the month; which he easily credited, out of the great desire he had that your Majesty should be out of Italy; adding that the season could not be finer. On his asking for other news, I told him of the peace between the King of the Romans and the Turk; at which he remained half stupefied, and entirely mute, without uttering a single word.

15 Apr 1533. 351. Then, entering on the principal topic, I told him that, notwithstanding that it was many days since I had heard some rumor of what was going on in Convocation, as also in Parliament, in prejudice of the Queen, her right and justice; yet I had not been willing to take notice of it, because I could not believe that so virtuous, wise, and Catholic a prince would consent to such things, and because I know that such practices could not derogate from the Queen's right. Now, however, as I have been lately advertised by several persons of these practices, I had thought that I could not acquit myself towards God or your Majesty, or himself, without making the necessary remonstrances, which I begged he would take in good part; and since he had no regard for men, all of whom he despised, that he would have respect to God. He told me that he did so, and that God and his conscience were on very good terms. After he had thus disgorged himself, in order to bring him back graciously, I told him that he showed he took us for servants and friends, speaking to us so familiarly, words which I thought proceeded from his mouth and not from his heart. He told me that he had spoken without dissimulation. On this I proceeded to say that I could not believe he wished to give such an example, seeing how Christendom was already troubled by so many heresies, or to break the treaties he had done so much to promote. I told him I had never heard of so strange a case of one leaving his wife after 25 years. He was very glad, not knowing what to answer to the rest, to take hold of this last point, saying it was not so long a time; and that if the world thought this divorce very extraordinary, still more the world found it strange that the Pope should have dispensed in it without having the power to do so. I referred him to five Popes who had dispensed in such a case, and that I had no wish to dispute the matter with him; but there was not a doctor in his kingdom, if it came to the point, that would not confess the truth. And proceeding to speak of the solicitation that had been made to obtain the seal of the university of Paris, on which he rested much, I desired to show him the letters and the names of those who had held the Queen's side; and he said he did not want to see them. I also told him that neither in Spain, Naples, nor elsewhere, could any prelates or doctors be found that were not on the Queen's side; and that even in his own kingdom there were some of the same opinion, unless they had been gained. And here I offered to show him letters, which he refused to see. To divert the conversation, he said that he wished to have a successor to his kingdom; and when I said to him that he had a daughter endowed with all imaginable goodness and virtue, and of an age to bear children, and that as he had received the principal title to his realm by the female line, nature seemed to oblige him to restore it to the Princess, he replied that he knew better than his daughter, and that he wished to have children. And when I said to him he was not sure of having them, he asked me three times if he was not a man like other men (si nestoit point home comme les autres), adding that I had no reason to affirm the contrary, seeing I was not privy to all his secrets; leaving me clearly to understand that his beloved lady was enceinte.

We then proceeded to discuss the point whether the Queen was known to prince Arthur; but with these arguments I need not trouble you. But when I urged that he had oftentimes confessed that the Queen was a virgin, and he could not deny it, he admitted it, saying it was spoken in jest, as a man, jesting and feasting, says many things which are not true. And when he had said this, as if he had won a very great victory, or discovered some great subtlety for gaining his purpose, he began to crow, telling me, "Now have I paid you off? What more would you have?" But his payment was not in current coin, and served me more than he thought, to defeat some words of the ambassador of that prince who most desires his honor and profit and the tranquillity of his kingdoms... I told him I wished to bring with me the said Hédin, who was and was reputed to be his servant, as were all those belonging to your Majesty; and I protested that whatever might be there said, I did not intend to write a word of it, except as he pleased, in order that hereafter the said Hédin might not contradict me. I made these observations in order to put him at his ease, and make him open his budget; and to confirm him the more, I said that heretofore I had considered myself very happy, that I had been sent to such a prince as he was, hoping that when the affairs had been studied by his council, he would redress them without difficulty. But as matters went now, I must consider myself unhappy that such a disorder had arisen, and that I had always assured you that, whatever face he might carry, his heart was sound, and he would maintain good relations with you. On hearing this, without having patience to listen further, and being marvellously desirous, as it appeared, to find some means of not entering on the matter, wrinkling his forehead and changing his look, he commenced saying, very brusquely, that all such remonstrances were useless, and he wished primarily to understand whether I had any charge from you to do this, for if I spoke of myself it would be another thing. I replied that it was evidently superfluous (chose trop excusee) to ask me if I had a commission from you to speak of matters that had arisen within eight days, and of which you could not have had notice within a month, and asked if he must receive more than four pairs of letters before he would give me credit, when my general commission was by all lawful means to assist in preserving the amity between you, and I had special charge in the Queen's matter, which was no small part of the said amity. Then he said that your Majesty had no right to interfere with his laws, and, whatever might be said of them, he would pass such laws in his kingdom as he liked,—with more to the same purpose. I told him that your Majesty did not wish to stop him from so doing, and that, in case of necessity, you would assist him; and that I did not intend to speak of his laws, except so far as they concerned the Queen, whom he wished to compel to renounce her appeal, and leave her case to be decided by his subjects, who, through promises or threats, or from pure fear, seeing how very ill he had acted towards many who had ventured to oppose him, would only determine according to his fancy. And hereupon I repeated what I had often said before, that if the affair was determined here, it would not hereafter remove the doubt of the succession; and if he would consider how unreasonable it was and unjust to have the case tried here, seeing he had already submitted it to the See Apostolic and obtained a commission for Campeggio and York, and had expressly agreed to the Queen's appeal to Rome, and afterwards, not content therewith, had solicited the Queen to have the cause tried out of Rome, but not in this country, as it was unreasonable, but in some neutral place, the Queen could not be constrained to any pretended constitution, whereto scarcely anyone had consented except by force. Hereupon, half in a fury, he told me there was no use in persuasion or remonstrance, and that if he had known that I was to speak of nothing else, he would have excused himself from giving me audience, searching, as before, to break off the argument and escape the conversation. On my repeating the intention for which I had come thither, and that it was his duty to hear not only your ambassador, but the least man in the world, and softly putting before him the constant kindness you had always shown to his ambassadors, he was constrained to stay, and proceeded to reply that as for the Cardinal's commission, it had been granted on the promise of the Pope, who had assured him he would never revoke the cause from here; but that now he would have nothing to do with any papal commission; and as to the offer that the affair should be decided in a neutral place, he would not consent, for he would have it decided here; that his consent to the Queen's appeal was only on condition that it could be done by the laws and privileges of this kingdom; that the statute of prohibition had been passed by Parliament, which the Queen, as a subject, was compelled to obey. On this I said that laws were prospective and not retrospective; and that as to the Queen, it was true that in being his wife she was a subject, and, presupposing this, there was no question at all as to the constitutions or appeals; but if he did not consider her as his wife, she could not be regarded as a subject, for she only resided here in virtue of her marriage, and if he disavowed her she would not remain his subject, and might claim her right of being conveyed to Spain, which could not be until the affair was decided before him to whom he had first recourse. On his replying that he had not made her come, but Prince Arthur with whom she had consummated the marriage, I replied that although he had not asked her to come, he had prevented her from returning after the death of prince Arthur, when the King Catholic sent to ask for her by Hernand duke d'Estrada, as I showed him by letters, which he refused to read, saying again that she must have patience and obey the laws; and that your Majesty, in recompence of the many favors he had done to you, had done him the greatest and most grievous injury, in having kept him so long from marrying and propagating the line of his succession; that the Queen was no more his wife than she was mine; that he would treat her as he intended, in spite of any one who might growl at it; and that if you, for your pleasure or fancy, gave him any trouble, he would defend himself with the help of his friends. When I showed him that the marriage had been solemnised by his father and the King Catholic, the two wisest princes in the world, who would never have consented if there had been any scruple in reference to prince Arthur, on which he laid so much stress, he said he would do as he liked, without caring for anything, and that your Majesty had shown him the way of not always obeying the Pope, by the appeal you had made four years ago to a future council. On this I told him that he would act like a good Catholic to follow the same path and appeal to the Council; and since he alleged your example, I wished him to notice that you had shown great respect for the excommunication, for that in Holy Week you had abstained from attending at mass. At these words he showed himself very much nettled, fearing, as I think, lest I should say to him that he did wrong in not obeying the excommunication and interdict already published against him; and drawing himself up a little, he said that I stung him. I begged of him to know in what, and that I would not for anything in the world have thought of so doing. Hereon he became a little more gracious, but though I pressed him much he would not tell me in what he felt himself stung, nor has he told me since. At the close I asked him, supposing the Spaniards and the Flemings, like good Christians, for fear of the interdict, would not have intercourse with his subjects, whether they would incur the penalty of his laws, and whether any one could blame them? He remained thoughtful and dumbfoundered, not knowing what to say. Hereupon, wishing to take my leave rather than that he should abruptly break off the conversation, I said that as matters were in such a bad state, I would labor no longer nor waste my time. He gave me a gracious adieu, retaining Hédin, only to tell him, as he has reported, "You have heard the Ambassador, who speaks of excommunication and prohibiting intercourse. I give you notice that it is not I but the Emperor who is excommunicated, because he has long opposed me, not allowing me to get out of the sin in which I was, and has put off my marriage; and this is the kind of excommunication which the Pope cannot remit without my consent. But do not tell the Ambassador a word of it." Your Majesty can well imagine his blindness. Hédin only replied that these were matters too high for him, and beyond his digestion (gabiers, i.e. gavier). We then returned without dining there, notwithstanding we were pressed to do so by Wiltshire, who manages in the absence of the Duke.

15 Apr 1533. 351. On Wednesday the duke of Norfolk, and the other Commissioners of whom I lately wrote, declared their charge to the Queen, which was in substance to persuade her to give up her appeal, and be content to have the cause settled here; in doing which she would not only lay the whole kingdom under obligations to her, and prevent the effusion of blood, but the King would treat her better than she could ask. At last, perceiving there was no hope of getting her to comply, they told her they were charged by the King to say that she must not weary herself about it any longer, for he had married the other lady more than two months ago, in presence of several persons, though none of them had been invited to it. Then, after many gracious words and excuses for what they were doing, as only out of obedience to the King's command, they departed. After their departure Lord Mountjoy, the Queen's chamberlain, came to notify her that the King would not allow her henceforth to call herself Queen, and that at the close of one month after Easter he would not defray her expenses, nor the wages of her servants, and he intended that she should retire to some of her own houses and live on a small income, which he had assigned her, which would not suffice for her attendants a quarter of a year. She replied that as long as she lived she would call herself Queen. As to keeping house, she would not commence so late; and if the King felt himself so much aggrieved at the expense of her allowance, she would be satisfied with what she had, and with her confessor, physician, apothecary, and two women, and go wherever he wished. Otherwise, failing of food for herself and her servants, she would go and beg for the love of God. Although the King himself is not ill-natured, it is this Anne (age 32) who has put him in this perverse and wicked temper, and alienates him from his former humanity, and we must believe that she will never cease until she has seen the end of the Queen, as she has done that of the Cardinal, whom she did not hate so much. The Queen has no fears, but is marvellously concerned for the Princess.

Anne Boleyn's First Appearance as Queen

15 Apr 1533. 351. On Saturday, Easter Eve, dame Anne (age 32) went to mass in Royal state, loaded with jewels, clothed in a robe of cloth of gold friese. The daughter (age 14) of the duke of Norfolk (age 60), who is affianced to the duke of Richmond (age 13), carried her train; and she had in her suite sixty young ladies, and was brought to church, and brought back with the solemnities, or even more, which were used to the Queen. She has changed her name from Marchioness to Queen, and the preachers offered prayers for her by name. All the world is astonished at it for it looks like a dream, and even those who take her part know not whether to laugh or to cry. The King is very watchful of the countenance of the people, and begs the lords to go and visit and make their court to the new Queen, whom he intends to have solemnly crowned after Easter, when he will have feastings and tournaments; and some think that Clarencieux went four days ago to France to invite gentlemen at arms to the tourney, after the example of Francis, who did so at his nuptials. I know not whether this will be before or after, but the King has secretly appointed with the archbishop of Canterbury that of his office, without any other pressure, he shall cite the King as having two wives; and upon this, without summoning the Queen, he will declare that he was at liberty to marry as he has done without waiting for a dispensation or sentence of any kind.

15 Apr 1533. 351. The English merchants trading in Flanders were, on Good Friday, with the King, to learn if they might send their goods into Flanders. He told them he was not at war with you, and if they had any scruple about going they should stop at home, and if they wished to go they should go. All the merchants with you have withdrawn their goods. Cromwell, who is powerful with the King, three days since had all his principal goods carried into the Tower. Neither the King, nor any man of his court, but is as much in fear of the people as of your Majesty; but it seems that God has blinded their eyes and sense, because, for anything I can see, they do not know how to make themselves secure, and I think that if there came upon their backs the least "baude"1 in the world, they would be so dismayed that neither the King nor any other would think of anything but flight, knowing the will of the people.

Note 1. Not "bande," apparently, but a masculine noun: "le moindre baude."

15 Apr 1533. 351. Eight days ago Rochford (age 30) came from France with the seigneur De Beauvoes, who left yesterday to return to Scotland to persuade the king of Scots to refer his differences with the King to the arbitration of Francis. I am told by a trusty person that Albany's secretary, returning from a visit to Beaulvois, informed him that Beaulvoys would do nothing in Scotland, and that war would come of it sooner than anything else. The said Scots triumph more than ever, and, instead of standing on the defensive, make continual invasions. The English, I hear, would gladly have peace; but God, as I have said, has taken away their understanding to find the means. Rochford, as his servants say, has received in France 2,000 cr. as a present for the good news he had brought of his sister's (age 32) marriage; to whom the French king has written as to a Queen. I think they take this in France for good news, both to break the amity between your Majesty and the King, and because it may be a means of getting rid of their debt and pension, either by necessity or by the fear the English will have of them, or else that the Pope, if he should proceed to sentence and aggravated censures, will release them from all obligations.

15 Apr 1533. 351. The name the King wishes the Queen to be called by is the old widow princess. As to the Princess, her name is not yet changed, and I think they will wait till the lady has had a child.

Every day crowds of people come to inquire of my servants and neighbours whether I have determined to leave, for until I depart many will always think that your Majesty has consented to this marriage; otherwise they cannot believe that the King would have dared to have done it. I think, therefore, your Majesty should revoke me immediately. London, 15 April 1533.

The King is sending today a courier to Rome, I think to intimate [to the Pope] that what has been done against him in Parliament has been at the solicitation of the people, and not at his, and that on ratifying his marriage he will revoke it all. He does not wish the courier to carry any letters but his own, lest the truth be discovered. Your Majesty had better notify his Holiness of it, and spur him to give sentence.

Hol., Fr., pp. 14. From a modern copy.

21 Apr 1533. Add. MS. 28,585, f. 236. B. M. 365. Count Of Cifuentes to Charles V.

Received his letter of April 8, at Vulsena. Entered Rome on Thursday 17th. Had an audience of the Pope on Saturday. He told me he had heard that the English ambassadors and other persons on the King's behalf had urged him to revoke the brief sent for the separation of the King and "La Anna (age 32);" which he would not do, out of respect to the Emperor, though there are errors in the brief which would justify it. He has remitted it to the cardinals De Monte and Campeggio, the auditors Capisucha and Simoneta, and the Datary. Said I was not a lawyer, but I did not think the Pope ought to hear any one on the King's part, as they showed no power; they only wish to protract the case, and give the King an opportunity of marrying, which he has promised the Lady to do before St. John's Day. His Holiness said he believed this, as he had the same news from France, and that the reason was the Lady's pregnancy. He said also, if the marriage took place, the remedy of the case remained. Replied that he should do justice at once, as the Queen thought so much of it; that although the King spoke those words he would not do it if the Pope decided the case, but the delay they see here gives them occasion to say such words, and may lead them to do it in deed. He replied that he would do justice, and order it to be done, and asked what the Emperor would do if this marriage took place. Said your Majesty would act as became a powerful and wise prince. He finished the conversation by saying he would do justice.

Rome, 21 April 1533.

Sp., pp. 6. Modern copy.

21 Apr 1533. R. O. 366. Sir Thomas Audeley to Cromwell.

Is asked by my lord of Norfolk to write to Cromwell for the opinions of doctors and learned men in the King's great case. He has written to my lord of Canterbury, but my lord of Wiltshire (age 56) reports that he hath them not. If not with you, they must be at York Place or with Dr. Lee. If at York Place, the King says you may go thither; if not, send for Dr. Lee, or, if he be not in town, search his chambers, for the King wishes them sent with speed to my lord of Winchester. "Written this morning." Signed: Thomas Audeley, k., Chancelor.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: To his loving friend, Mr. Cromwell, Esq.

27 Apr 1533. Vienna Archives. 391. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

This feast of Easter the prior of the Augustines1 in his sermon recommended the people expressly to pray for queen Anne (age 32); at which they were astonished and scandalized, and almost every one took his departure with great murmuring and ill looks, without waiting for the rest of the sermon. The King was greatly displeased, and sent word to the Mayor that on dread of his displeasure he should take order that nothing of the kind happened again, and that no one should be so bold as to murmur at his marriage. The Mayor hereupon assembled the trades and their officers of the several halls, and commanded them, on pain of the King's indignation, not to murmur at his marriage, and to prevent their apprentices from so doing, and, what is worse and more difficult, their wives. The King in vain forbids and makes prohibitions, as it only makes the people speak more against it in private, and these prohibitions only serve to envenom the heart of the people. Four days ago the King sent to the Queen to forbid her and her servants from using the title of Queen; and, not content with this harshness, he has forbidden the Princess either to write or send any message to the Queen; and though the Princess begged of him to depute an express messenger who might testify that she sent no message to the Queen except of how she did, or who might first show the King all the letters that passed between them, she could not obtain this. This prohibition was sent to her the same day that the King sent to her to inform her of his new marriage; at which she was a little sad, and then, like a wise woman as she is, she dissembled the matter, showing herself glad; and without saying a single word of the marriage, suddenly after she had dined, without communicating her intentions to any one, she sat down to write a letter to the King; and when those who brought the news were urgent for a verbal answer, according to their commission, she would not say a single word to them, referring them to her letter; at which I hear the King is well satisfied, and praises highly her prudence. Notwithstanding the execution of this project, the King resolved to go on with the process, and the Queen has been cited to appear before the archbishop of Canterbury on the first of next month, at an abbey 30 miles from here. This being a solitary place has been chosen for secrecy, as they fear that if the affair were managed here, the people would not refrain from speaking of it, and perhaps from rioting. The citation at first threw the Queen into great perplexity, not knowing what to do; but after I had given her my advice she did not care for it. There is no danger for the Queen in anything they can do, if she does not renounce her appeal, expressly or tacitly, and by some indirect means, which the King and his ministers are attempting by various methods. To remedy this I have drawn up certain protestations, whereby I hope that the Queen will not fall into the net of their calumnies and malice.

Note 1. George Browne, D.D.

27 Apr 1533. 391. If it had pleased the Pope, since he was not willing to give sentence, to insert in the bulls of the said Archbishop that he was not to have meddled in this affair, it would have removed many inconveniences; but he prefers to allow the English to assert, as they have long done, that his Holiness would at the last deceive you. The principal remedy is to obtain sentence, &c., in which, conformably with justice and his promise, he should find no difficulty. The Queen is afraid, and likewise many others, that, with his accustomed artifice, and to please the French and the English, and yet still keep hold of you, he [the Pope] will delay the definitive sentence (for if it comes to that, it will be in her favor, even if she had not half so strong a case);—at least, if it be true, as many say, that his Holiness only tries to keep the Princes in dissension, knowing that even if he gave sentence in favor of the King, your Majesty would acquiesce in it, and there would be no question of war. The English, as I have already written, will spare no pains to gain the Pope, so as at least, if they can do no better, to make him delay and dissemble the affair; so your Majesty must use extreme diligence and urgency.

I have formerly written to your Majesty that when the sentence is obtained, it would be well to send it here by some honest person, to soften the matter (adoulcir les affaires), and that it might not seem that it was intended to direct the King by blows of the stick; and although such a means be now fruitless "a offert de persuader," still by using such courtesy we shall be doing our best, and shall be better justified before God and the world; and the other provisions would not be delayed by it if your Majesty would give heed to it.

Seeing the bad disposition of affairs here, I have attempted to learn the Queen's intention, in order to find some remedy, since kindness and justice have no place. But she is so scrupulous, and has such great respect for the King, that she would consider herself damned without remission if she took any way tending to war. A little before I wrote to you, that, however much she desired some other remedy, nevertheless she left it to me, but I have not yet been able to come to particulars(?) ("qu'elle s'en rappointoit à moy, et aux particularité ne ouverture ay encoires peu avoir d'icelles.")

27 Apr 1533. 391. Has been asked by English merchants about sending goods into Flanders, and I told them that they need not fear, considering your great benevolence. The Spanish merchants live under the halter and are ready to dislodge; of which being advertised by an Italian, Norfolk was very sorry. The herald sent into France was for the purpose of carrying the Garter to the Grand Master and the Admiral.

The duke of Norfolk is preparing to go in embassy to France, and will take with him the bishop of London, the abbot of "Uvaircaistre" (bp.of Winchester?), the controller of the King's household, Mr. Brian, Mr. Broun, and others. They will be in number upwards of 100 horse. It is generally reported, but I cannot yet ascertain if it is true, that part of them will go on to Rome, and the others to your Majesty. Some suspect that the Pope and the French king are to have an interview at Avignon or Nice, and that this great embassy is got up to take part in it. This I look upon as a fable; but as the Duke was so urgent to hasten the last courier they sent to Rome, of which I informed you in my last, and promised him an increase of his wages by 40 ducats if he went and returned in 20 days, because he could not leave this until his return, it must be supposed either that the Pope "ayt de marcher ou envoyer quelqu'ung" to the said court of France, to treat with the English, or perhaps that the English will have required the Pope and the king of France to allow them certain personages who shall with them intercede with your Majesty to allow the affair to be decided here.

Coronation of Anne Boleyn

27 Apr 1533. 391. Preparations are making for the coronation of the Lady, which will exceed in sumptuousness all previous ones. It is said that it will take place on Ascension Day. The said Lady (age 32) will be bravely crowned, seeing she has all the Queen's jewels, with which she adorns herself every day; and it seems a very strange thing to every one, and very cruel, that the King should allow the Queen to be so despoiled of her jewels, and give them to another; which will certainly increase confusion. London, 27 April 1533.

Hol., Fr., pp. 6. From a modern copy.

28 Apr 1533. Harl. MS. 283, f. 96. B. M. Ellis, 1 Ser. II. 32. 395. Henry VIII. to Lady Cobham.

Has appointed her to attend on horseback at the coronation of "the lady Anne our Queen (age 32)," on the feast of Pentecost, at Westminster.

Desires her to be at Greenwich on the previous Friday, to accompany the Queen to the Tower; on the next day to ride through London to Westminster; and on Whitsunday to attend at the coronation in the monastery. She must provide white or white grey palfreys or geldings for herself and her women. The apparel for her own horse will be furnished by the Queen's master of the Horse, except the bit and bosses. Her robes and liveries shall be delivered by the keeper of the Great Wardrobe. Greenwich, 28 April. Stamped. P. 1. Add.

28 Apr 1533. Egerton MS. 985, f. 57 b. B. M. Add. MS. 6,113, f. 33 b. B. M. 396. Queen Anne Boleyn (age 32).

"For the Quenes coronacion."

[To appoint the day for the coronation, and to prepare all things for the same.] Letters from the King to be sent to the nobles, lords, knights, ladies, and others to attend; and to those who will be created knights of the Bath, [whose names Garter is to have]. Commissions to be made for the Great Steward and Constable. The day when the Steward shall sit in the White Hall. All noble men who hold land by service royal to bring in their claims. The mayor, aldermen, commoners, and crafts of London are to meet the Queen before she comes to the Tower. The King will meet her at the Tower. A kirtle and mantle of cloth of gold furred with ermines. A lace of silk and gold with tassels for the mantle. A circlet of gold garnished with precious stones. A litter of timber covered with cloth of gold. Down pillows covered with cloth of gold, for the litter.

A lady [appointed by name] to bear her train. The mayor, aldermen, and crafts of London are to do their service accustomed, and the streets between the Tower and Westminster are to be garnished with tapestry, arras, silk, &c., [and the banners, standard, and pennons of crafts to be ready to garnish the barges and stand where the wardens be of each occupation.]

Memorandum.—The Lords, the High Steward, Constable of England, Garter, the Mayor of London, and the two squires of honor to be in crimson velvet and "beket" (fn. 4) hats. The tipstaves of the marshals in their liveries, to avoid the press of people. A canopy of gold with valance to be borne by 16 knights. [Two esquires of honor to be appointed to represent the dukes of Normandy and Aquitaine.] A horse of estate, saddled, [to be led by the Master of the Queen's horse]. Six henchmen on palfreys harnessed with cloth of gold. Two chairs covered with cloth of gold, and ladies of the highest estate to sit in them, clothed in crimson velvet. Six ladies on palfreys with saddles and harness like those of the henchmen. Two other chairs richly garnished for the Queen's ladies. A great number of ladies and gentlewomen on palfreys dressed according to their estates. A void to be prepared for the Queen at Westminster. A kirtle and mantle of purple velvet furred with ermines, with a lace, &c., for the day of the coronation. A circlet. A cloth of estate in Westminster Hall. The procession. A ray cloth [to go from the Hall to Westminster]. A canopy borne by the barons of the Cinque Ports. Two bishops to go every side of the Queen. The verge of ivory [to be borne]. The sceptre. A rich crown of gold. Liveries to be given according to the precedents of the Wardrobe. The archbishop of Canterbury to do as appertaineth. The seat royal or pulpit to be dressed with cloth of gold and cushions. The Queen to be howseled, and after to have a secret refection [of such meat as she likes best]. A stage to be made, latticed and covered with rich cloths, for the King and others to see the solemnity. [The mayor, aldermen, and commoners of London, with their crafts, to meet the Queen before she comes to the Tower. The King to meet her, and welcome her at the Tower.] The service to the Queen at dinner, and the ordering of the hall, to be committed to those who have authority. A stage in Westminster Hall for minstrels and trumpets. The kings of arms, heralds, [and pursuivants] to keep their accustomed stage at the right end of the table, [and to have a cloth on the table with proper service.] The Treasurer and Comptroller to go on foot, and the three high estates [Constable, Marshal, and Steward], on horseback, [their horses trapped.] A stage on the left side of the Hall latticed and garnished for the King. The surnap, and who shall draw it; [the marshal to be named.] The void after. [The Mayor to bear the cup of gold.] Jousts and tourneys. [To appoint the number of challengers and defenders for the jousts, to go before the Queen from the Tower to Westminster Hall on their steryng horses, garnished with bells and devices.] The Lord Steward, Treasurer, and Comptroller must give warning overnight to those who shall do any service.

Two copies; pp. 3 each.

30 Apr 1553. R. T. 137. 407. Henry VIII.

Commission to Thomas earl of Wiltshire and Ormond, keeper of the Privy Seal, and Master Edw. Foxe, the King's almoner, to conclude a stricter league and amity with Francis I. Westminster, 30 April 25 Hen. VIII.

Modern copy from the French Archives, pp. 2.

Apr 1553. R. O. 416. The Royal Supremacy.

A religious and political rhapsody in defence of the King's authority, on the text Ecclus. XV.:—Si volueris mandata conservare, conservabunt te. In the course of his argument the writer asserts that it was the Pope who endeavoured to set England against the Emperor, offering Henry VIII. a dispensation to "marry with France" and dissolve his previous marriage, which would have created war in Christendom; but God favored the King and his realm, so that "by my lady Anne chancing to enter and fulfil that place so opened" war was avoided. Thus the Popes have been makers of marriages between Kings and Queens only to set one against another, and prevent them meeting in a General Council. Thus the Pope maintains his lordship over all. If a council of Kings were held, the knowledge of Christ might be put into Kings' heads by God's teaching. To teach the King to know his office, "is made an ordinary head seal of the King's head office, wherein is figured the very form of God's law, like as in Heaven to be ministered, likewise in England." Discusses a multitude of figures contained in this head seal, and urges the necessity of a reformation, as the King has given away his lordship to the spiritualty.

Begins: "The wily deep-witted men taught, by the artificial crafts of men's wisdom so deeply sought, how their deep reason might rise so high in this world to overcome all other men's reason which are taught by their scolez (schools); as when unlettered and unlearned men by their scolez show such reason as God put into them (be it never so veylable), if lettered men do not love and favor it by their school teaching, are ever arguing to confound it, willing that no men's reason should be allowed, but only theirs of their sort which would confound all other sorts."

Ends: "And yt subject can hold no land by no riztwisnes of God under the sonne, but it be measured and met by the King's standard rizt of God's law above the sone. The King knoweth not his own rizt of his head office; he hath given his head rizt to his subjects, which by his own lauz hath robbed his kingly image by his sufferance at their wills; hath given it away from him to the spirituality, holden contrary to God's lauz. Here I make an end, for lack of paper."

Pp. 61. In the handwriting of Clement Armestrong.

Apr 1553. 419. Grants in April 1533, 25 Hen. VIII.

8. Sir Geo. Bulleyn, lord Rocheford. Wardship and marriage of Edm. Sheffeld, son and heir of Sir Rob. Sheffelde, during the minority of the said Edmund. Greenwich, 28 April 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 29 April.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 9.

Apr 1553. R. O. 423. The Staple Of Calais.

"Demands to be made of the King's behalf of the merchants of the Staple."

1. That they shall pay the King the sums due this day upon all obligations according to the days of payment. 2. That they shall pay ½d. more on each woolfell that they shall load hereafter to Calais, and 13s. 4d. more on every sack. 3. That they shall bring in bullion for every sack according to law, and not henceforth make any exchanges without licence.

On these conditions the King is willing to take their house and lands in Calais and the Marches, and to accept the other offers made in their supplication, and to grant them liberty to ship and to continue their company, and to pay for no more wools and fells than they shall ship.

In Cromwell's hand, p. 1.

ii. Memoranda on the back of the preceding:—

"For to remember the judgment to be prepared for in the King's great matter.

Item, for the despatch of my lord of Norfolk (age 80).

Item, the bill for the succession, and to rest upon the same.

Item, for to devise for the coronation, and to see presendementtes for the same.

Item, to devise for lands for the Queen.

Item, for the establishment of the Dowager."

In Cromwell's hand.