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Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533 May

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533 May is in Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533.

1533 Marriage of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn

1533 Coronation of Anne Boleyn

1533 Cranmer declares Henry and Catherine's Marriage Invalid

Marriage of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn

07 May 1533. Add. MS. 28,585, f. 244. B. M. 454. Count Of Cifuentes to Charles V.

Was told by the Pope that he had letters from his Nuncio [in England] of April 12, saying, that the King had married "la Anna (age 32)" publicly, with all the usual ceremonies. A few days previously he had convoked the Estates for this purpose, and many opposed the King in both Houses (?) (asi de unos como de otros); and this was in the first Parliament. At the second the same thing happened, and the King rose to his feet, bidding those of his party help him, as he wished to marry. The opposition of the other party was at last overcome by money, promises, and threats. To give a colour to what the King wished to do, it was determined that all cases of tithes, marriages, or wills should be decided in the kingdom before ordinary judges, of whom the chief was the principal Archdeacon (archidiano mayor) of London1. The judge of the first and second appeal was the archbishop of Canterbury, with certain prelates. The King summoned the Archbishop, and told him that he should marry (casasse) this Anna. The dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk were sent to intimate this to the Queen.

Note 1. William Clyff, LL.D.

07 May 1533. 454. The Pope seems indignant at this (afea este caso). But on pressing him to give sentence, as he must see that moderation was useless, he said that the Emperor could remedy it. Replied that his Holiness was bound to do justice and decide the case, and that the Emperor was wise and powerful, and knew what he ought to do. He wished to know, before he gave sentence, whether the Emperor would interfere (se pornia de hecho en esta cosa). Made the same reply as before, that the Emperor would probably do nothing until the Pope had executed justice. Wishes to know what he ought to say, as the Pope will make no declaration till he knows the Emperor's wishes. Said that as the King had acted so shamelessly in marrying, if he found the same mildness in the Pope as he had done hitherto he would act in the same way in future in all matters touching the Holy See. He has given orders that the principal cause shall be seen to immediately, but I think he will delay till he knows the Emperor's will.

Thinks the Pope, though he seems troubled, is really pleased at this marriage, and his anxiety to know whether the Emperor will go to war with the King is suspicious.

The Nuncio has also written that the Scotch king, fearing continual war with England, has sent a bishop to ask aid from France, but has received no answer as yet. He is vexed at Francis having received the Toison from the Emperor. The Bishop has a commission for the marriage of the King with a French princess; and if that cannot be managed he will go on to Flanders to negotiate with queen Mary for the daughter of the king of Denmark. *

As to the interview, told the Pope that the French king would not perform one of his principal promises, which was to pacify the king of England, as the latter had determined to marry.

He had published his intention of going on 26 May, but now he says the galleys will not be ready for the whole of June. Rome, 7 May 1533.

Sp., pp. 6. Modern copy.

09 May 1533. Tyndale's Works (Daye's edit.), p. 435. 458. Tyndale (age 39) to Frith.

I hear that the hypocrites, now that they have overcome that great business which letted them, or at least brought it to a stay, return to their old nature. The will of God be fulfilled. Commit yourself only to Him. Your cause is Christ's Gospel. Be of good courage. Stick at necessary things. The death of them that come again after they have once denied, though it be accepted of God, is not glorious. Seek no help from man. Let Bilney be a warning to you.

P.S.—Two have suffered in Antwerp in die Sanctœ Crucis1 for the glory of the Gospel, four at Riselles in Flanders, and one at least at Luke, all on the same day. At Roan in France they persecute, and at Paris five doctors are taken for the Gospel. See, you are not alone. When you have read this, send it to Adrian. George Joye at Candlemas printed at Barrow two leaves of Genesis in a great form, and sent one copy to the King and another to the new Queen, with a letter to N. to deliver them and get licence to go through all the Bible. Out of this is sprung the noise of the New Bible, and out of that is the great seeking for English books at all printers and bookbinders in Antwerp and for an English priest that should print. This chanced on the 9th May. "Sir, your wife is well content with the will of God, and would not for her sake have the glory of God hindered."

Headed by the editor of Tyndale: A letter from William Tyndale unto John Frith, being prisoner in the Tower of London.

Note 1. Invention of the Holy Cross, 3 May.

10 May 1533. Vienna Archives. 465. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

Since my last of the 27th I have received yours of the 8th ult., of which I at once informed the Queen, to her great joy and consolation at this time, not only for the renewed assurance of your Majesty's great interest in her lamentable affairs, but also to learn of your prosperity, on which depends the peace of Christendom. Considering that it is not lawful for her to make any appeal or protest, or present any [papal] provision to the archbishop of Canterbury, under penalty of rebellion and treason, by virtue of the last ordinance passed in this Parliament, and all that one could allege would not prevent or delay the purpose of the archbishop of Canterbury to give sentence of divorce on the morrow of the Ascension; and, moreover, as it is to be feared that, if she appeared, the Archbishop and others deputed in this affair might get notaries and witnesses to write something in their favor touching the "prorogacion" of the jurisdiction, and the "derogacion" of her appeal,—she is determined not to appear in any way before the said Archbishop. Moreover, it is quite unnecessary, seeing that the revocation of the cause, and the inhibition against proceeding, have been long since executed here, and the other provisions annulling all procedures, in places of which the Archbishop cannot pretend ignorance. Nevertheless, for greater surety, I have prepared certain protests and extrajudicial appeals before a qualified person according to law, which are of quite as great validity as if they were passed before the said Archbishop.

10 May 1533. 465. So far as I can see, the King would be very glad if the Queen disobeyed in any way the Act of Parliament, not only that he might have occasion to treat her ill, but also that he may compel all the lords of the kingdom, who in such case ought to be her judges, to condemn her to incur the penalty named in the said Act, thinking that by this artifice they will be compelled to maintain their sentence and his quarrel; and for the same reasons the Queen thinks she ought not to appear, especially considering the language used on the King's behalf two years ago by the duke of Norfolk, the bishop of Winchester, and the Treasurer, of which I informed your Majesty at the time; viz., that, as I valued my life, I should beware of executing apostolic letters, for the King himself could not prevent the people offering violence to me (que le peuple ne me assomat); not that there is any fear of the people, seeing the great love they have for your Majesty and the Queen, if those here (ceulx cy) by false persuasions do not provoke (nacassent, qu. provocassent?) them to some disorder; which, perhaps, they would be glad of to arm the people against your Majesty, and so put them in despair of your benevolence, which, I understand from the ambassador Eliot and from others, they are trying hard to do. For this purpose it has been suggested (advisé) among them that your Majesty, stimulated by the insatiable cupidity of the Spaniards, had conspired to come and ravage the whole kingdom, waste everything with fire and sword, and extirpate the whole English race. The good treatment which ought to be shown to the English merchants will remedy this, as I have written.

10 May 1533. 465. Notwithstanding the said resolution, in order to discharge my duty as far as possible, and to make the King's obstinacy apparent, I wrote a letter to the King, which I transcribe word for word, viz.:—

"Sire, as I informed you lately, and as you may see whenever you please, the Emperor has given me express power and command, in case it is proposed to treat of the affair of the Queen's marriage, to appeal and protest in his Majesty's name, and present letters apostolic, and do all other things necessary for the preservation of the Queen's right. And as I understand that the archbishop of Canterbury, not having regard to the appeals and inhibitions, of which he cannot pretend ignorance, has caused the said Queen to be cited, I would desire to discharge my commission in accordance with my said power. And this, more on other accounts than for fear of the procedure of the said Archbishop, who in this case could do no prejudice to anyone but himself; yet, for the sake of good repute (pour le debvoer de honnestete), and for the desire I have always had that things should go well, I wished first to notify it to you, desiring you to take it in good part, as may be expected of your prudence and humanity, &c. London, 5 May 1533."

I thought it better to write the said letter than to go and speak to the King, because, having made such a disorder, it did not seem right to frequent the Court, lest the world should suspect your Majesty consented to the affair; and also for other considerations, especially that the answer of the King's intention might be made and given to me in writing for my discharge, and that I might show it to those who take the Queen's part, and publish it among the people as I found necessary. The King received the letter from my man very benignly, and immediately told him that he would send an answer either that day or the next; which he did; and there came to me, on his part, Cromwell, who manages all his affairs, who told me that the King had received my letter, containing several articles,—among others, that I intended to appeal and present letters apostolic to the archbishop in the name of your Majesty; that he thought your Majesty had no cause to meddle in the affair, and that I ought to consider that, though the privilege of ambassadors was great, it did not justify them in violating the rights of the Crown and kingdom; and that the King prayed me to have regard to this, using many gentle and gracious words. And because the matter was of great importance, the King did not limit himself to this answer, but desired me to confer with his Council on the 7th, when a full answer would be given to me.

10 May 1533. 465. On the 7th I was at Westminster at 8 a.m., where were assembled in council the Chancellor, the earls of Wiltshire (age 56) and Essex, lord Rochford (age 30), the Treasurer, the Controller, Cromwell, the two chief judges of England, Drs. Fox and Sampson, and others. The two Dukes were not there, because they had gone home to their houses. On Wiltshire arriving there, he drew from his pouch the letter I had written to the King, asking me the meaning of it, and that I would show the power therein mentioned. To this I replied, that as to showing the power I had no great occasion, for as I was ambassador it was only of use to me for my discharge as against your Majesty, in case I should be accused of having intermeddled too far. Nevertheless, to show that I did not wish to stand on ceremony, I was willing to satisfy the King by producing the said power, and I threw it upon the table; which being read, I declared my said letter summarily, giving them to understand the tenor of the briefs and excommunications. On hearing this, Wiltshire, as one much grieved and astonished, began to say that the said letter appeared a little strange, and that it was of such a quality that if it had been written by any one in the kingdom, however great, his body and goods would be confiscated by virtue of the late statute, of which he desired to notify me by the command of the King, who had besides ordered him to tell me that if I desired to live in peace and do the duty of an ambassador, as I had done till now, the King would treat me most favorably, as much as any ambassador who could come to him from any prince; but if I meant to assume two faces, and exceed the duty of an ambassador, it would be another thing. Therefore, I ought to consider well how I interfered in the matters contained in the said power. On this I said he acted like the eels of Meaux1, who cry before they are skinned; for as yet I had neither appealed nor presented apostolic letters, nor done anything by my said letter of which they could reasonably complain, even if it had been written by any other than an ambassador. As to the good treatment of the King, of which he spoke, I held myself very well satisfied hitherto, and that he was so virtuous and humane that he could not do otherwise; also he could not, without injuring his reputation. As to the two faces of which he spoke, I did not yet know this art, if he did not teach it to me. By these two faces he meant, to attempt to act as ambassador and as proctor. At last I told him he might lawfully enough excuse himself from speaking of this matter, as being an interested party, and moreover that it was a matter for learned men. At this he knew not what to say, except that he referred himself to others.

Note 1. Thomas Boleyn 1st Earl Wiltshire and Ormonde.

10 May 1533. 465. I then said, if they were so pleased, I would relate to them the discourse of this affair, and my opinion. On their desiring to hear it, I asked if it should be in French or Latin? They thought it would be better in Latin, as they did not all understand French. And I made them a long discourse, beginning with the friendship your Majesty had always borne to the King and realm, and that you had interfered in this affair more for the benefit, honor, and repose of the said King and realm than for any other cause, although your Majesty holds the Queen for your mother, and the Princess for your sister; declaring with what moderation and gentleness you had proceeded in this affair. And because he founds his justification chiefly on the opinion of the universities and of individual doctors, I showed them the practices that had been used in those universities; and how there were a greater number of opinions in favor of the Queen; and how all the prelates of Spain, Naples, and other countries had, without hesitation, decided in her behalf; and how, notwithstanding all the practices and menaces used here, yet the most learned and virtuous prelates and doctors of this kingdom persisted in the said opinion, and even the university of Paris said that, the Queen not having been known by the Prince, this marriage was good; and for proof that she had not been known, I gave them innumerable reasons. I then told them that the statute which they alleged was not valid, for several reasons which I set before them; and, supposing it was good, that the Queen ought not to be included in it, for reasons which it would be too long to relate. I afterwards alleged to them the most just causes why the case should not be decided here, especially before this Archbishop, who is the man most suspected in all the world, and who, as a violater of his recent oath of obedience to the Pope, and also as one excommunicated, can give no sentence of any value; and that the sentence of the Pope alone is sufficient to abate hereafter the dissensions which may arise touching the succession; which dissensions, as they have known heretofore, are very easy to disseminate in this kingdom, and very difficult to extinguish: that heretofore the Roses had troubled the kingdom, but now it seemed they desired to sharpen the thorns of the roses; and that they must consider that even if the Archbishop was a competent judge in this matter, that since sentence in a matrimonial cause "ne passe jamays en chose jugee," his sentence will be liable to be withdrawn sans prescription; which will tend to create disorder and internal trouble, for reasons which will be too long to write, but of which I have notified the first to Granvelle.

10 May 1533. 465. On this, after they had conferred together a little while in English, Dr. Foxe rose, and made a long answer to me, to the effect that the King by his great learning, moved by the Divine Spirit, had found that he could not keep the Queen as his wife, and, like a Catholic prince, he had separated from her, and that there was no occasion to discuss the matter further; and as to disputing the jurisdiction of the archbishop of Canterbury, it would be against the laws, which neither the King nor the realm would tolerate, even under presentation of briefs or bulls from the Pope, who, to speak frankly, had no authority here, or jurisdiction, either over temporality or spirituality; and that if I did this, I could not protect myself by the privilege of ambassadors, for that was beyond the duties of the office, especially as the said briefs were not commands of your Majesty, but of the Pope, whose ambassador I was not, and had no charge from his Holiness so to do, which belonged to his Nuncio; besides that, my said power was of old date, and that your Majesty might have changed your opinion since, which they think probable from information received by the King from his ambassador, and for this reason they would pray me, in order not to put myself in danger, or the realm in trouble, and also not to embitter matters further, that I would wait for a new command from your Majesty.

After several replies and discussions, as I persisted in my intention of executing what was contained in my said power, they one and all begged me to have regard to the inconveniences above mentioned; and finally, seeing that the two judges were there only to make solemn prohibition and conjure me not to transgress the said statute, of which Wiltshire held a copy in his hand, in a great roll of paper, as long as I was there,—and also because, as I wrote at the beginning of this letter, there was no necessity to do so,—determining to make a virtue of necessity, I told them that although they knew that I only desired the good of affairs, and not to create too great difficulties, I was content to delay two days, and that meanwhile it might please the King to make answer to my letter in writing, and that if he made me such an answer as it seemed to me your Majesty might be content with, I would forbear to proceed further. Of these words they all showed themselves very glad. I expect today the said answer, and if I do not receive it I will try again. On leaving the Council, for a bonne bouche I told them that there were men in their court who made very strange reports, for some wished the people to understand that your Majesty had consented to this affair, and others said you wished to come and destroy this kingdom; and as to the last point, I informed them that your Majesty never thought otherwise than to favor this kingdom, and had never imagined they would give him occasion to do otherwise. As to the first, they must understand that unless justice required it so, all the world could not alter your Majesty's intentions, who would pursue the Queen's right to the end, not less, as I have said, for the affection you bore both to the King and Queen, which I hope the King would know, putting apart somewhat his passion; and therefore they would do well to take order about these publishers of news, otherwise I should be compelled to publish other news. They replied that this was quite reasonable, and that if they found things so, they would give order about them.

Marriage of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn

10 May 1533. 465. The King's marriage was celebrated, as it is reported, on the day of the Conversion of St. Paul; and because at that time Dr. Bonner (age 33) had returned from Rome, and the Nuncio of the Pope was frequently at Court, some suspect that the Pope had given a tacit consent which I cannot believe. It is true that from that time the said Nuncio did not go very frankly into business; and although before the said statute I had solicited him according to the charge he had from his Holiness, and to the promise he had made me, when I presented your Majesty's letters to him, to put the brief in execution against the Archbishop, or that he would assist me in it, he has done nothing about it, and I fear that, "à la sourde," he has not always done his duty. The duke of Norfolk's mission to France is only founded on the Pope's journey to Nice, as I lately wrote. He came eight days ago, accompanied by the King's physician, to visit the French ambassador, who is ill of a tertian fever; and being there at dinner, some one asked if he was not going to Rome as reported; to which he replied, either for brag or to disguise his going to the Pope, that he would never go to Rome except with lance on thigh.

10 May 1533. 465. He said also that on this journey he would take with him at least 300 horses, besides mules of burden. I do not know how he will manage at his return, but it seems that he has great desire to march. It has been determined since my last that no churchman should go with him. It is not yet known when he will leave, for it depends upon the post, who, as I last wrote to your Majesty, has not yet returned from Rome. Dr. Sampson and others have told me that the King has no doubt this meeting at Nice is made by consent of your Majesty. The King has ordered all the gentlemen to be here at the Feast of Pentecost, to honor the coronation of the Lady, for which solemnity new loans are levied every day; but the King will reimburse himself too much, for it is a custom here, when such a festivity takes place, to create knights those who have a sufficient revenue to support it; and if any one refuse the honor, to avoid incurring certain obligations, as several do, the King formerly took a certain fine; but now it is proposed to proceed more roughly, that is to say, that every one who has a revenue of 40l. sterling be obliged to accept the said order, or give up his whole revenue for three years. This is a serious thing, besides the displeasure they have at the ill-treatment of the Queen, which makes the people murmur against this coronation; and most of them have no hope of reformation, except by the aid of your Majesty, and no fear, even those who possess property, except that your Majesty will forget them (ne les oblige, qu. oublie?), saying that they know well this accursed woman will maltreat all those who have taken the Queen's part or spoken in her favor. I speak of men of mark, for whoever would punish all the others would have enough to do; and I venture to assure your Majesty that things are now at such a pass that if there came men from your Majesty, they would have as much following as they pleased. This woman does all she can to gain the goodwill of the Londoners; but she deceives herself, for if there come a crisis (ung affaire), I think they would keep their wages and say, "vive qui vence," as usual.

Ten days ago the King despatched to Rome in great diligence the nephew of the auditor of the Chamber, I know not about what. There has also arrived here the Pope's man to speak of the convocation of the Council, who with the Nuncio was at court on Sunday, and they will return thither tomorrow. I imagine they will get an agreeable answer, viz., that the King does not wish to promote the said Council, which is, as the English say, just what the Pope wants, whatever he pretends. The messenger of Denmark, who was here before for the justification of the outrage done to the English in Denmark, has returned, and I have not been able to discover why he came. London, 10 May 1533.

Fr., pp. 10. From a modern copy.

18 May 1533. Vienna Archives. 508. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

Although the King's Council had promised me an answer to my letters within three days, they delayed to call me for more than six. On Tuesday last the duke of Norfolk (age 60) and others invited me to dinner, which I thought it right to decline under the circumstances, especially not to increase the suspicion that your Majesty has consented to this detestable proceeding. After dinner I went to them; and there, for innumerable reasons, they wished to persuade me that I ought not to interfere with the jurisdiction of the archbishop of Canterbury, both on account of their late law, and also for the insufficiency of my power, against which they raised several objections. Having fully replied to them on these matters, they, instead of answering me, begged me to consider the little good, and, on the other hand, the danger, that would arise from what it was proposed to do. I showed them again the utility of it, and the necessity which compelled me to proceed according to my charge; and both on this and on the other matters we had a long conversation, of which it is needless to report the tenth part, as all the points depended one upon another.

18 May 1533. 508. As I have already informed your Majesty, my obstinacy in this course has not been with a view to execute what I threatened, for no good could arise from it, but only to have occasion to show them a number of things, and to obtain some influence with the King and his Council by gratifying them in this; and thereby at last to secure somewhat better treatment of the Queen and Princess, of whose ill-usage no one here dare speak a word for fear of the Lady, and if I had proceeded as above they would have made it worse. The Queen has also strongly approved of this course. On the said Tuesday, after having discussed the whole matter, nothing came of it but that I intended to proceed to the execution of my charge, unless the King made me an answer by writing to the aforesaid letters with more urgent reasons than they had alleged; and if they hesitated to make this report to the King, I would write to him again; and thereupon, they having undertaken to do so, I came away. On Wednesday evening I sent to ask Cromwell to come and speak with me next morning; to which he consented very readily; but having at the same time informed the King, who wished to speak to him first, he sent to excuse himself for that day. Yesterday morning he came to me, and declared the said cause of his delay; and after much talk I gave him to understand the good service I had always done to maintain peace between your Majesty and the King his master, and that he was no good servant either of the one or the other who did not do all in his power to that effect; and, considering the disorder of this new marriage, hoping that in time the King his master would remedy it himself when his passion had cooled and he had discovered the truth, I would not embitter matters and throw oil instead of water on the fire. For this reason, considering that the execution of my charge would irritate the King, and for other reasons which I forbore to explain, to testify my desire for the preservation of the amity, I intended not to proceed until I saw some new complication in the affairs of the Queen, or received some new command from your Majesty, and that the King and his Council, having made such disorder, ought to forbear to irritate your Majesty by little things, such as the maltreatment of the Queen in changing her name and diminishing her attendance, and taking away her arms from her barge, and those which were engraved in stone in the gate of the great hall of Westminster,—ignominies which have not hitherto been used except towards those attainted of treason. Cromwell praised my goodwill towards his master, and thanked me for those last suggestions about the arms, of which he said he had heard nothing, adding that he firmly believed the King had not been informed of it, and would be displeased at it. As to the Queen's household, so far as he was informed, the King had no intention to diminish it. I told him I thought he was so much inclined to the said amity that I believed he had done good service in this matter, and would continue to do so; for the principal affair, which the King would cover under pretence of conscientious scruple and to leave male successors, would discover itself by these petty iniquities and annoyances. This I protested, I said to him, more as a servant of the King his master in that matter than of your Majesty or the Queen. He appeared to take it all in good part. He then began to recount the great benefits the King his master had conferred not only on you but on the emperor Maximilian and the late King Catholic, and he thought your Majesty was so great a prince that though the Spaniards, being very courageous and not mindful of his honor, wished to stimulate him to war against the King, the memory of those favors and the common good of both countries would restrain you, besides that the English would not allow themselves to be beaten without resistance. He afterwards attempted to excuse what the King had done so precipitately, that it was only because they knew the Pope would not do him justice; and with this he uttered two or three taunts against his Holiness, and exalted very much the learning of his master, by which he had found that he had been able to do what he had done, and having thereby satisfied his conscience, he thought no one had a right to blame him, although he confessed that neither the King nor all Christian princes, nor even the preachers, could persuade the world that the King had not been influenced by passion; but, as already remarked, it was enough that he satisfied his own conscience. I asked him, as I had also asked others, of the time, place, and witnesses of this new marriage, but could get no particulars. The duke of Norfolk told me that he was not present at it, but that there could be no doubt it was done, for there were men in the Council who had witnessed it; but he would not tell me who, nor anything else, although I told him, to draw him out, that it was incredible, seeing that they would not publish the form, and that it would be very strange that such a prince with such loyal subjects did such an act in a corner (soub la cheminee), which would make the world all the more suspect and speak of it. On my asking their news from Rome, Cromwell told me, I know not whether by dissimulation, that the Pope, being informed of this affair by the King's ambassadors, was very much grieved and a little angry, saying he would find a remedy. He told me he did not know when the duke of Norfolk was to depart.

18 May 1533. 508. As I was reading your Majesty's letter of the 25th ult., reporting your prosperous arrival in Spain, for which all your subjects and even all true Christians ought to thank God, Cromwell entered my chamber, and I showed him the charge I had to notify to the King his master, which I begged him to do for me, as I did not think it becoming, under present circumstances, to go to the King. He accepted it willingly. I showed him also the article touching the offers of the count of Tenda on the part of the French king, and added a few words of my own about the prospect of friendship continuing in that quarter. Cromwell assented to my words, but showed no great joy at the news, and took leave, promising to do his best to prevent cause of offence being given to your Majesty. If I can, by this or other means, prevent them from doing anything more to the Queen and Princess, it will be the utmost that any one can do here. Although I have said that I meant to pass over the arguments that I used to the King's Council, I think your Majesty ought to understand that having proved to them by several reasons that the statute made against the Queen was of no validity, because by old alliances it is unlawful either for your Majesty or the King to make laws to the prejudice of each other's subjects, and, moreover, it was in direct contravention of the last treaty of peace, and although the Queen was here a subject, as they wished to affirm, still her natural subjection could not be abolished by the accidental, and that if for an injustice done to a poor seaman, or for the stealing of a horse on foreign territory by consent of one of the Princes, peace would be violated, it would be still more so in this case, the injury being so great, and the person to whom it is done more than a subject. To this and the confirmations which I adduced they knew not what to reply. I have thought right to inform you of this, that if the Pope would not do his duty touching the delay of the affair, your Majesty may consider if you cannot take the remedy into your own hands without infringing the treaties, which the English have already violated.

You cannot imagine the great desire of all this people that your Majesty should send men here. Every day I have been applied to about it by Englishmen of rank, wit, and learning, who give me to understand that the last king Richard was never so much hated by his people as this King. Nevertheless, he was chased out by two or three thousand Frenchmen, their leader being not only not so much loved as your Majesty, but hardly known; and, moreover, he had not the favor of a Queen and Princess and their adherents, who comprehend nearly the whole kingdom; but it was impossible, without the aid of foreigners, that they should dare to declare themselves, and that if you wish to strengthen yourself with the favor of the Scots and of this people also, it would be necessary to set agoing the rumour that your Majesty desired the marriage of the king of Scots. I had not intended to enter so much into this matter, seeing that I have already written more than became me, but for the importunity of several persons.

18 May 1533. 508. Tomorrow the duke of Norfolk's (age 60) horses and some of his company will leave this. He himself will follow in six days, to be at Nice at the beginning of July. As for news, the Pope's agent, who was here about the convocation of the Council, was referred from the court of France to this court for an answer to this charge, and the English have sent him back to the said court, remitting everything to the will of the French king. The King's Council say that the Pope is only trifling in this matter, and has no more wish for a Council than they have. The Pope's agent has been very well received with a present of 300 cr. They made court some days to the Nuncio to give the people to understand the intelligence they had with the Pope. They had the Nuncio here resident for this and other matters quite at their command, and he has done very poor service in the Queen's affair. Nothing is known yet to have been done by the French ambassador, who has gone to Scotland for the peace. Since he left here, he has received many letters from his own court; which, I suspect, is owing to the urgency of the English, who desire peace very much. There have been here, for eight days, two young Frenchmen, who, the day before yesterday, returning from court, where one was made a knight, came to visit me with the French ambassador. They are sent hither by the grand master and admiral of France to be installed in the Chapel of the Order of the Garter at Windsor, in the name of those lords.

Coronation of Anne Boleyn

18 May 1533. 508. The Londoners wish to make all the inhabitants contribute to the costs of the coronation, which will be a charge to them of about 5,000 ducats, of which 3,000 are for a present to the Lady (age 32), and the rest for the ceremonial. Formerly there was no opposition to the said contribution; now they compel even foreigners to contribute; but I hear they will have the decency in this case to exempt the Spaniards. The Easterlings, as being subjects of your Majesty, would like to be excused, but the great privileges they enjoy here prevent them from objecting. London, 18 May 1533.

Hol., Fr., pp. 6. From a modern copy.

19 May 1533. R. O. 510. Edw. Lord Stourton to Cromwell.

On the 17th day of this month M[ay]1 there was delivered to me by a friend of mine, one of the monks of the Charterhouse of Wytham, Somersetshire, named Dan Peter Watts, who deposed that the prior of the Charterhouse, Henton, came in time past to the prior of Wytham in Lent, and said that the night before he had a marvellous vision; that he saw a stage ry[all where]upon stood all the nobles of the realm, who by one consent drew up into the stage the Queen that now is, as he thought, by a line; to which he put his hand, and so suddenly came again unto his remembrance, and sore repented his folly that he had so much done in prejudice of the law of God and Holy Church; and further he said, striking himself upon the breast, God defend that ever I should consent to so unjust and unlawful a deed. The said Peter says he has other secrets concerning the King and Queen, which he reserves for their ears. I send him up to you. Bonnam, 19th of the month aforesaid.

I beg your favor for the prior of Sherborne. Signed.

P. 1. Add.: Of the Council. Endd.

Note 1. The first two strokes of the M are alone visible.

Marriage of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn

23 May 1533 Lanz, II. 66. 523. Charles V. to Ferdinand of Hungary.

I wrote on the 12th what I had learned about the marriage (l'esposement) of the king of England to Anne Boleyn (age 32). I have since received letters from my ambassador, by which you will see that the said marriage is accomplished, and that the King holds her as his wife and queen of England. Although the injury done to the Queen and Princess is extreme, and there is little hope of bringing Henry to reason, considering the delays and subterfuges used by him and the Pope, yet after careful consideration it has been thought best to persist in the demand for justice, as you will see by the copy of our despatches to Rome and England; and that you also should send some one to Rome to urge the matter. I write also to the king of Portugal to do the like. Barcelona, 23 May 1533. Fr.

Cranmer declares Henry and Catherine's Marriage Invalid

23 May [1533]. R. O. 525. John Tregonwell to Cromwell.

My lord of Canterbury (age 43) gave sentence this day at 11 o'clock in the great cause of matrimony; has declared it to be against the law of God, and has divorced the King from the noble lady Katharine. He has used himself in this matter very honorably, and all who have been sent hither on the King's behalf have acted diligently and towardly. Sentence shall be given for the King's second contract of matrimony before the Feast of Pentecost. The process is partly devised. 23 May.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: Of the Council. Endd.

23 May [1533]. R. O. 526. Thomas Bedyll to Cromwell.

Sentence of divorce was given this day, 23 May, at 10 a.m., in open court, without contradiction. I have written this that you may signify it to the King if you be at court, that the King may have knowledge of it to his satisfaction. This day was appointed for the sentence at the last court. The King's commands, written to the Archbishop by Thirleby, were declared to my company here and to me, and we have done as much as the shortness of the time will allow. My servant comes post, having new horses at St. Alban's and Barnet. Dunstable, 23 May, after 10 o'clock a.m.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: Of the Council.

23 May [1533]. R. O. St. P. I. 396. Cranmer's Letters, 243. 528. Cranmer to Henry VIII.

Today, 23 May, I have given sentence in your great and weighty cause. I send a copy thereof by the bearer, Ric. Watkyns. As I was advertised by the letters of Mr. Thurlesbye, your chaplain, that it was your pleasure that I should cause your counsel to conceive a procuracy concerning the second marriage, I have sent the letters to them, and required them to act accordingly. I desire to know your pleasure concerning the second matrimony as soon as you and your counsel are perfectly resolved therein, for the time of the coronation is so near at hand that the matter requires good expedition. Dunstaple, 23 May. Signed.

P. 1. Add. Endd.

[23 May 1533]. R. O. Rym. XIV. 462. 529. The Divorce.

Notification of the sentence1 of divorce between Hen. VIII. and Katharine of Arragon pronounced by archbishop Cranmer. Dated in the monastery of Dunstable, 23 May 1533. Present, Gervase prior of the said monastery, Simon Haynes, S.T.P., John Newman, M.A., and others.

Two copies; one badly and the other slightly mutilated.

Note 2. The sentence itself, as recited in the patent of 6 June (see Grants in June 1533, No. 7.), is printed both in Burnet and in Wilkins.

Marriage of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn

24 May 1533. Granvelle Papers, II. 30. 534. Charles V. to his Ambassador in France.

Since his last, touching the marriage of Henry VIII. and Anne Boleyn (age 32), has received letters from his ambassadors, stating that it has certainly taken place, and that the Queen has been forbidden to call herself Queen, and the Princess to write to her, &c. The people of England are scandalised at the King's barbarity. Is to show these things to Francis, and urge him as a Christian prince, and as related to Katharine by his wife, to denounce this marriage, or at least not to countenance it in any way or interfere with justice. He is also to deliver the Emperor's letters to the Queen, and urge her to use her best efforts in the matter. De Leyva writes that Montferrat is reduced all but Alba. Barcelona, 24 May 1533. Fr.

26 May 1533. Vienna Archives. 541. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

The day before yesterday I received your Majesty's letters of the 6th; since which time I hope your Majesty has received mine, showing how I have conducted myself hitherto in accordance with your instructions, especially in not embittering matters, or threatening anything like war or abatement of friendship. As often as the King or his Council have asked me whether your Majesty would make war for this case, I have always prayed and protested that they should not speak to me of such a matter, for I thought that they would on no account give you cause, and was sure "que aussy envy vouldroit vostre Majeste movoir guerre contre vostre Majeste que contre le roy des Romains," (?) for several reasons; and since the King had put his cause to trial, there was no occasion to speak of war; but it was to be hoped that, even now that the King had taken a new wife, he would not on that account contravene the determination of the Holy See; and that if he had broken off the first marriage, bound with ties more firm than adamant, the last could be much more easily dissolved, which was tied with bands of leeks (feulles de pourreaulx), as a king of France actually did who got divorced from a daughter of Denmark, and afterwards took her again. By such means I disentangled myself from their warlike enquiries, justifying always the necessity of your Majesty demanding the execution of justice in the case at Rome, and not less for the sake of the King and all the realm than for that of the Queen. As to your command to advise the Queen, notwithstanding her bad treatment, to remain here, she has long since resolved so to do, if only the King do not cause her to be taken out of the realm by force; which he would not dare to do. Your Majesty, therefore, may be at ease on that subject; for, besides the wise reasons contained in your letters, the Queen thinks that by going away from here she will do some injury to her own cause, and that she would sin greatly in removing from the obedience of the King, whom she will always hold as her husband, and obey, however ill he treats her. Notwithstanding his conduct, the Queen shows him as much affection as ever, without having as yet used a single angry or quarrelsome word; from which I am sure she will refrain, knowing your Majesty's wish.

The King, seeing that, notwithstanding the orders against it, people will speak of (against?) this marriage, has made a proclamation that those who inform against persons so speaking shall have a certain sum of money; and, further, for fear of creating greater sedition, both religious men and others have been forbidden to preach without licence of the bishop of London, who, as one of the principal promoters of this divorce, allows whom he pleases to speak. Your Majesty will thus see the difficulty this King has in restraining his people. The treasurer of the King and of this Anne has an honest man, who reported to me that the King was very angry that some English merchants had withdrawn their goods from Flanders, which was a token of war, and would create suspicion. A gentleman arrived six days ago from the king of France only to hasten the departure of the duke of Norfolk, who, on his arrival, set his train in motion, and has this morning dislodged. I think the Duke was to come to this city to talk with him, and bid him farewell, but he has been so much pressed and hindered that scarcely anybody could speak to him. For this reason, and not to exhibit too great a curiosity about his mission, or any fear, I refrained from visiting him, but sent a servant; to whom, notwithstanding that he was on the point of departure, and very busy, he held a long discourse, with a thousand courtesies and offers; which to impress the better in his memory, he recalled the man twice, and repeated to him, and further bade him tell me that he was going to Nice to meet the Pope and the king of France, where some good thing would be treated, insinuating thereby that your Majesty would be persuaded to confirm this new marriage, and dissemble about it, and that the union between your Majesty and the King will continue. If the English intend to promote this last result, they will do well, in my opinion, not to discover it either to the Pope or the king of France; who, if they thought such a union would ensue by the ratification or dissimulation of this marriage, would not use any great persuasions to your Majesty. The Pope, as I hear, pretends that the meeting is to treat of an enterprise against the Turk, the convocation of a Council, and the extirpation of Lutheranism. God grant that he has no further aim! The Nuncio here told me, two months ago, several times, that he had seen letters of merchants, stating that there were proposals to marry the Pope's niece to the duke of Orleans, and let him have the duchy of Milan, giving the Duke in compensation the duchy of Bourbon, and the sister of the sieur d'Albret for wife. I know not from what quarter he received those news, which seemed to him probable, though I thought them very incredible.

A truce with the Scots is spoken of, and it is hoped that peace will follow, to treat of which the bishop of Durham is to go to Scotland, but he is not yet ready. I have long since warned the queen of Hungary to keep her eye upon the negotiations of this peace (a leur pescherie de ladicte paix), and I have no doubt she will be vigilant. Even if it were concluded on the Pope's proceeding to sentence and further measures, without which your Majesty cannot well attempt anything, the king of Scots might, without breach of faith, be the true instrument to redress matters here. And if your Majesty do not desire, for fear of kindling a greater fire in Christendom, to undertake this enterprise openly, the said King might be aided by money from the Pope, whom the matter touches, and also from your Majesty; and you, by virtue of the Pope's commands, might forbid intercourse; and no doubt the Irish, who profess to be subjects of the Holy See, would do in such a case all they could. No doubt it would be better if all this could be avoided, but there is no hope of a remedy by gentleness; and even this people, who would suffer much if matters came to extremity, desire nothing better than that your Majesty should send an army hither. Your Majesty will doubtless judge of this by your immense prudence.

Nothing else has occurred since my last letters worth writing. London, 26 May 1533.

Fr., hol., pp. 6. From a modern copy.

Coronation of Anne Boleyn

29 May 1533. R. O. 554. Rob. Tomlynson, Alderman of Our Lady's Guild in Boston, to Cromwell.

It pleased you to show me the King's letters for preparing a present for him against the Queen's coronation. The letters came not to my knowledge, which I regret. I have endeavoured since to provide such wild fowl as I could get in these parts, i.e. six cranes, six bitterns, and three dozen godwits, all of which I send you by Thos. Chapman. Please let Geoffrey Chamber know what you will have done with them. Boston, 29 May.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: Of the King's Council.

29 May 1533. Vienna Archives. 556. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

The duke of Norfolk (age 60), who was to have left on the 26th, the date of my last letters, has, by the King's command, remained two days longer; and this, I think, partly to negotiate with me on matters I shall report hereafter. The day before yesterday he sent to me, early in the morning, an honest man to desire that I would immediately send my most confidential servant to communicate with him on some matters; and considering that on every account my own going would be better than sending any of my servants, I repaired to him immediately, but in disguise and secretly, for the consideration which, as I wrote, prevented me from going to bid him adieu.

After thanking me for the trouble I had taken in coming to him, he said he was going to this meeting of two as great princes as there were in Christendom, where, if it had pleased God that your Majesty had been present, he was sure it would not have been your fault if a most perfect peace and amity were not concluded; of which matter he said your Majesty held the keys, and everything depended upon it, and that since there was no hope of your being personally present, the greatest good that could come would be by your sending ministers well inclined to union. And, either for a joke, or as an acknowledgment of my trouble, or, as the phrase goes, to offer a candle to the enemy, he was pleased to say that he would like much that I were one of the said ministers; wishing also, but with better cause, that the Nuncio here were with his Holiness. To this I replied that it never was owing to your Majesty, nor would be, that Christendom was not perfectly united, declaring the intolerable labors and expenses you had sustained for that end, and that your Majesty desired nothing more than to increase the amity with the King his master, as all the world could easily see. And as it appeared that the union of which he spoke depended on the matter of this cursed marriage, he must not say that your Majesty held the key, but if the King his master would allow it to be determined by an impartial tribunal like the Pope [that would be sufficient]. For this cause he ought to desire that his master should be present at the interview in order that they might urge him to act in this manner, which was all that your Majesty demanded, and which could not be refused to the least person in the world. As to the ministers of your Majesty with his Holiness and the most Christian King, after I had declared their sufficiency, he was satisfied; praying me, nevertheless, that I would write to them by all means to show themselves tractable and do their duty at the said meeting. He added, that he wished your Majesty would send again plenty of ambassadors thither, of whom some should be men of authority, as his master was sending thither many persons, and not among the least persons of the kingdom, and it would be necessary that some one should be there who knew the importance of the common interests of your Majesty's countries and this kingdom. The end of his talk was, that no one was more fit than De Praet, whose appointment he begged me to solicit; and on my saying I did not think you would send more ambassadors without being desired by the Pope, and that I was astonished he had been so long in giving me notice, he answered as to the first that he fully believed that your Majesty had been long ago apprised by the Pope, who would not have dared to treat of this without your consent; and as to not having informed me sooner, it was because the French king had requested his master to keep it as secret as possible, and to disclose it to no one but him and one other. This was about three months ago; since which time the French king had renewed his request several times, that an ambassador should be nominated to go to the said meeting, which charge he desired to perform even at the loss of one of his fingers. He told me afterwards that the King his master had taken in very good part the warnings I had given to Cromwell to avoid occasions of irritating your Majesty; that he had been very much grieved that the arms of the Queen had been not only taken from her barge, but also rather shamefully mutilated; and that he had rather roughly rebuked the Lady's chamberlain, not only for having taken away the said arms, but for having seized the barge, which belonged only to the Queen, especially as there are in the river many others quite as suitable. I praised the King's goodwill touching the arms, and for the rest I said there was no need of excuse, for what belonged to the Queen was the King's still more; adding that I was now encouraged to hope that the King would see to the honorable treatment of the Queen and Princess; for, as I said to Cromwell, the pretence of a scruple of conscience could not extend to their treatment; and if they were ill-used, besides the displeasure of God, he would incur blame from all the world, and greatly irritate your Majesty. On this he spoke as highly of both of them as could be, and said he was very sure your Majesty loved the Princess naturally, but that he thought he loved her more. He mentioned, among other virtues of the Queen, the great modesty and patience she had shown, not only during these troubles, but also before them, the King being continually inclined to amours. And as to the said treatment, he was sure the King would not diminish her dower, of about 24,000 ducats, assigned to her in the time of prince Arthur, if she would content herself with the state a widow princess ought to keep. To this I said I thought the King so wise and humane that, in consideration of the virtue of the Queen, the long and good service she had done him, and also of her kindred, he would not diminish anything of what she had had till then, and I begged him to use his influence to that effect. He swore by his faith "quil avoit bachier (?) plus de 10,000 escuz" that I had spoken to him on this subject; for unless I had opened this door to him, he would not have dared to moot the question for all the gold in the world, but after our communications he would urge the affair to the end, and do his very best, in accordance with my suggestions to Cromwell. He said the King had also taken very well my suggestion that he should write a letter to your Majesty in defence of what he has done in this matter. I protested to him, as I had done to Cromwell, that what I had said was not as ambassador, but as one devoted to the service of the King, and anxious for peace; and as to the said letter, if it did not produce all the effect that the King desired, I hoped he would not reproach me for having solicited it, as it pleased him once to tell me touching the mission of the earl of Wiltshire. Norfolk said there was no fear of this, and begged that I would communicate (fere tenir) the said letter to his Majesty's ambassador, which would be in a packet which he would send me for the said ambassador. This I promised. Nevertheless, I have not yet received the packet.

On this, not wishing to wait dinner, though he desired me, I returned with the intention of sending to him later a servant of mine, which I did. By him and also by Brian Tuke he sent to me to say that he had determined to come to me tomorrow early at my lodging; but as his departure was to be so abrupt, the King would not let him move a step further from him in order to discuss the affairs of his charge, and therefore he begged me very urgently that I would go there, and that he hoped that we should do or at least begin some good work. Next morning I went secretly to see him in his chamber, when he replied to me, as to writing for the despatch of the persons above mentioned, that if your Majesty desired the peace and union to be accomplished, there was no excuse from the shortness of time, for you could receive my letters in 15 days; and as the meeting was not to begin till about the 5th July people could leave Barcelona in time for it, and be there quite as soon as he. He therefore begged me diligently to write, although I put before him the reasons already alleged, and also to see that the King's packet for his ambassador should go along with mine. As to the treatment of the Queen (age 47), he said that the King by their laws was no longer bound to the Queen with respect to the dower she had by Prince Arthur; and moreover that by virtue of the Act passed in this last Parliament, as the Queen would not obey it, the King might use rigour and diminish even the dower she has. Nevertheless, for the reasons which I had mentioned on the previous day and for others, the King would treat her honorably, not indeed so liberally as when she was Queen, unless she would submit to the sentence of divorce which the archbishop of Canterbury [had given]; and he thought I had so much influence with her that I might induce her to do so, by which I should acquire inestimable glory, and be the cause of as great a benefit as could be done not only to this kingdom but to Christendom, which remained disunited simply on this account; also that this way would be more effectual than any other, for if your Majesty would enter into war on this account, it would be the greatest calamity to Christendom. Moreover that it was impossible to fly into this kingdom (que lon ne peult vouler dans ce royaulme), and that, being there, they would find people to talk to, and very difficult to subdue or even to injure; and as to making war upon them by the sea, they, having the aid of France, of which they were as much assured as of their own people, would fear no power whatever. Further he ventured to affirm that if you attempted to make war upon this kingdom you would not be without anxiety to guard your own countries from their friends and allies, who were neither few nor unimportant. For, besides the king of France, who was most constant to them, they had the king of Scotland entirely at their command; who, since the one year's truce made with the King, was anxious for nothing but the conclusion of a peace; and he dared affirm that the Scotch king would come here before 10 months, when a marriage would be concluded between him and the daughter of the king of France. Moreover, they had the friendship of a great part of Germany, and Italy was not so well affected to your Majesty as you might think. He doubted not that the Spaniards, for their courage, and the sake of their reputation, and for the glory of previous victories, would stimulate your Majesty to war; but he trusted your Majesty was too prudent and regardful of ancient friendship and good offices done to you and your predecessors to lend an ear to such advisers, especially considering the arrogance of the Spaniards, who for want of payment have lately mutinied against you.

I answered as to this last, that I knew nothing of it, and, if true, it was not of much importance, for it had happened to many valiant commanders. As to the rest, although there were sufficiently apparent reasons by which to answer him, and also about the injustice done to the Queen, yet as I had come to hear something else, and in order to let him understand that I did not make very much of the terrors which he wished to raise up, I said as little as possible, merely remarking by way of joke that your Majesty was much bound to those who had greater consideration for your injuries than for their own, and that all the world knew your Majesty would not make war, even against those from whom you had received no favor, without being compelled by a very just quarrel; and that in such a case, with the help of God, in whom you placed your trust, you could manage your own affairs; and, moreover, there was no prince in the world who, in my opinion, had better means of obtaining friendships. With this reply I should have left him in a sweat without going further, but I begged him that we might not speak as if war would take place, but rather how to avoid occasion of it; which would never be given on the part of your Majesty. As to what he said of the justice of the Queen, since argument was to no purpose, I made no reply to him; but as to the first point, if he wished me to induce the Queen to submit to the sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury, I denied that I had any influence over her; and, to speak frankly, if I had I would not use it to that effect for all the gold in the world, unless your Majesty should command me; and though I was sure you would never consent to anything except what justice would ordain, yet, to gratify the King, I would write to you about all this, and if perhaps I received your commandment to enter upon such a course, which I did not expect, I would show the King the desire I had to do him service, and help in the preservation of amity. On this the Duke swore by the faith he owed to God that I spoke like an honest man, and that he could not press me further, but begged me to do in this and all else the best I could. Your Majesty will see to what they are reduced when they address themselves to me, when they know very well, as the King once told me, and as I have written to your Majesty, that I have always been and am most devoted to the right of the Queen; so that it must be said either that they are in very great fear, or think me mad, or are themselves altogether blind. And in order to play the part of a corsair among corsairs (pour jouer avec eulx de courssaire a courssaires), I have a little dissembled with the Duke about the treatment of the said ladies, in accordance with your Majesty's commands, awaiting your determination for the remedy of this matter. I have written the said conversations of the Duke in plain writing, because he uttered them in order that I might inform your Majesty; and if, perhaps, he spoke them of himself without command of the King or his Council, I might have given greater faith to what he said to me of their friendships and intelligences, because by nature he is no great dissembler or inventer. And not to speak of the rest, as to the Scots, whatever confidence they have here to have the said Scots at their command, I know for certain that since the date the truce is said to have been concluded, the said Scots have taken several ships at different times, the last being not ten days ago, when they took seven very rich vessels. The Duke, as to what I had said, that the presence of his master would be very desirable at the said meeting, answered that it would be of no use; for if the Pope, the king of France, and all the world were to attempt it, they could not persuade the King to take back the Queen,—such was the scruple of his conscience, joined to the despair of having issue by her; and that it was in vain for the Pope to give sentence, for they will make no account of it or of his censures. No doubt it would give them some trouble, but for that they cared not; and if, perhaps, by reason of the said censures, Spain and Flanders would cease intercourse with the English, the others would share in the injury, and they would send part of their merchandize to Flanders and the rest to Calais, where your subjects to their great inconvenience would be compelled to get their wools, which were indispensable to them, as he said. To this I made no reply, but smiled. After this he began to excuse himself that he had not been a promoter of this marriage, but had always dissuaded it; and had it not been for him and her father, who pretended to be mad to have better means of opposing this marriage, it would have been done secretly a year ago; on which account the Lady was very indignant against both of them. In confirmation of this, I have learned from a very good authority, and from one who was present, that eight days since, the Lady having put in a piece to enlarge her gown, as ladies do when in the family way, her father told her she ought to take it away, and thank God to find herself in such condition; and she, in presence of Norfolk, Suffolk, and the treasurer of the household, replied by way of announcement, that she was in better condition than he would have desired. On departure, the Duke made me many gracious offers of his person and goods, recommending the sending of the said packet, and great care in writing to send personages to the said meeting, and above all to make his recommendations to your Majesty, to whom, after the King his master, he desires most to do service. This he said several times in the presence of the whole Council. I have not been with them since.

Coronation of Anne Boleyn

29 May 1533. 556. The Duke left two hours after I had returned, so that neither he nor his company, among which is the brother (age 30) of the Lady (age 32), have delayed one day to see the triumph in which the Lady has today come from Greenwich to the Tower. She was accompanied by several bishops and lords, and innumerable people, in the form that other queens have been accustomed to be received; and, whatever regret the King may have shown at the taking of the Queen's barge, the Lady has made use of it in this triumph, and appropriated it to herself. God grant she may content herself with the said barge and the jewels and husband of the Queen, without attempting anything, as I have heretofore written, against the persons of the Queen and Princess. The said triumph consisted entirely in the multitude of those who took part in it, but all the people showed themselves as sorry as though it had been a funeral. I am told their indignation increases daily, and that they live in hope your Majesty will interfere. On Saturday the Lady will pass all through London and go to the King's lodging, and on Sunday to Westminster, where the ceremony of the coronation will take place. London, 29 May 1533.

Fr., pp. 9. From a modern copy.

30 May 1553. R. O. 559. Stephen Vaughan to Cromwell.

I am informed that the Queen intends to have a silkwoman to trim and furnish her Grace with such things as she shall wear. If you will recommend my wife to the place you will bind us both. You know what she can do. I suppose no woman can better trim her Grace. Your house at Canbery, this Sunday.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: Right worshipful.

Coronation of Anne Boleyn

30 May 1553. Harl. MS. 41, f. 15. B. M. 561. Coronation Of Anne Boleyn. The order in proceeding from the Tower to Westminster.

The King's messengers to ride foremost with their boxes, to stay when that time is, and to go when that time is, as they see the followers do pause.

The strangers that ride, and the Ambassadors' servants. Item, next the trumpets, the gentlemen ushers, the chaplains having no dignity, the squires for the Body, with pursuivants two and two on each side. The knights and challenger and defender with steryng horses. The aldermen of London. The great chaplains of dignity. Heralds, two and two on each side. The knights of the Bath, the "barenettes" [and abbots]. (fn. 3) The knights of the Garter, being no lords. The two Chief Judges and Master of the Rolls. Then all the Lords and Barons in order after their estates. The Bishops. The Earls and Ambassadors. The comptroller of Household. The treasurer of Household. The steward of Household. Two kings-of-arms. The King's chamberlain. The Lord Privy Seal. The Lord Admiral of England. The Great Chamberlain of England. The Archbishops and Ambassadors. The two esquires of honor, with robes of estate rolled and worn baldric wise about their necks, with caps of estate representing the duke of Normandy and the duke of Aquitain. The Lord Mayor and Garter. The Marshal, the Constable, the Treasurer, the Chancellor. The Serjeants-of-arms on both sides. Her Chancellor bareheaded. The Queen's grace. The Lord Chamberlain. The Master of the Horse leading a spare horse. Seven ladies in crimson velvet. Two chariots; two ladies in the first, and four in the second, all of the greatest estates. Seven ladies in the same suit, their horses trapped to the pastron. The third chariot, wherein were six ladies with crimson velvet. The fourth chariot, with eight ladies in crimson velvet. Thirty gentlewomen, all in velvet and silk of the liveries of their ladies. The captain of the Guard. The King's guard in their rich coats.

Vellum, pp. 2.

30 May 1553. Add. MS. 21,116, f. 48. B. M. 562. Coronation Of Anne Boleyn.

"The appointment what number of officers and servitors that shall attend upon the Queen's grace, the Bishop and the ladies sitting at the Queen's board in the Great Hall at Westminster, the day of the coronation, as followeth:—

Carvers: Lord Montague for the Queen. Sir Edw. Seymour for the Bishop. Thos. Arundell for the ladies at the board.

Cupbearers: Lord William Howard for the Queen. Lord Clynton for the Bishop. Lord Audeley's son and heir for the board.

Sewers: Sir Edw. Nevill for the Queen. Percival Harte for the Bishop. Richard Verney for the board. Chief pantry, 1. Chief butler, 1. Chief sewer, 1. Almoners, 7. Servitors, knights, and gentlemen for three messes, 60.

Sewers, 8. Servitors, 80. Yeomen, 16.

Knights of the Bath: Marquis of Dorset, earl of Derby, lords Clifford, Fitzwater, Hastings, Mountegle, and Vaux; Mr. Parker, lord Morley's son; Mr. Wynsor, lord Winsor's son; John Mordant, lord Mordant's son; Fras. Weston, Thos. Arundell, Mr. Corbet, Mr. Wyndham, John Barkeley, John Huddelston, Ric. Verney of Penley, Thos. Ponynges, Hen. Savile, John Germayne, Rob. Whitneye of Gloucestershire, Geo. Fitzwilliams, John Tyndall.

Knights and gentlemen to be servitors: Sir John St. John, Sir Michael Fisher, Sir Thos. Rotheram, Sir Geo. Somerset, Sir Wm. Essex, Sir Antony Hungerford, Sir Ric. Graundfeild, Sir John Hamond, Sir Robt. Painton, Sir Giles Alington, Sir Thos. Elyot, Sir Rafe Langford, Sir John Fulford, Sir Thos. Darcy, Sir John Villers, Sir John Markham, Sir John Beryn, Sir Nic. Stirley, Sir Thos. Straung, Sir Fras. Lovell, Sir Edw. Chamberlen, Sir Adrian Fortescue, Sir Water Stoner, Sir Wm. Barentyne, Sir Wm. Newman, Sir Arthur Hopton, Sir Edm. Beningfeild, Sir Ant. Wingfeild, Sir Geo. Frogmerton, Sir John Russell of Worster, Sir Geo. Darcy, Sir Wm. Pickering, Sir Thos. Cornvell, Sir John Bridges, Sir Wm. Hussey, Sir Edw. Wotton, Sir Wm. Hault, Sir John Skott, Sir Ric. Clementes, Sir Wm. Kempe, Sir Edw. Cobham, Sir Wm. Fynch, Sir John Thymbleby, Sir Rob. Hussey, Sir Chr. Willughbie, Sir Wm. Skipwith, Sir Wm. Askice, (fn. 4) Sir Jeffrey Poole, Sir Jas. Worsley, Sir Thos. Lysley, Sir John Talbot, Sir John Gifford, Sir Wm. Basset, Sir Ph. Dracote, Sir Henry Longe, Sir Ant. Lutterell, Sir John Sainctlowe, Sir Roger Copley, Sir Wm. Pellam, Sir Wm. Goring, Sir Walter Hungerford, John Hersley, George Lyne, Ric. Philips,—Yorke, Ric. Dodham, Rafe Mannering, John Seintler, Clement Harleston, John Turell, Humfrey Ferres, Geo. Grissley, Wm. Drurye, Wm. Cope, John St. John, Edm. Tame, Ric. Lygon, Leonard Poole, John Arnold, John Arden, Wm. Stafford, Chas. Herbert of Troy, Sir Wm. Paunder, Young Wingfeild, Holcrofte, Skipwith, Diar, Young Barkeley.

Sewers: Roger Banbricke, Antony Isley, Edm. Browne, John Cheyne, Wm. Morgan, Davy Morgan, Hen. Seymer, William Jones.

Yeomen ushers and yeomen appointed to attend upon the Queen at her Coronation: John Lane, Laurence Sendell, Robt. Griffith, Thos. Marshall, John Brygden, Davyd Philips, John Geffrey, Wm. Avenell, Ric. Ryder, Wm. Sendre, Hugh Troblefeild, John Ashton, John Smith, senior, John Robertes, John Perce, Antony Saunders, Walter Wagham, Thos. Coxe, Ric. Stone, Thos. Hawkins, Wm. Bond, Robt. Whitbrowe, Hugh Lewis, Thos. Gethens, Ric. Gilmyn, Rob. Gibbes, Ric. Rawneshaw, John Bromfeld, Robt. Langden, John Holcomb, Robt. Owen, Griffith ap Morice, Walter Menours, Wm. Jones, Robt. Mortoun, Edm. Stoner, John Gethens, Edw. Philips, John Wympe, Ric. Clerke, John Holland, John Alcock, Ric. Gilling, John Evanse, Lyonell Martyn, Fras. Coket, John Brathwet, John Cox, John Knotford, John Belson, John Byrte, John Node, Moris Apenevet, Michael Whiting, John Stevens, Hugh David, Lewis ap Watkyn, John Cowper, Edw. Johnson, Ric. Fowler, John Grymith, Symond Symmes, Robert Stonhouse, Edw. Aprichard, Hen. Holden.

Ibid., f. 50 b. ii. Officers appointed to attend on the Queen and the Bishop sitting at the Queen's board end, on the day of her coronation.

John Hancote, Thos. Berram, Roger Gerers, John Massye, John Colby, John Person Edw. Dickey, Ric. Estoune, Wm. Lawry, George Banckes, Thos. Massy, Ralfe Ball, John Gounter, Ric. Baker, John Thomas, Thos. Norton, Wm. Germaine, Thos. Toby, Richard Faice, Geo. Hodson. John Williams, Adam Holland, Robt. Bird, Robt. Gibson, Wm. Batty, Hugh Norres, Thos. Calfe, Wm. Paye.

Carvers: The earl of [Essex or] Rutland for the Queen; Sir Edm. (Edward) Seymour for the Archbishop.

Cupbearers: Lord Derby for the Queen; Sir John Dudley for the Archbishop.

Sewers: The earl of Sussex for the Queen; Sir Thos. Arundell for the Archbishop.

Panters: Viscount Lisle, chief panter; John Apricharde; John Gislym.

[Butlers]: Earl of Arundell, chief butler; Ric. Hill, Edm. Harvye. [Ewers]: Sir Henry [Thomas] Wyat, Jeffrey Villers, Henry Atkinson. Chief almoners for the Queen: Lord Bray, Sir Wm. Gascoyne. Almoners: Henry Wells, Thos. Mason. Edmond Pekham, cofferer. William Thynne. Thos. Hatclife, Edw. Weldon, for the Bishop, and the said Bishop to be served covered. Surveyors at the dressers: Thos. Weldon for the Queen; Thos. Holden for the Bishop. Michael Wentworth, Henry Bricket, to see that nothing be embezzled.

Servitors from the dressers: For the Queen: Sir — Parker, Sir John St. John, Sir William Wynsor, Sir John Mordaunt, Sir Fras. Weston, Sir John Gifforte, Sir John Barkeley, Sir John Huddleston. Sir Ric. Verney, Sir Thos. Poninges, Sir Hen. Savell, Sir John Germayne, Sir Robt. Whetney, Sir Geo. Fitzwilliams, Sir John Tyndall, Sir Michael Fisher, Sir Tho. Rotheram, Sir Geo. Somerset, Sir Wm. Essex, Sir Antony Hungerford, Sir Ric. Graundfeild, Sir John Shamond1, Sir Robt. Paynton, Sir Walter Stoner. For the Archbishop: Sir Thos. Elyot, Sir Rafe Langford, Sir John Fulford, Sir Thos. Dar[c]y. Sir John Villers, Sir John Markham, Sir John Berryn, Sir Nic. Stirley, Sir Thos. Straung, Sir Fras. Lovell, Sir Edw. Chamberlen, Sir Adryan Fortescue, Sir Hen. Longe, Sir Wm. Barington, Sir Wm. Newman, Sir Arthur Hopton, Sir Edw. Beningfeild, Sir Antony Wingfield, Sir Geo. Frogmerton [Throggemorton.], Sir John Russell of Worcestershire, Sir George Dar[c]y, Sir Wm. Pickering, Sir Thos. Cornwall, Sir John Bridges.

Waferers: Rob. Leigh for the Queen and the Bishop. He must bring his wafers for both services to the Queen's cupboard, to be set [sic: fet?from thence by the sewers. Confectionery: Cutbert Blakden [Vaughan] for the Queen and Bishop, with similar orders.

Kitchen: For the Queen and Bishop: John Plume, Edw. Wilkinson, Ric. Currey, John Armstrong, Robt. Plume, child, Thos. Galepy, fryer.

Larder: Lord Burgenye, John Dale, Jas. Mitchell.

Sausery: John Richardson for the Queen and Bishop, remaining in the house.

Pastry: John Cuncle, Elister Shainc. Boilers: John White, [John Tayler].

Scullery: Wm. Richarde for the Queen; Wm. Rawlyns for the Bishop, and to be served with gilt plate.

Marshals: Ric. Rede for the Queen; Edw. Vaux for the Bishop; Jesper Terrell; John Stevens. Richard Chace to be supervisor that every man give his due attendance that shall wait in the hall beneath the bar.

Lord Chamberlain: John earl of Oxford to give the King water.

The towel: Allen Asplonge, or his heirs, to give the Queen the towel before dinner.

The Queen's Champion:

Officers appointed to attend on the Lords Spiritual and Temporal at the middle board on the right hand of the Queen. The first board to be 11 yards in length, and to be served with three services of a like fare, and 30 services of another fare.

Sewers: John Barney at the board, John Banbricke at the dresser. Panters: Thos. Bend, Ric. Holbroke, Ric. Madoxe, John Stoddard, Wm. Dennys, Pierce Barly. Buttery and cellar: Bryan Aunsley, William Abbot, Ric. Weckly, John Aman. Ewris: Allyn Matthew, Thos. Christmas, Robt. Clynton.

Almoners: Thos. Oldnall, Wm. Blakeden, Hugh Williams.

[Conveyers]: Thos. Child, Thos. Hinde, Wm. Berman. Surveyors at the dressers: Thos. Hall, Wm. Thynne. John Lane, to see that the yeomen give due attendance. [Servitors from the dresser]: Richard Gilmyn, Robt. Griffith, Thos. Marshall, John Brogden, David Phillip, John Geffrey, Wm. Avenell, Ric. Ryder, Robt. Gibes, Wm. Semerre, Hugh Troblefeild, John Ashton, John Smith the elder, John Robertes, John Perce, Antony Perce, Antony Saunders, Walter Vaughan, Thos. Coxe, Ric. Stone, Thos. Hawkins, Wm. Bonde. Robt. Whitbrowe, Hugh Lewis, Thos. Githens. Waferers: Robt. Lystar. Confectionery: John Amnesleye. Kitchen: Wm. Bolton, Robt. Forster, John Floy [Sloye], John Laurence, John Baker, child, Wm. Botte [Abbott], fryer. Larder: John Dale, Jas. Michell. Saulsery: John Richard, Symond Dudley. Pastry: John Connicle, Robt. Dauson, Ric. Byre. Boiler: John White.

Scullery: Wm. Rice, Wm. Rawlins, Thos. Coke, child, John Worall [Morall], conducte.

Marshals: Thos. Ward, Hen. Hokars. Huisshers: John Gilman, Thos. Myles.

Officers to attend upon Duchesses and other ladies at the middle board on the left hand of the Queen; the first board 8 yards long. To be served with 3 services of like fare, 3 of another fare, and 30 of another fare.

Sewers: John Bonam, Ric. Sterkey.

Pantry: Thos. Skasley, John Markham, John Coxe, Thos. Hall. Conveyors of the bread to the panters: Richard Boxham, Geo. Forman. Buttery and cellar: Wm. Morrant, Ric. Lee, Ric. Parker, Thos. Trewth[Strewth].

[Ewers]: Geo. Fitzgeffrey, John Morgan, John Dixe. [Almoners]: John Stanbanck, Edw. Garret, Thos. Inde, Thos. Walker, Geo. Bond, Wm. Kedle, Thos. Turner. Surveyor at the dresser without, Thos. Hatcliffe; at the dresser within, Thos. Horden. John Powes to see that the yeomen give due attendance. Servitors from the dresser: Ric. Rainshawe, John Kinge, John Wellet, John Aprice, Ric. Saidell, Wm. Tolley, John Strymyn, Rafe Tykill, Thos. Jones, John Sydnam, Leonard Barowes, John Dorset, Thos. Lewis, Jas. [John] Stanley, John Tompson, John Smothen, Edw. Deckey, Ric. Eston, Wm. Laury, Geo. Bankes, Thos. Massie, Rafe Baiely, John Gaunter. Wafe[...] Robt. Lyster. Confectioner: John Amnesley. Kitchen: John Dale, George Benson, Rafe Iswell, Wm. Maie, Philip Yarow, child, Ric. Rede, fryer. Larder: Thos. English. Boiler: John Tailour. Saulsery: John Richard, John

Ringros. Pastry: Elize Shaunce, Wm. Andreson, conducte. Scullery: Wm. Wells, John Awmorer, conduct, Silvester Glossope.

Marshals: Nic. Sainctes [Synce], Thos. Braken. Huishers: John Towe, Nic. Ashfeild.

Officers to attend upon the Barons of the Cinque Ports, at the side board on the Queen's right hand, next the wall. The first board to be 8 yards long, and to be served with 3 services of like fare, and 30 services of another fare.

Sewers: Ant. Isley, John Cheyne. Panters: Wm. Cowper, John Bartlet, John Whitstall, Wm. Sotherne, conveyers of bread. Buttery and cellar: John Burnell, Robt. Gardener, Matthew Hanmer, Thos. Stanbridge [Skarbridge]. Ewry: Edw. Myller [Myllet], Thos. Colbeck, Robt. Maxton [Napton].

Almoners: Willm. Cressell, Wm. Breredge, Ric. Valentyne, Thos. Reding, and John Downslowe; John Davie and Robt. Rendon [Bendon], conveyers.

Surveyors at the dressers: Edw. Welden, Jas. Sutton. Servitors from the dresser: Laurence Serle, overseer, John Bromfeld, Robt. Lamdon, John Holcombe, Robt. Owen, Griffith Myres, Wm. Jones, Rob. Orton, Edm. Stone, John Githons, Edw. Philips, John Umpe, Ric. Clerke, John Holland, John Alcocke, Ric. Gilling, John Evans, Lymerell Martyn, Fras. Socket [Cockett], John Brewet, John Coxe, John Knotfort, John Bilson [Bason], John Birte. Waferer: Robt. Lyster. Confectionery: John Amnsley. Kitchen: Laurence Thexted, Ric. Townsend, Roger Brosse, John Coke, Rafe Hogan, child, Wm. More, fryer. Larder: Hen. Groves [Greve]. Boiler: John Tailour. Saulserie: John Richardson, Matthew White. Pastry: Matthew White, child, Roger Brynge, conducte. Scullery: Wm. Phillip, Wm. Hamhider. Marshal: Ric. Wales. Huishers: John Fisher, Jas. Aleasley.

Officers to attend upon the Mayor of London, sitting at the board next the wall on the left hand of the Queen. The first board to be 9 yards long, and to be served with 5 services of like fare, and 30 of another.

Sewers: Edw. Browne, Wm. Jones. Panters: Thos. Pulfort, Hugh Mynours, John Tryce, Robt. Hylston. Buttery and cellar: Thos. Mynours, Wm. Corffale, caker, John Throughgood, Wm. Agre. Ewry: Edw. Bird, Geo. Smert, Wm. Cheke.

Almoners: John Fisher, John Rowland, Wm. Blike, Wm. Willkinson, and Hen. Hungreford; Adam Faulcet, Hen. Wilkinson, conveyers of bread.

Surveyors at the dressers: John Mery, Robt. Pagman. Servitors from the dresser: Henry Bird to superintend, John Wode, Moris Apdenevet, Michael Whiting, John Stevens, Hugh David, Lewis ap Watkin, John West, John Burton, Robert Fleminge, Edw. Clayton, Lewis Appowell, John Cowper, Edw. Johnson, Ric. Fuller, John Treveth, Simmosune Symes, Robt. Stonehouse, Hen. Holden, John Hancocke, Thos. Boram, Roger Meres, John Massye, John Colby. Waferers: Robt. Lyster, John Amnsley. Kitchen: William Snowball, John Sterne, John Crane, John Mathew, Thos. Borrey, child, Peter Child, fryer. Larder: Ric. Mathewe. Boilers: John White, John Tailour. Saulsery: John Richardson, Thos. Nash. Pastry: Thos. Dover [Wever], Ric. Wilkinson. Scullery: Thos. More, Robt. Cellye. Marshals: Thos. Greves, Wm. Bellingham. Huisshers: Thos. Croftes, Wm. Bate.

The hall must be served with plate, as spoons, salts, pots, and bowls.

The Queen's Lord Chamberlain and Vice-chamberlain and two gentlemen must attend upon the Queen.

Officers appointed for serving the waste. Panter: Wm. Wilkinson. Clerk: Jas. Harington. Cook: John Hautcliffe. Larderer: John Dauson. Cooks for the "Worchouses" [Marchawses"(?)in § 2.]: John Birket, Ric. Parker, John Stevens, John Johnson, Steven God, Wm. Whitfeild.

Noblemen admitted to do service according to the tenure of their lands, and for the trial of their fees and profits unto the morrow of St. John Baptist's Day: Earl of Arundel, chief butler; Viscount of Lisle, chief panter; earl of Oxford, chief chamberlain; Sir Hen. Wyat, chief ewre; earl of Shrewsbury to support the Queen's right arm and bear the sceptre; sixteen Barons of the Cinque Ports to bear the canopy over her; lord Burgeine, chief larderer; Sir Giles Alington to bear the first cup to the Queen; earl of Sussex, chief sewer; the Mayor of London to bear a cup of gold to the Queen at her void.

Pp. 23.

Add. MS. 6,113, f. 34. B. M. 2. "Officers and servitors which did service the same day of coronation, being the first of June."

A list similar to ii., but with a few additions and variations, of which the more important have been noted. Pp. 18.

Note 1. Hamonde in § 2.

31 May 1533. MS. L. f. 1. Coll. of Arms. 563. Anne Boleyn (age 32).

On Thursday, 29 May 1533, 25 Hen. VIII., the lady Anne marchioness of Pembroke was received at Greenwich, and conveyed to the Tower of London, and thence to Westminster, where she was crowned queen of England.

Order was taken by the King and his Council for all the Lords spiritual and temporal to be in the barge before Greenwich at 3 p.m., and give their attendance till the Queen took her barge. The mayor of London, Stephen Pecocke, haberdasher, had 48 barges in attendance richly decked with arras, hung with banners and with pennons of the arms of the crafts in fine gold, and having in them trumpets, shallands, and minstrels; also every barge decked with ordnance of guns, "the won to heill the other troumfettly as the tyme dyd require." Also there was the bachelor's barge sumptuously decked, and divers foists with great shot of ordnance, which went before all the barges. Order given that when her Grace's barge came "anontes" Wapping mills, knowledge should be given to the Tower to begin to shoot their ordnance. Commandment given to Sir Will. Vinstonne (Kingston), constable of the Tower, and Sir Edw. Wallsyngham, lieutenant of the Tower, to keep a space free for her landing. It was marvellous sight how the barges kept such good order and space between them that every man could see the decking and garnishing of each, "and how the banars and penanntes of armis of their craftes, the which were beaten of fyne gould, yllastring so goodly agaynste the sonne, and allso the standardes, stremares of the conisaunsys and devisis ventylyng with the wynd, allso the trompettes blowyng, shallmes and mistrielles playng, the which war a ryght symtivis and a tryhumfantt syght to se and to heare all the way as they paste upon the water, to her the sayd marvelles swett armone of the sayd ynstermentes, the which soundes to be a thinge of a nother world. This and this order hir Grace pasyng till she came a nontt Rattlyffe."

The Queen was "hallsyd with gones forth of the shippes" on every side, which could not well be numbered, especially at Ratcliffe. When she came over against Wapping mills the Tower "lousyd their ordinaunce" most triumphantly, shooting four guns at once.

At her landing, a long lane was made among the people to the King's bridge at the entrance of the Tower. She was received on coming out of her barge by Sir Edw. Walsingham, lieutenant of the Tower, and Sir Will. Kinston, constable of the Tower. The officers of arms gave their attendance; viz., Sir Thos. Writhe, Garter king-of-arms, Clarencieux and Norroy kings-of-arms, Carlisle, Richmond, Windsor, Lancaster, York, and Chester heralds; the old duchess of Norfolk bearing her train; the lord Borworth (sic), chamberlain to her Grace, supporting it, &c. A little further on she was received by lord Sandes, the King's chamberlain, lord Hause (Hussey), chamberlain with the Princess, the lord Windsor, the lord Nordunt (Mordaunt?), and others; afterwards by the bishops of Winchester and London, the earl of Oxford, chamberlain of England, lord Will. Haworth, marshal of England, as deputy to his brother Thos. duke of Norfolk, the earl of Essex, &c.

Somewhat within the Tower she was received by the King, who laid his hands on both her sides, kissing her with great reverence and a joyful countenance, and led her to her chamber, the officers of arms going before. After which every man went to his lodging, except certain noblemen and officers in waiting. The King and Queen went to supper, and "after super ther was sumptuus void."

30 May 1533. 563. On Friday, 30 May, all noblemen, &c. repaired to Court, and in a long chamber within the Tower were ordained 18 "baynes," in which were 18 noblemen all that night, who received the order of knighthood on Saturday, Whitsun eve. Also there were 63 knights made with the sword in honor of the coronation. Then all the nobles, knights, squires, and gentlemen were warned to attend on horseback, on the Tower Hill on Saturday next, to accompany her Grace to Westminster, to do service at the coronation. Pp. 6. Early copy.

31 May 1533. R. MS. 18, A. LXIV. B. M. 564. Queen Anne Boleyn.

Verses composed by Nic. Udall, and spoken at the pageants in Cornhill, Leadenhall, and Cheapside, at queen Anne's procession through the city.

"Hereafter ensueth a copy of divers and sundry verses, as well in Latin as in English1, devised and made partly by John Leland, and partly by Nicholas Vuedale, whereof some were set up and some other were spoken and pronounced unto the most high and excellent Queen the lady Anne, wife unto our sovereign lord king Henry the Eight, in many goodly and costely pageants exhibited and showed by the mayor and citizens of the famous city of London at such time as her Grace rode from the Tower of London through the said city to her most glorious coronation at the monastery of Westminster, on Whitson eve in the xxvth year of the reign of our said sovereign lord." Latin and English, pp. 29. Endorsement pasted on: Versis and dities made at the coronation of Quene Anne.

Note 1. Several of the English verses are printed by Arber in his "English Garner," ii. 52.