Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535 is in Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII.

1535 Visit of Chabot the French Admiral

1535 Sweating Sickness Outbreak

1535 Execution of Bishop Fisher and Thomas More

1535 Execution of the Carthusians

1535 Burning of the Anabaptists

Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535 January

01 Jan 1535. Vienna Archives. 1. Chapuys (age 45) to Charles V.

There is little to write, but as a messenger is going, must mention that, as no reply has come from the Emperor, and Darcy had not yet been able to get leave to retire to his country, Chapuys had refrained (je me suis deppousché) from sending to him, considering the danger of any intelligence between them being detected. Nor did Darcy send anyone to Chapuys till three days ago, when he sent a priest of his, who comes from Hainault, for news, saying that there was nothing he desired more than to speak with me when he should have got leave to retire to his country. He sent by the priest a handsome sword as a present, which I fancy was to indicate indirectly that times were ripe "pour jouer des couteaulx1." I am the more inclined to believe in a hidden meaning, because he had long before sent me a gold pensée, well enamelled, begging me to keep it.

Note 1. to play knives

01 Jan 1535. 1. I doubt not he will be very glad to hear that the Earl of Northumberland (age 33) is not too well pleased either with the King or with his ministers, as the said Earl's physician informed me two days ago, declaring that his master had said the whole realm was so indignant at the oppressions and enormities now practised, that if the Emperor would make the smallest effort, the King would be ruined. The King's only hope was in the Turk, of whose strength those here shamefully boast. The Earl then began to enlarge on the arrogance and malice of the King's lady (age 34), saying that lately she had spoken such shameful words to the Duke of Norfolk (age 62) as one would not address to a dog, so that he was compelled to quit the chamber. In his indignation he declared himself to one to whom he did not generally show good-will, and uttered reproaches against the said Lady, of which the least was to call her "grande putain1".

Note 1. great whore.

01 Jan 1535. 1. In the evening there arrived from Scotland one who had been my servant. He was bringing letters from your Majesty's ambassador in Scotland, but they were taken from him at the frontier. He said he had seen the said ambassador embark for Flanders. The ambassador had been well received. He said also they were very angry at the French for refusing the marriage promised to the King. With the said man returned from Scotland a nuncio of the late Pope, who did not venture to go by sea, and was taken at the frontier. There is some talk that the King means to send into Scotland, I know not for what, "mais il ne fault qui ce soit matiere ou il faille esperit ne arest presque (parceque?) il est question que le Sr Vuillyam frere du duc de Norfforc est celluy que doit avoir la charge1."

Note 1. but there is no matter where hope is needed, it is almost not (because?) it is questioned that Sr Vuillyam, brother of the Duke of Norfforc, is the one who should have the charge

01 Jan 1535. 1. The Princess (age 18) has been informed that, by virtue of the statute lately passed, which has been made more severe against those who refuse to swear and acknowledge the second marriage, after these holydays she must renounce her title and take the oath, and that on pain of her life she must not call herself Princess or her mother Queen, but that if ever she does she will be sent to the Tower. She will never change her purpose, nor the Queen either. The Council here, owing to what has been discovered in France touching the Zwinglian heresy, have prohibited a book printed here a year ago in English, which is full of the said heresy. I am told also that of late the Chancellor has caused 15 books of the New Testament in English to be burned. Booksellers have been forbidden to sell or keep a prognostication lately made in Flanders, which threatens the King with war and misfortune this year; and some of the leading men of the Council have said that, matters being as they are, nothing is wanted to set the realm topsy turvy but to translate and publish the said prognostication in English. The Governor and Burgomaster of Belguez (Berghes) have come with a good company to treat, as it is said, in anticipation of the "festes" which are held at Belguez. I am told the King and Council care little about their coming, giving the people to understand that they have come for fear the English take other measures, and that they would not obey the Emperor if he forbade intercourse. I am told a kinsman of Kildare made overtures to deliver him to the King's men; and Kildare, being informed of it, gave such a banquet to those who watched him as they intended to give him,—took 500 or 600 of them along with his said kinsman, and sent them to execution. I am inclined to think this true, because of late Cromwell has several times said that before many days the said Kildare would be brought hither prisoner. London, 1 Jan. 1535.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 5.

07 Jan 1535. R. O. 24. John Husee to Lord Lisle (age 70).

Wrote to you this day by Sir Oliver of Mr. Saymer's (age 35) award, and the delivery of your mule to Mr. Secretary, and how Tison was rewarded by his kinsman for the carriage of the mule, which pleased him but easily. Sir Edward Saymer hath not received the award. I wish he would refuse it. Has made Boyes' bill for 8d. There is no news of the King's going over. Had it not been for Mr. Syllyard, Mr. Basset would have been appointed of the Chamber in Lincoln's Inn. London, 7 Jan.

Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.

13 Jan 1535. R. O. 45. John Husee to Lord Lisle (age 70).

Is glad to hear that Mr. Highefield is recovered. If he had died, I hoped that Whethill should not have enjoyed "it" (his place). Has delivered the piece of Orleans to Mr. Secretary. You may send him the mule as she is. The King's coming to Calais depends on the return of Mons. l'Admiral. Wishes to know what prices he must give for the 70 liveries. Asks what he shall do with the two horns he has received. Has advertised Mr. Secretary of your charges in Mr. Seymour's (age 35) matter. He will consult with the lord Chancellor. Has no answer yet touching Mr. Hacket's funeral and burial. Thinks Jenyne will bring orders for the same. Is promised the Commission of Sewers by Mr. Secretary. Has had no answer of the toll of Mark and Oye. Such suits are long, as Lacy knows. I send the Acts last passed. My lord William [Howard] is going to Scotland, with presents to the Scotch king, and William Polle to Ireland as provostmarshal. Gives an account of his fees. Would rather stay at home, for his wife's sake. Your servant Smyth is with Mr. Secretary. London, 13 Jan.

Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.

14 Jan 1535. Vienna Archives. 48. Chapuys to Charles V.

I have received your Majesty's letters of the 9th ultimo, and informed the Queen and Princess of what concerned them, which has been to their great comfort. I have always done, and shall do, my best to gain the goodwill of this people towards your Majesty. It does not cost much trouble, for they are almost all devoted to you. The day before yesterday lord Sands, the King's chamberlain, captain of Guisnes, and one of the best men of war in the kingdom, sent to tell me he was very sorry the times were such that he could not invite me to his house, but your Majesty might be sure that you had the hearts of all this kingdom; and that if you knew the great disorder that exists here, and the little hope of making good resistance now that the people were so alienated from the King, you would not delay to apply a remedy. At the least disturbance your Majesty could make, this kingdom would be found in inestimable confusion. The said lord Sands is at his house pretending to be ill, he is so disgusted with the Court, and has sent this message to me by his physician, whom I know. I like to make acquaintance with men of that profession, because they can come and go to all places without suspicion. I have sent no message yet to those mentioned in your letters, because my ordinary messenger is in Flanders.

14 Jan 1535. 48. Nothing is known about news from Ireland, except that about three days ago Cromwell delivered a good sum of money to two Irishmen, and said to some who were present that they had already taken one of the principal of those who had caused trouble there, and that Kildare would be taken and brought hither in a few days. Cromwell also mentioned that the king of France was raising lanceknights about Lorraine and the county of Montbeliard. Kildare has long been threatened, and will take as good care of himself as hitherto. It is true many fear that his men may betray him if he has not money to maintain them. I am told by a good man that about 60 English harquebusiers had entered some tower, but were surprised and driven out by Kildare, leaving their arms behind. I hear the King and Council are much disappointed at hearing nothing from France on the subject of the negotiations between the King and the Admiral (age 43), and they fear some intelligence with your Majesty. The King hopes that at an interview with Francis, which he reckons will be very soon, he will break off all other understandings. And to persuade Francis the better to this assembly, in order that he may not excuse himself, as last year, I am told that the King has come to no determination on any of the matters proposed by the Admiral, but put off his answer till the meeting. That was the answer given (among other things) as to the marriage of this princess with the duke of Angouleme; which the Admiral, I am told, took very ill; and still worse what occurred at the feast the King gave him on the eve of his departure, when he, being seated next the Lady (age 34), while they were dancing, she burst into a fit of incontrollable laughter without any occasion. The Admiral frowned, and said, "What, madam, do you laugh at me?" On which she excused herself by saying it was because the King had told her he was going to ask for the Admiral's secretary to amuse her, and that the King had met on the way a lady who made him forget the matter. I don't know if the excuse was accepted as satisfactory. The King, on the other hand, and the Lady were much disappointed that the Admiral showed no pleasure at any attention that was shown to him, even at the Tower of London and the Ordnance.

14 Jan 1535. 48. As to master Godscalke, he must be ere this in Flanders. There is no way of hearing, as no Scotch ambassador has been here since the one who came to swear to the peace, who returned immediately; nor have the English sent any until now. The duke of Norfolk's brother leaves to-morrow, and carries some rich garments to present to the king of Scots, with cloth of gold and silver; and it is said he is to ask James to send back some English Observants who go about preaching there that this king is schismatic. He must also have some other charge, as the Council have met several times. At all events, he will have leisure to inquire about the business of Godscalke, and will probably again solicit James to be present at the proposed interview. People are astonished at the despatch of so stupid and indiscreet a man. I hear also he is to present a Barbary horse and three other great horses.

I have not been able to learn more about the count de Hui, except that I hear he got a very meagre present, and left ill content. Eight days ago Norfolk sent to tell me that his master, desiring to be frank with the Emperor. wished to communicate to me certain letters lately written to him by one named Jacques, a native of Bruges, who had left the Court of your Majesty, where he was halberdier, for some homicide; and after he had taken refuge in France, as I was informed, not only by him but by the treasurer of Besancon, who was then ambassador in that country, that he had done service to the Emperor, I took him into my service, but did not feel I could trust him, and got rid of him. He then returned to France, entered the service of Mons. de Likerke, fled to Scotland for another homicide, and at last, as I wrote a few days ago, has arrived here. He relates in the said letters several services he has done to your Majesty, which, he says, have been ill-requited, charging you with avarice and ingratitude more than any other prince; for which reason he offered, through the duke of Norfolk, to do service to this king against your Majesty, and said he would endeavour to get into my service again to play the spy and let them know when I sent off despatches. He informed them also of the day that messire Gouschalke left your Majesty, and when he embarked for Flanders, saying that Kildare had accompanied him through Ireland with 500 horses till he embarked for Scotland, and that he had given Kildare all the ordnance in the zabre that brought him from Spain, and that he had done all he wanted in Scotland, so that your Majesty, who wanted to usurp everything, with the aid of the Irish and Scotch (who were now very bad Frenchmen on account of the refusal of the promised marriage), would make an expedition against England, although it would be fruitless, and that messire Gotschalke, who had once been chancellor of king Christiern, would conduct the affairs of your Majesty as unhappily as those of his late master. He said also that Gotschalke was very angry at him because he would not take some letters to Kildare in Ireland, and that he had some words with him, which, as he wrote, he did not wish to let me know. He said also in the said letters that he was kinsman of the provost of Cassel, who was formerly here as ambassador from your Majesty.

14 Jan 1535. 48. Having considered the whole matter, I told the gentleman, and sent word to the duke of Norfolk that there could have been no danger of the said Jacques doing mischief, for there was not the smallest chance of my taking him into my service again, and, moreover, that even if he were there and understood all I did, he could not have reported anything but what was honorable; it would rather have done me good by showing that things were quite otherwise from what was suspected. Nevertheless, I thanked them for what was a really friendly turn done to your Majesty and myself, adding that I would hereafter thank them in person. The Duke answered my messenger that if I would come to him he would await me at the place where the King's ships are built, halfway between Greenwich and this town. Next morning I was there at the appointed hour. The Duke and the treasurer Fitzwilliam had been waiting for me some time, being anxious to show me two ships which were then on land, the one finished and the other not. In doing which the Duke several times said it was a good thing for a king of England to be provided with such vessels to inspire awe in those who wished to attack him, and that he thought with these two, and four or five in the river before them, they could tight the whole world. He also said that your Majesty would have much trouble with Barbarossa, who was "taille" (?) not only to waste Sicily but also several other countries, and they had also news that Barbarossa was "paisible" of Tunis, and that the Turk was arming in great force at Constantinople. I said I thought that these ships might also serve against the Turk, and that everything might be set right "apres les fumees passees," and as to Barbarossa, I had firm hope that God would defend his own cause, and that often when the affairs of your Majesty seemed desperate, they were on the eve of a triumphant issue. When the Duke saw that I did not make much of his suggestions, he turned to another matter, and said I knew well the inestimable money (fn. 2) (?) that his master would derive from the power that the churchmen had given him. As it would have done no good to irritate those whom the case touched, I only said to him that those who had granted that had shown themselves very good subjects. He then said that if your Majesty would not show so much respect to the bishop of Rome, you might do the same yourself and fill your coffers. I answered, if that were determined by a General Council, it would tend to a common agreement. I then proceeded to thank the King and the Duke for their communication about the aforesaid letters, and I begged that I might have them to send, as evidence of their friendship, to your Majesty. He said he didn't know what had become of them, and was afraid he had burnt them that morning with some others, but would send them if he found them. I have little doubt he has them, but they mean to make use of them in France and Scotland. I told the Duke also that M. de Roguendorff had written to me that I ought particularly to report to him the disorder of affairs here, thinking that for the honesty and virtue the Duke had known in him, he would try to remedy it, and that if there were any misunderstanding between your Majesty and this king, he would endeavor to get the king of the Romans to be a mediator. The Duke replied he would it should cost him one of his hands that your Majesty and the King his master should be good friends, and that if M. de Roguendorff or I were prepared to make any overture, he would do his best in the matter. I said it was no use referring to Roguendorff, who had no knowledge of affairs here, or to me, who had no ability to speak of such things before such a prudent council as that of the King; for I had ventured formerly to represent that the good treatment of the Queen and Princess was very necessary not to offend God and the world, and not having seen any amendment in that matter, I did not intend to speak of it any more, especially as the English ambassador had intimated to your Majesty that they should be treated with all favor and respect.

14 Jan 1535. 48. The Duke then sought somehow to excuse the said treatment, and, finding it would be troublesome to make a pertinent conclusion. said neither would he enter into discussion of such matters, and that I should devise some other means. I said God would find means when he pleased, and that what I had said was only to comply with the wish of the sieur de Roguendorff. In parting, when I was about to embark on the boat, the Duke said it was very strange your Majesty would receive ambassadors from that traitor, meaning Kildare, and still more, that you had sent ambassadors to him with ordnance, as he had been informed. I told him I didn't believe it, but that your Majesty might have sent to Ireland for some matter relating to the Spanish fishermen who haunt their coasts, and that if they were suspicious of anything, your Majesty would doubtless explain it to their ambassador.

The said Jacques has had some suspicions, and hidden himself two or three days. Now he begins to go at large. As he might run away before I have an answer from your Majesty, I have written to the Queen in Flanders whether it would not be well to make some suit against him, knowing that the duke of Norfolk would help, for he hates him, and when he was at Marseilles, meeting Jacques at La Palisse, he took him prisoner by his own authority, as M. de Likerke well knows, who had to speak to the French king about it.

14 Jan 1535. 48. There is a report that the Pope has sent a brief to this king. If his Holiness expected to mend matters here he was mistaken, for since the report, the King, who held in his hands the bishoprics of cardinal Campeggio and the auditor of the Chamber. has given that of the former to the Lady's almoner and the other to another, and sermons and farces are made daily as much as ever against Papal authority.

I have not been able to find out what the Waywode's envoy solicited; most likely money, and to incite France and England against your Majesty and the king of the Romans. For a good Englishman told me he heard from the said envoy that he pretends the quarrel of Hungary touches not only his master, but this king and Francis; for if Hungary be overcome, France and England will be slaves to the Emperor.

London, 14 Jan. 1535.

Fr., from a modern copy. pp. 11.

19 Jan 1535. R. O. 65. John Husee to Lord Lisle (age 70).

Wrote by Lacy of all things till that day requisite. Mr. Secretary has since promised that I should be despatched of the money to be bestowed for Hacket's obsequies, but he has not yet delivered it. He has also promised that the toll shall be freed for the inhabitants of Marke and Oye, and the low countries there, but I can get no final answer. Mr. Semer (age 35) sealed his obligation on Sunday last, and Mr. Secretary says he will make a good end. If you send the mule as she is you will have no further charge. Sends "by Philip Crayers, master of his ship Robert Johnson," Mr. James's saddle, with stirrups, girths, bridle without bit, peytrell and crupper. Pyckering has good comfort of Mr. Norres. London, 19 Jan. 1534.

Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.

19 Jan 1535. R. O. 66. John Husee to Lady Lisle (age 41).

I received by Godealle your letter and £5 in money, both which I have delivered to Mr. Sulyard and master Densill, who have both promised to do what they can for Mr. Basset when he comes hither. They say no discreeter "creanser" can be found for him in all that Inn than Mr. Lane, who will be in chamber with him. At his coming Smythe and I will solicit with him for that cause, and at Mr. Bassett's coming I will see to everything; but I should have esteemed it all the greater favor if you had wished me to ride down and accompany him up to London. I will inquire for a gentlewoman and woman's tailor for you. I sent you the Queen's New Year's gift by Lacy. I hope ere long you shall have a good end in Mr. Saymer's (age 35) matter, if Mr. Secretary will do as he saith. I send you a bill of prices of the grocery and spices you write for. The Portingalle will not sell such small portions. I wish I could tell you my mind, but I cannot write it all. I find no man good to me indeed in my Lord's suits but Mr. Norres, whom I find always one manner man. "And by my faith I cannot see the contrary, but Mr. Secretary beareth my Lord good mind and heart." I cannot yet obtain Mr. Gaynsford's letter, but there is no fear but he shall have it. I have been with Mr. Norres for Mr. Staynyng's place, who has done all he can for your Ladyship's sake. London, 19 Jan. 1534.

Hol., pp. 2.

22 Jan 1535. R. O. 89. [Husee] to Lady Lisle (age 41).

Has written sundry letters, but had no answer from her. Wishes to know whether she has received the Queen's New Year's gift sent by Lacy, and the frontlet. At Mr. Bassett's coming trusts to accomplish her commandment; thinks there will be an end made of my Lord's difference with Mr. Seymour (age 35) in six days. Has spoken with the saddler, who says the sum is no less than 40s. Has promised that her Ladyship will see him pleased. Skutt has been in hand with him for the money. Mr. Staynings is now at liberty from the King's bargain, for the King will not meddle with his lands. London, 22 Jan.

Hol., p. 1. Add. In the margin is written Bowryng. Huntt.

27 Jan 1535. R. O. 118. John Husee to Lord Lisle (age 70).

Received his letter by lady Garnish's servant, and delivered unto Smythe Ravon's letter and Saymer's (age 35) bill. Mr. Secretary will end the matter before Candlemas. Hopes his liveries will not be prepared so hastily, as he is informed the King will not cross. As Henry Cornelis is going to Calais, there is no need to deliver the letter. Cheriton is with you. Gwydot is not here. If he come, will be in hand with him for your muscatel and malvesy. The Commission of Sewers is ready. Mr. Fowler will have to take the oaths of the other commissioners. Mr. Secretary will send 40 marks for Hacket's funeral; but I have seen him divers times, and he has not paid it. Can get no answer from him touching the toll of Mark and Oye. Mr. Rockewod promised me for my service 20 nobles, but I shall not stay here for their interests. Send me your answer respecting Hunt, and when your mule shall come. Mr. Speke will be with you in eight days. Thos. Myller says that Nicholas Persone is behind with his rent, but will pay it on a letter from you, which he desires may be sent by Edward Russell. London, 27 Jan.

Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.

27 Jan 1535. R. O. 119. John Husee to Lady Lisle (age 41).

I received your letter of Walter, servant to Lady Guarnes-he, and have delivered the 20s. I will show Mr. Tayler your Ladyship's pleasure. Your dog may be well spared, for I am told her Grace makes not much of them. I doubt that the broderer will be reasonable about the frontlets, but you have not written if you have received the same, or answered my bill of prices of grocery I hope to write in my next what end Mr. Secretary makes in my Lord's matter with Sir Edward Seymour (age 35). It rests entirely with him to show his friendship. I am sorry you have been so disquieted at the beginning of the year. My Lord will never get £500, Calais money, by the three persons you write of. Some things now colored will at length be plainly set out. I hope to get you both an ancient gentlewoman and a good tailor. Mr. Bassett came hither on the 26th, and will remain till the morrow of Candlemas day, when he will enter his chamber at Lincoln's Inn. I have spoken with Mr. Holleys this day, but Mr. Lane is not yet come. I have no doubt he will be well pleased to have the young gentleman in his company, who, I assure you, is both gentle, sober and wise. Mr. Syllyard will see to him in Mr. Lane's absence; and Mr. Densell also. Please send Mr. Tywke and Mr. Densell the French wine, Mr. Bassett is out of apparel. He has no good gown but one of chamlet, which was illfashioned, and is now amending. His damask gown is worth nothing but to make a jacket; for his velvet coat was broken to guard his chamlet gown. Reports the state of his other articles of dress. The kersey is not for him, and I have sent it by Edward Russell. He has brought with him a feather bed, bolster, blankets, counter-point and two pair sheets. He requires another bed furnished with a pillow. I intend to make him two pr. black hose, a new damask gown faced with foynes or genetts, and a study gown faced with "fox powttes" of cloth at 6s. a yd., &c. Would like £3 or £4, as what is wanted will take 20 marks at least. Bremelcome wants a coat, as he has only one. London, 26 Jan.

Hol., pp. 3. Add.

27 Jan 1535. R. O. 120. [Lord Lisle (age 70)] to Leonard Smyth.

I have received your letters dated 24 Jan., stating that one Hunt is minded to make his complaint, and that I should write to the Dean of Arches to stay process in my favor. I never meddled with any of his matters, but he made a false oath before the marshal here, and had 20 days' respite before the commissary to reprove those who had sworn the contrary. He promised me and divers of the Council to give surety for £100 to be paid to the King if he did not prove his oath true. This he never did, but "fletyd away" at Sandgate or Whitesand. My letter to the Dean of Arches was to the effect that we have a plain ordinance that no curse shall be pronounced against any soldier here for fault of appearance. Hunt had procured two false knaves to perjure themselves, for which they wore papers and were banished. He was pardoned, being the King's servant, but now that he has committed the same, the retinue have desired me to discharge him, abhorring his company as a great reproach and slander to them all. If he deny this, call John Shepherd, a soldier of this town, to whom he gave money to deliver to his adversaries for agreement. Notwithstanding, if Mr. Secretary will send a commission to some of the Council and constables and vintners here, and if they say he is other than a false knave, and ought to have a room again, he shall have it and 12d. a day out of my purse. When he complains, inform Mr. Secretary thereof. Calais, 27 Jan.

If you think it convenient, I will cause the commissary to come over with the process. I trust Mr. Secretary will give no credit to any surmise unto I may make answer. There have been many running tales surmised about me since I came hither. If God were here among us, every man would not say well by him. He (Hunt) says he was stopped five tides, but he cannot prove it was by my mind, except that John à Burges complained that Hunt would have robbed him in his own house, whereupon I sent them both to the mayor. Mr. Secretary wrote asking that he might he restored, but I answered that if it had not been for Mr. Compton he would have worn paper, and if I put him to his room again all the retinue would cry out on me. God send me a good end in my matter with Sir Edward Semour (age 35). Commend me to your brother.

Pp. 2. Endd.. The copy of my letter sent to Leonard Smythe.

Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535 February

05 Feb 1535. Castelnau's Memoirs, i. 405. (Edit. Brussels, 1731.) 174. Palamedes Gontier to Admiral Chabot (age 43).

Was detained at Boulogne, as he wrote on Thursday night. Next day embarked at 4 a.m. Had a bad passage. The tide not serving to go up to Gravesend, went by Waterford (Canterbury?), and arrived on Sunday in London.

Passed the Thames near the house of Boidoval (Bridewell?), where he met Morette, who was very glad to see him, not daring to show himself to the King, who had spoken to him very sharply about the delay in Chabot's answer. He sent to tell Norfolk and Cromwell of Gontier's arrival, and he was straightway conducted to Westminster to the King. After reading the Admiral's letters and asking after his and the King's health, Henry drew him apart, and leaning on the sideboard heard what he had to say. Said that the Admiral had not forgotten since his return to declare to Francis what Henry had charged him with, especially his entire good-will to preserve and increase the friendship and alliance between them, at which Francis was much rejoiced. As to the proposed marriage between the Princess (age 1) and Mons. d'Angoulesme (age 13), Francis doubts not that having given her that name, Henry will assure it to her and treat her as his only heiress, so that the Crown of England may come to her on his death. The Admiral says that his king thinks some means ought to be found to deprive Lady Mary (age 18) of any occasion or means of claiming the Crown.

Here the King explained to him what had been done by Parliament since the Admiral's departure; that the Princess had been proclaimed and an oath taken throughout the kingdom; that everyone takes Mary for the bastard she is, and he will have no other heir but the Princess, with whom, and in his power (en sa main), now is and will be the said Mary; there is no chance of her becoming queen or claiming any right to the Crown. He went on to say that it was only required for Francis to cause the Pope to annul the invalid dispensation given for the first marriage, and then all doubts would cease. Went on to the other points of his instruction. He is willing to give up the title of France, to take away all occasion of ancient enmities, and declared to Chabot the means to bring it to pass. Spoke about the 50,000 cr. for the pension for life, and 10,000 cr. of salt, saowing him how obliged the King and the kingdom would be if he were to give them up, without mentioning that that would be enough to break off the interview of the two Queens. Henry took this ill, saying that he had done so much for Francis, his children and his kingdom, that it is not fair to ask him to give this up, which he knows is unwillingly paid and odious; it is an honour to his kingdom to have them; it was a strange recompense when he offered the heiress of a kingdom to a younger son; they ought rather to give him something than ask; that it made him think there was a practise going on elsewhere, considering the delay in giving him an answer. Said to him that he ought to take this proposal differently, as it was founded on an overture he had himself made to the Admiral; he would put the French king under the greatest obligation to him, and it would be more to his glory and profit in the future than the payment. As to the perpetual pension, he did not object to what was proposed. He objected to the idea of being included if a treaty were made between Francis and the Emperor; there must be no hope of a treaty. The Emperor had already offered to accept what had been done in England, both the second marriage and other things, and even that the Princess should be heiress and Mary succeed in case of her death. With regard to the article excusing Francis from commencing war against the Emperor, unless he declares himself in aid of Piedmont, Savona or Genoa, on which side he will be very glad to begin the war on account of the quarrels which he has, Henry asked him when he wished to begin. Replied that he had the authority to hasten or delay, as he wished, for Francis would act according to the answer sent back by Gontier. Meanwhile he was not losing a single hour in putting his forces in readiness.

05 Feb 1535. 174. He approved of the aid of 50,000 cr. for Ireland and Denmark. What he hoped to do in Denmark was more for Francis' advantage than his own, but he did not make much answer about a like recompense for the side of Piedmont, Savona or Genoa, and similarly for the other aid for the enterprise of Milan and the county of Ast, asking what Francis would do if the Emperor did not declare himself or go to help these places. Replied that this could be settled by the deputies from both sides. He asked when Francis wished them to meet, and who they would be. Said it was for him to speak first of that.

This conversation lasted two hours, and it being past supper time, he dismissed Gontier till the morrow, asking if he had anything in writing from the King, which he said he had not. He then called Cromwell, and retired, bidding good evening to Morette.

Sends the King's answers to each point.

05 Feb 1535. 174. On the Monday following at 8 a.m. declared his charge to Cromwell; the Admiral's hope that he would help to bring matters to a good issue, and Francis' satisfaction on hearing that such a virtuous and wise person had the ear of the King. To this Cromwell replied with thanks and expressions of affection that I cannot write. He alone has more influence with his master than any other; the late Cardinal of York had not more. He spoke much of his master's prosperity and authority and the quiet of the kingdom. He has increased his revenue by 500,000 cr., for since the Admiral's departure Parliament has given him the ordinary tenths, besides which he will take this year the annates of bishopries, abbeys, and other benefices, of which the possessors are bound to take from the King new bulls and provisions, and give up those from the Pope as null, and to swear to hold their benefices of the King. He showed me a copy of the oath sworn by the bishops. He says that by a little writing, from himself alone, he can be obeyed and summon all princes and lords for his master's service.

Cromwell then took him to Westminster, where he presented his letters to Norfolk (age 62). He asked much about the Admiral, as did "Messieurs de Suffolck (age 51) et Fischer" (Fitzwilliam?). After dinner, was taken by Cromwell to the King in the matted gallery, where the Admiral (age 43) spoke with the King the first time. He asked a copy in writing of what Gontier had said to him, and put it in his sleeve without looking at it. He then began to walk about, and talked for three hours.

He complained of the practises on the side of Spain for the marriage of the Emperor's daughter with the Dauphin, and not long ago the Imperial ambassador had been for a long time shut up with the French queen; that three despatches had been made towards Spain since the Admiral's return, and he saw now that the delay in Gontier's coming was to wait for a reply. He said they wished to accomplish (joindre) the marriage of the Dauphin and also at the same time that of his daughter the Princess, so as to be supported on both sides. Unless these practises are broken he must be careful of speaking, showing that he has great suspicions, for this was not the language that Francis used both by mouth and in writing. He remembered also one day Francis saying to his children that they must never forget the inhuman treatment of the Emperor to him and to them, and if they did not avenge it after his death, if he could not himself, as he hoped, he gave them his curse. He accused the Emperor of deceit and breaches of faith, and of trying to disturb by false offers the friendship between them, repeating what he had said the previous evening, that he had made him offers, and he could be on good terms with him if he liked, but any reconciliation on this side would be too dangerous. He had kept his promise, and never been engaged in any practises, and he complained of what had been done at Marseilles, of which he had no knowledge nor participation till afterwards. He said the French Council governed as if their only object was to lose good friends, and he wished Francis would take the management of his affairs more into his own hands. In consequence of having supported France he had lost the Emperor's friendship, who called him son bon pere, and had often written and promised that he would do nothing contrary to what he ought as a son. France would find herself deceived, whatever promises he had made; even the surrender of Milan would not be accomplished when the time came. His only intention was to show to England and others that there was no reliance upon Francis' friendship. He would find himself cut out in Italy if he did not advance soon, for the Emperor would be there first, speaking also of the league agreed to by all the potentates and signories of Italy. As to the Pope, Francis ought to act quite differently, and get out of him what he had.

05 Feb 1535. 174. The King then called Cromwell, and used the same language as Cromwell had done about the augmentation of his revenue, the union of his kingdom, and the peace of conscience he enjoys in having thrown off subjection to Rome. He said if Francis would do the like, he would gain more than 2,000,000. He repeated what he had said before about the pensions and the salt, saying that he had already done enough for his good brother, and that Francis should not presume he had any need whatever to contract the Princess his daughter to a third son. He hoped the money he sent to Bavaria would be repaid, especially as he had delivered it on condition of Ferdinand not being received as king of the Romans. Francis might perhaps be deceived about the duke of Wurtemburg and the Landgrave. He knows how Mons. de Gueldres is behaving, and that he has coined money inscribed with these words "cette fois et non plus.1"

Spoke to the King soberly, in accordance with his instructions and what the Admiral had commanded him. Told him of the desire of Francis to remain firm to him for ever and treat of an inviolable alliance, and repeated the reasons for his accepting Francis's overtures, not forgetting to say that he had been marvellously pressed, but would never condescend to agree with the Emperor to anything contrary to his relations with Henry, even if he were obliged to listen to such proposals.

He spoke much of his trust in Francis, and finally said he would consider what Gontier had given to him, and bade him discuss these matters fully with Cromwell.

On Tuesday last, the day of the Purification, one of the greatest solemnities celebrated during the year by the King, Morette went to Westminster with Gontier.

During divine service the King sent for him by Cromwell, being in a little oratory. He spoke of the interview, approving of the queen of Navarre and other ladies being there. Said what the Admiral had ordered him on this head, especially about the Queen, who has no inclination apart from the King, without setting her affection on brother, aunt or sister. He approved of the voyage of Normandy to be made this Lent. Presented the letter in favor of the "Grand Escuyer (age 39)" of England, to which he replied that the said place of the Chancellor of the Order was filled by the king of Scotland, and the number of 24 could not be excceded. On the first vacancy he would remember the said Grand Escuyer.

Note 1. this time and no longer.

05 Feb 1535. 174. In the afternoon Cromwell took him to the Queen, to whom he delivered the Admiral's letters and charge. She complained of his long delay, which had caused her husband many doubts. She said the Admiral must think of applying some remedy, and act towards the King so that she may not be ruined and lost, for she sees herself very near that, and in more grief and trouble than before her marriage. She charged him to beg the Admiral to consider her affairs, of which she could not speak as fully as she wished, on account of her fears, and the eyes which were looking at her, her husband's and the lords' present. She said she could not write, nor see him again, nor stay longer. She then left him, the King going to the next room, where the dance was beginning (se leverent), without the said Lady going thither.

As far as he can judge, she is not at her ease on account of the doubts and suspicions of the King, which he has mentioned before.

During the dance, Norfolk, Suffolk, "Fischer Chancelier," Cromwell and others assembled in Council, he thinks to consider his charge. Norfolk said he intended to do all he could to send him back content; he was at his house a month ago, not expecting his coming: the King intended to have spent the carnival (ces jours gras) at Windsor, but now would not leave till he was despatched. Has since seen Cromwell twice, who says he will do all he can. May be despatched next week.

Many lords have inquired about the procession and harangue at Paris in honor of the Sacrament and for the punishment of the Lutherans, for which they praise the King. Norfolk, Suffolk, Ovaston, Borgouny (age 66), all knights of the Garter, and others, who were entertained by Morette yesterday, took much pleasure in hearing Gontier's account of it, as he had seen it the day before he left. London, 5 Feb.

Fr.

25 Feb 1535. Vienna Archives. 263. Chapuys to Charles V.

About eight days ago the Queen (age 49) your aunt wrote me a letter requesting me to beg the King to send her the Princess her daughter, to have her cured of her illness, which she thought would be easy with the aid of God and of her physician and apothecary. joined with the care which she herself would have of her. for she meant to be her nurse. with several honorable proposals (propoz) too long to write. Immediately on receipt of the said letter I sent to Cromwell for an audience of the King, which was assigned me for next morning. Then, after reading the Queen's letter to the King. I made several representations on the subject. reserving, however, the principal reasons (les principales). e.g., the report made to me by the physicians. both that I might use them another time, and also not to provoke him too much the first time, and thirdly, because I thought it best to keep a part of my reasons for Cromwell, who would know best how to urge them. The King heard me patiently and graciously. and, instead of answering as usual that he knew better than anyone else how to provide for his daughter, he very gently answered he wished to do his utmost to procure his daughter's health, and would proceed with the same diligence about it as he had begun, and that, since the Queen's physician could not assist, he would find others. But. on the other hand, while seeing to the health of his daughter, he must not forget what was due to his own honor, which would be injured if, by bad keeping, the Princess were taken out of this kingdom, or if she herself escaped, as she might easily do by night if she were with the Queen her mother: for he perceived some indication that your Majesty would be glad to withdraw the said Princess somehow, and that I knew well what had been put forward touching the marriage of his said daughter between your Majesty and the king of France, which put him all the more in doubt, and made him consider how to prevent this. I remarked that there was no probability that your Majesty would attempt to steal away the said Princess, for several reasons that I alleged, and that, during the five years these matters had lasted, there had not been the slightest indication of it. He then said there was no great occasion to put the Princess again in the Queen's hands, for it was she who had put it into her head to show such obstinacy and disobedience, as all the world knew; and although sons and daughters were bound to some obedience towards their mothers, their chief duty was to their fathers, and since the Princess could not have much help of the Queen, and it was clear the whole matter proceeded from the latter, she must submit to his pleasure. I did not wish to dispute with him on the subject, but asked that he would at least put the Princess under the care of her old gouvernante, the countess of Salisbury (age 61), whom she regarded as her second mother. He replied that the Countess was a fool, of no experience, and that if his daughter had been under her care during this illness she would have died, for she would not have known what to do, whereas her present governess is an expert lady even in such female complaints. Seeing that nothing could be done at that time, I said that besides the causes which I had told him moved me to press this subject, my principal object was to avoid the perplexity in which I saw him on Sunday before Shrovetide; and I begged he would believe it was mainly owing to the great desire I had to do him service. He thanked me, and showed himself very glad, especially when I took leave without "rencharge." He was so glad to get quit of the matter that he did not dare to ask my news until I was at the door of the room, when he begged also that I would communicate any intelligence as I received it. As it was not a holiday I had no thought of dining there, but I was unable to excuse myself. All the lords were in Council, and dined at Cromwell's house, except the duke of Richmond, who remained to entertain me. My men were also retained to dine, and great cheer shown them. All which was done merely to increase the jealousy of the French.

25 Feb 1535. 263. The day before yesterday I called on Cromwell, to whom I reported what had passed between me and the King; and although he had been already informed of it, he showed great satisfaction, commending the dexterity which he said I had used in talking of those matters with the King, who was very well pleased with me. I said that since speaking with the King I had consulted with the physicians, who were unanimously of opinion that the Princess's illness was caused by distress and sorrow, which at this moment could be very easily cured if she were put in some place where she could take pleasure and have exercise; otherwise, remaining where she was, she would be in great danger of her life, which I had told the King would be the most serious thing that could happen in this kingdom, as no doubt his wisdom could well understand. And since the King objected to send the Princess to the Queen, I hoped he would at least send her to some house near her, in order that, both now and whenever necessary, she might be visited by the Queen's physician and apothecary, for he had clearly seen the danger in which she expected to fall, because the King's physician would not undertake her cure except along with the Queen's physician, who was too far off. I hoped he would also send to the Princess some of her old and loyal servants to keep her cheerful, commending [the arrangement] that the present gouvernante (age 59) should have charge of her, as there might be danger in any immediate change, lest someone gave her a slow poison; whereas, so long as she remains under her charge, I suppose she would not do or promise such a thing, on account of the suspicion already entertained of her. Long ago I warned her by a third hand of the mischief which might arise to her if anything happened to the said Princess, and I also took care to get the King's physician to tell her that of late there was a common report in London that she had poisoned the said Princess; which put her in terrible fear, so that she can do nothing but weep when the sees the Princess so ill. Cromwell replied that he knew all that I had said, that my requests were reasonable, and that he had been on the watch for an opportunity to secure more favorable treatment for the said Princess, as he had long ago promised; but matters were rather hard of digestion, and he couldn't yet get his master to chew them, and dared not press the subject for fear of incurring suspicion. It would be necessary to wait till either the King brought forward the subject himself, or some occasion arose tending thereto; and as affairs were beginning to look better, and I had half opened the door, they would enter the more boldly into business. and he hoped at his return from Court he should be able to bring me some news that would give me satisfaction. He was very familiar and confidential in this conversation, and I think he has only to study his conduct as regards the King, who is by nature so very suspicious.

25 Feb 1535. 263. He then reminded me of several conversations he had formerly held with me about the establishment of friendship with your Majesty, which there were many who wished to disturb, not only strangers, but perhaps servants of your own, and said the King had lately received news that your Majesty had undertaken this coming March to send an army into Ireland, and that in Flanders they held council day and night about an expedition against his master, which. after I had shown him my opinion, he confessed to be a got-up story. Thereupon I told him that long ago we had held similar conversations, but that if he would not put his hand to the work all our words would not mend matters much for the next twenty years; and to speak frankly to him, as I would to my confessor were it not that I had always known his great love of amity, and that no one could appreciate its importance more than the King his master, besides that I considered him a plain dealing prince, free from dissimulation, I should almost have suspected that the attentions paid to me were artificial, and dissembled for the purpose of being used in other places. But the King should consider that even if I knew it was so. nevertheless for his service I would not forbear to keep up a good appearance, whatever others might think of it. Cromwell thanked me for being so frank, and said, even if I had not disclosed my opinion to him, he had imagined it to be such as he did not doubt that I saw what was going on. and to satisfy me he would tell me that, even if I had charged him with dissimulation, of which he assured me he had not been guilty, nevertheless I should have occasion to be satisfied, and hoped that affairs would improve greatly, as I might well believe from the language the King had used with me; but I must not suppose there had been anything like artifice or dissimulation, and he was very glad an opportunity had arrived for giving effect to his wishes for the said amity. He did not tell me what he reterred to. but he meant that there was trouble between them and France, and that I must not be surprised that no overture had been made. because the King had had no leisure to think of it and even if he had determined on it he could hardly venture to propose it as it appeared to him there would be some shame in doing so, and that the King was so very cautious that there may be some secret which they will not declare particularly to anyone. Perhaps the King would give him power in general to consult with me what could be done agreeably to his honor, and if he had such a charge he believed some good would be done, but without authority from his master he did not wish to enter on the subject, as it would be a mere waste of time and a sort of mockery which he would not use towards the ministers of such a prince as your Majesty, but at his return from Court he hoped to bring me some agreeable news. He then said he had intended for some days to make me a long discourse "de la contreponderacion de lamyte de v're Majeste[et] toutes les autres," and to set forth what was found about it in the chronicles about the necessity of intercourse with the subjects of your Majesty, the aid England has always obtained from the Flemings in case of a war with France, and the impossibility of stirring up the English to make war against your Majesty, adding that whenever he was called on to speak of the friendship of France he has always done so in ambiguous terms, which might be construed in different ways, so that he might not be accused afterwards of inconstancy. He said also that Likkerke had several times spoken about this establishment of friendship to master Wallop, their ambassador in France, who in this matter had done good service, writing always to persuade his master to the friendship of your Majesty, and that had come very much of his prompting. He praised their ambassador very much, because he was a bad Frenchman.

25 Feb 1535. 263. When I came to Cromwell the treasurer of Brittany was going out, who, as Cromwell told me before we entered on other subjects, had brought him news that the Turk, having defeated the Sophy, was returning to Constantinople, where they were making great triumph and preparations for the army which the said Turk was going to send to Barbarossa, who was now victorious and in peaceful possession of Tunis. The treasurer had also reported to him particularly the costliness of the feast which the Portuguese ambassador had given to the king and queen of France, and by the manner in which Cromwell reported this to me, he appeared to deride the French for making so much of these news, for which one might accuse them of irreligion and vanity. I said that, as to the Turk, I believed that within two days he would hear the contrary, and so he did; for next day I sent to show him letters from Venice and Ragusa that some merchants had received, stating that the Turk had been defeated, of which he showed himself very glad. As to the feast, I considered that a much better one was that which the king of Portugal, it was said, was to give your Majesty of certain carvels for the fleet against Barbarossa. When I left him Cromwell told me he only waited to know from me where this Jacques could be found, of whom I wrote to your Majesty, to take him and send him to me to be dealt with at my pleasure, either by sending him to you or having him punished here. And he had such commandment from the King that he believed the said Jacques was already prisoner in the hands of the duke of Norfolk. Cromwell had already made me this offer, but, awaiting an answer from the queen Regent in Flanders, I did not dare accept it, fearing that, in reward for this courtesy, they would ask for some of the letters ("quelcung des letters") from thence, which might be a bad exchange. And while I was waiting for the said answer, the said Jacques went from here "dans une charrue denvers" (in a carvel of Antwerp?).

25 Feb 1535. 263. Yesterday there returned from France the maitre d'hotel of the French ambassador and another courier. I have not yet learned their news, except that La Pomeraye was to reside here as ambassador in place of Morette. This morning, hearing that the treasurer of Bretaigne was going to speak to Cromwell, I sent after him one of my servants to spy out what bearing the said Cromwell would show after having spoken with him. Cromwell, although the mayor and several great people were waiting on him, called my man as he was parting with the said treasurer, and my man having spoken of some private matter as an excuse, Cromwell charged him to tell me that he was very mindful of our late conversations, and would not forget to make representations, as I should see at my return. He showed himself very gracious, and held his bonnet in his hand almost as long as my man did. I think the said news cannot have been agreeable to him.

25 Feb 1535. 263. The King complained wonderfully of the king of France, in presence of lord Montague and several others, saying "qui luy estoit bas devant1," and that if a pope had done such injury to the king of France as had been done to him, he would not be content with throwing off obedience to the Church. but would have gone and burnt Rome, Pope and Cardinals; and he comforted himself by one thing,—that he had shown the true way of salvation to his subjects, and he expected, will-he nill-he, that the French king would come to it in the end. I am told the King unburdened his stomach (s'est desgorgé) still more bravely to the French ambassador the other day, when those of the Council dined with Cromwell; there was not a man among them but bestowed some epithet (blason) on the French. Cromwell dwelt strongly upon the ingratitude of the Grand Master, Admiral (age 43) and Monpesan, to whom he had given great presents, and who had scarcely said thank-you; but he hoped some day to revenge it. He is particularly displeased with the Admiral, whom he has covertly jeered at to me in a very emphatic way.

Note 1. who was low in front of him

25 Feb 1535. 263. The King, four or five days ago, sent another gentleman in post to Scotland, to learn (as I am given to understand) on what footing the Scots stand or hope to stand with the French, that they may show themselves pliant or brave towards the said French accordingly; and if everything be against this king, both in France and Scotland, I expect he will still remain obstinate, "mectant son extreme refuge de envers par tous ses subjectz en heresie," which is the thing good men here fear most, for it will make matters almost hopeless. You cannot imagine the reports spread about my going to Court and the good reception given to me, nor the joy it has created everywhere, as it is expected matters will soon be set right, though some doubt it is only to get your Majesty to strike sail and submit to the King's William I doubt not some are afraid I shall be lulled to sleep with fair words, but I hope, please God, "que ilz ny gaigneront que les barrilz."

25 Feb 1535. 263. Whoever is pleased with my frequenting the Court, it is not the French ambassadors, who seek every way to spy out what I can be treating there. The treasurer of Brittany said twice to one man that he feared I was getting up some marriage and alliances with the English, and he had been informed that there had lately come some commander of Spain, who remained secretly in my lodging. I think the King has whispered this to them to put them in greater jealousy.

25 Feb 1535. 263. Today the Duke of Suffolk (age 51) leaves secretly for Suffolk, I know not for what purpose. Norfolk (age 62) withdrew to his house 15 days ago very ill-pleased. The day before he left he complained to lord Montague (age 43) that he was held in no esteem, "et par avant avoit nulle choses de la dame du Roy1." The Marquis has been [word omitted] and only regrets that he has no opportunity of shedding his blood in the service of the Queen and Princess; "sil estoit question de quelque chose il ne seroit des derniers, et unyroit petite suyte2." The young lady who was lately in the King's favor is so no longer. There has succeeded to her place a cousin german of the concubine (age 34), daughter [either Margaret "Madge" Shelton, Anne Shelton or Mary Shelton (age 25)] of the present gouvernante (age 59) of the Princess. The Queen has been informed on good authority that the Waywode's man was seeking the marriage of the Princess with his master; but there is no great probability that he will succeed either in this or in obtaining money. I will inform your Majesty hereafter of whatever I may hear about this and about a gentleman lately come from the Duke of Holstein. I am informed letters have come from Gregory de Casale, who says the Pope told him that if the King would replace matters of the Church as they were, other things could be arranged; but all that is lost labor. So great is the obstinacy and avarice of the King, that he would sooner take back the Queen than restore what is due to the Church, from which he has taken, within the last month, 50,000 ducats, "emolument d'eslus"3.

Note 1. "and before had nothing of the King's lady."

Note 2. if it were a question of something it would not be among the last, and straight small continuation?

Note 3. first-fruits.

25 Feb 1535. 263. The Princess has just sent to tell me that if your Majesty were to write to the King her father, requesting him to place her with the Queen, or at least take her from where she was, that, in her opinion, "ledit roy en oseroit conplaire a v're Majesty." I have promised that I would write of it, nevertheless that I feared the King would think you wished to dictate to him how he should treat his daughter, and perhaps I could manage by gentleness more than such a letter could accomplish. Your Majesty, however, will exercise your discretion on the subject; but if you think proper to write, I would suggest that it would be best to thank the King for what he has said to me, and the care he has taken about the Princess's illness, trusting that as the said illness only arose from sorrow caused [by] being where she is, Henry would ascertain the fact, as he was already determined to do according to my report. If such a letter produced no other result, it would at least serve as half a protest.

Whatever pretence the King makes about the Princess's illness, he has been very cold; in fact, she was taken ill on Friday, and he did not send his physician thither till Thursday after, and I do not know if he would have gone even then if I had not for three days importuned Cromwell. On Friday afterwards she was let blood, and on Monday following, when I spoke to the King, he did not know she had been let blood or anything about her condition. Since the first news I have sent to her four or five times by my servants, who make a poor report of her treatment and of her company. She sent to me yesterday two persons to beg that I would continue to send some of my servants to her, for that caused her to be better respected. Your Majesty may consider what solace and pastime she can have with those about her, hearing them desire her death, by which, they say, the world would be at peace, and they discharged of the pain and trouble they have had about her. As to getting her away from here, if the King do not remove her from hence, it could be accomplished by having a pinnace on the river and two armed ships at the mouth of the river; at least I could find means to get her out of the house almost at any hour of the night.

It has been reported of late that one of Kildare's men had come to Bristol and taken a good ship, and that Kildare had lately made several invasions and done great injury to the English. London, 25 Feb. 1534[5].

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 10.

27 Feb 1535. R. O. 275. Sir Edward Wotton (age 45) to Cromwell (age 50).

Remonstrates against Cromwell's urging him by his letters to resign his patent of the stewardship of the abbey of Malling, the King having written to the abbess in favor of master Thomas Wyatt. Cromwell may be as much assured of his heart as Mr. Wyatt, and since the death of his brother-in-law, Sir Henry Guildford, he has always depended on Cromwell's friendship. The grant he obtained under the convent seal was in fulfilment of a promise of the abbess many years past. Would have waited on the King before, but has been lately with his sister Guldeford (age 36) and others, who have been with his cousin, Edward Brown, son of Sir Matthew Brown (age 59), who has died of the common plague. Asks Cromwell to relate the matter to the King. Supposes that when the abbess made the grant to Cromwell she had forgotten her promise to him, for, though he knew from the first of the death of Mr. Fisher, he waited for five or six days before writing to the abbess, thinking that few then would apply for so small an office. On first reading his letter she had forgotten the promise which he claimed as having been made within two years and less after her being made abbess. She was not dissembling in her answers either to the King or Cromwell. No effect can grow in law or conscience of her promise to Cromwell, so long after her promise to him. Begs Cromwell to be good master to her and her poor house. Bocton Malherbe [Map], Saturday, 27 Feb.

Hol., pp. 3. Add.: Secretary. Endd.

Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535 March

23 Mar 1535. Vienna Archives. 431. Chapuys to [Granvelle].

[Granvelle] will understand by Chapuys' last letter to the Emperor, and by the present, what the desire and hope of these men is. They think day and night of getting rid of these good ladies. Since there has been a talk of friendship they have been more determined to devise something against them, and speak of it without shame. It is more than ever necessary to consult for their protection. The Queen, as he writes to the Emperor, has no doubt that their amiability to her and the Princess is dangerous. Having heard that Cromwell had been to Chapuys, she wrote to her licentiate Medain the enclosed, and, if she had dared to write more, would have shown her reasons. In the letter "la seulle" means Cromwell, "Del Sobrino" is Chapuys, and "celluy que n'a dens" is the French king. Sends another letter from the Queen, which ought to have done wonders, considering how Cromwell had praised her; "sed induratum est cor Pharaonis."

Does not know how Granvelle interprets the coming of the King to where the Princess was without speaking to or sending to her, but it is spoken of here in various ways. The Princess is well, better than some would have her. She may be called the paragon of beauty, goodness and virtue.

The concubine (age 34) has suborned a person to say that he has had a revelation from God that she cannot conceive while the said two ladies are alive. Doubts not she has spoken of it to the King, and she has lately sent the man to Cromwell. She constantly speaks of them as rebels and traitresses deserving death, and Cromwell would willingly say what Caiaphas did. London, 23 March.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2.

Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535 April

08 Apr 1535. R. O. 516. John Husee to Lord Lisle (age 70).

Has received his letter by John Broke. As for the £100 the King is cessed at, has delivered his Lordship's letter to Mr. Treasurer, who is in doubt how the King will take it, and says Mr. Secretary knows not but that his Lordship has paid the £135 already. Will do his best to show Mr. Secretary the full contents of his Lordship's pleasure; but Fowler refuses to meddle with the account if Lisle's request be granted, as it will have to be audited before the Commissioners. Smyth is in the country. Will ask Hidd's bonds of him on his return. The patent of £10 is at your pleasure. Mr. Densell has promised I shall have by Sunday next the minute for the assurance of the £120 Mr. Saymer must pay you yearly. Will endeavour to get it finished before he departs, and bring Lisle's part of the award and Saymer's bond with him. Has spoken for six pair of hose to be sent by next ship. Has received the King's letter and Mr. Secretary's, touching Oye Sluice, and will do his best therein. As for Buck's confession against Fryer, he goes now with my Lady to Calais, and cannot tarry to depose before my Lord Chancellor. He will always abide by what he has said. Cannot get Lisle's bill of victualling signed, but hopes to have it on Saturday. The King was at supper with Mr. Secretary on Wednesday last, and is now at Hackney; will be here on Saturday, and so to Hampton Court, whither the Queen (age 34) is removed, as one of her gentlewomen has got the measles. Mr. Secretary says you shall have the Staple Inn, and he will cause the King to write in it. Can get no answer of Bryan touching your patent. The saddle and harness is ready to be sent by next ship. Thinks it will turn out that Norfolk, Mr. Secretary, Mr. Treasurer, and Mr. Almoner or Mr. Comptroller of the King's house, go to the French king about Whitsuntide. London, 8 April.

Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.

20 Apr 1535. R. O. 567. [John Hale, Vicar of Isleworth, to the Council.]

I fell and hurt my leg at Wyngham, at Allhallowtide was twelvemonth, and remained till about Candlemas next. On Saturday after Ash Wednesday I fell into a fervent ague. How long I continued, with various relapses, the parishioners of Isleworth know, so that I took not my journey through whole five weeks before Michaelmas last, and lost "our Lady's quarter" ended the Midsummer before that by my sickness. I had several falls from my horse, from one of which I was troubled in my wits, as also by age and lack of memory. Will nevertheless report, as well as I can, with whom I talked, and in what manner, of the King's grace. I remember, about two years ago, the fellow of Bristow showed, both to me and others of Syon, the prophecies of Marlyon; for, by my truth, Master Skydmore showed me also the same, with whom I had several conversations concerning the King's marriage and other behaviours of his bodily lust. Once Cownsell the porter "sayd that our suffren had a short of maydons over oon of his chambyres at Farnam while he was with the oold lord of Wynchester." Had also conversations with Skydmore, with Sir Thomas my priest, and with Master Leeke; and once, I think, about two years ago, of the Acts of Parliament made against churchmen, with the prior of Hounslow, who offered to show me a prophecy; but we had no leisure to speak together further, for we only met at the new inn, where Mr. Yowng, Awnsam and his wife, and others, dined with us. Skydmore also used to speak of young Sir Rice, saying that Welshmen and priests were sore disdained nowadays. As to Mr. Ferne, my wits were so troubled with sickness that I cannot perfectly remember what he rehearsed; but by Mr. Bydyll's rehearsal, Mr. Steward of Syon told me it was likely to be enacted that no more tithe corn should be made. I was sick long after, and, being aged and oblivious, did not see him till we met at the Secretary's at the Rolls. Also Mr. Waren, old surveyor, and the master of Ashford, in Kent, sometime steward to the bp. of Canterbury, spoke in the churchyard of Istleworth of the hard statutes made and to be made against the Church. Finally, I confess the four bills by Mr. Feerne, Mr. Leeke, Mr. Skydmore, and Sir Thomas Mody to be true, and that by such seditious ways I have maliciously slandered the King and Queen and their Council; for which I ask forgiveness of God, king Henry VIII., and queen Anne, and shall continue sorrowful during my life, which stands only in the King's William "Moreover, Mr. Skydmore dyd show to me yongge Master Care (age 9), saying that he was our suffren Lord the Kynge's son by our suffren Lady the Qwyen's (age 34) syster (age 36), whom the Qwyen's grace myght not suffer to be yn the Cowrte."

Pp.3. Headed: Jhus Salvator Mundi, miserere mei quia timor mortis conturbat me. Endd.:

Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535 May

05 May 1535. Vienna Archives. 666. Chapuys to Charles V.

It seems, as I lately wrote to Granvelle, that Cromwell is anxious to know the result of the negotiations at Calais before making me any overture, notwithstanding what he has several times promised me. It is true that since he was ill he has not been in Court till within these four days, and I believe he had then no opportunity to speak of the matters for the multitude of other business. When he comes back from Court a second time we shall be able the better to judge if there is any dissimulation; but I have never had great hopes that the English could be brought by gentle means to accept any terms compatible with reason and honesty. The King's deputies to the diet of Calais are to leave on the 11th. Rochford (age 32), the Lady's (age 34) brother, will go in place of Cromwell. Many think that Cromwell excused himself of the charge in despair of the issue. Three days ago there arrived here two doctors, sent by those of Lubeck, to solicit money, as I have been told, from this King, to protect themselves against an alliance of the Count Palatine and the duke of Holstein. I will try, in speaking to Cromwell, to learn about it, without forgetting to intimate in passing that the continuance of these intrigues is not in accordance with the proposition for the confirmation of friendship, nor even with former treaties.

05 May 1535. 666. The enormity of the case, and the confirmation it gives of the hopelessness of expecting the King to repent, compels me to write to your Majesty that yesterday there were dragged through the length of this city three Carthusians and a Bridgettine monk, all men of good character and learning, and cruelly put to death at the place of execution, only for having maintained that the Pope was the true Head of the universal Church, and that the King had no right in reason or conscience to usurp the sovereign authority over the clergy of this country. This they had declared to Cromwell, of their free will, about three weeks ago, in discharge of their own consciences and that of the King; and on Cromwell pointing out the danger, and advising them to reconsider it before the matter went further, they replied they would rather die a hundred times than vary. Eight days ago the duke of Norfolk sat in judgment on them, as the King's representative, assisted by the Chancellor and Cromwell, and the ordinary judges of the realm, and the knights of the Garter who had been at the feast (solempnite) of St. George. The monks maintained their cause most virtuously. No one being able to conquer them in argument, they were at last told that the statute being passed they could not dispute it, and that if they would not alter their language they were remanded till next day to hear their sentence. Next day, in the same presence, they were strongly exhorted to recant, and after a long discussion they were sentenced by lay judges and declared guilty of treason. Nothing was said about degrading them, or changing their habits. And the same fate has overtaken a priest for having spoken and written concerning the life and government of this King. It is altogether a new thing that the dukes of Richmond and Norfolk, the earl of Wiltshire, his son, and other lords and courtiers, were present at the said execution, quite near the sufferers. People say that the King himself would have liked to see the butchery; which is very probable, seeing that nearly all the Court, even those of the Privy Chamber, were there— his principal chamberlain, Norres, bringing with him 40 horses; and it is thought that he was of the number of five who came thither accoutred and mounted like Borderers (accoustrez et monstez comme ceulx des frontieres descosse), who were armed secretly, with vizors (?) before their faces, of which that of the duke of Norfolk's brother got detached, which has caused a great stir (que esbranle grandemen laffairez), together with the fact that while the five thus habited (vestuz et bouchez) were speaking all those of the Court dislodged.

05 May 1535. 666. It is commonly reported that the King has summoned the Bishop of Rochester (age 65), Master Mur (age 57), a doctor who was lately his confessor, a chaplain of the Queen, and schoolmaster of the Princess1, to swear to the statutes made here against the Pope, the Queen, and Princess, otherwise they would be treated no better than the said monks, six weeks being given to them to consider the matter. They have replied that they were ready to suffer what martyrdom pleased the King, and that they would not change their opinion in six weeks, or even in 600 years if they lived so long; and many fear they will be despatched like the aforesaid.

Note 1. Richard Fetherston.

05 May 1535. 666. And it is to be feared that if the King is getting so inured to cruelty he will use it towards the Queen and Princess, at least in secret; to which the concubine (age 34) will urge him with all her power, who has lately several times blamed the said King, saying it was a shame to him and all the realm that they were not punished as traitresses according to the statutes. The said concubine is more haughty than ever, and ventures to tell the King that he is more bound to her than man can be to woman, for she extricated him from a state of sin; and moreover, that he came out of it the richest Prince that ever was in England, and that without her he would not have reformed the Church, to his own great profit and that of all the people. Some time ago the Queen suspected that foul dealing had been used towards the Princess, as appears by a letter which she caused to be written to me, and which I send to Granvelle.

05 May 1535. 666. I forbear to write about the Queen and her affairs, as I presume she is doing so herself. London, 5 May 1535.

P.S.—Yesterday morning, the 7th, I received yours of the 20th ultimo; after which I sent to Cromwell, who is lodged in the country, quite near a lodging I have got, to speak with him; and the hour being late, and he much occupied, he desired to be excused till today. This afternoon, about 3 o'clock, he passed by me on his return from Court, and expressed his great desire to complete the negotiations for a stricter friendship, with which view the King would consent to anything, saving his honor, even to the summoning of the Council, provided you would not have the matter of the divorce treated there. On my making the remonstrances I had done when he came a second time to visit me this Lent, and several others which I need not recite, he confessed that they were true and lawful, and that he would report them tomorrow to the King, and on Monday I should have an answer. After much conversation, he observed that even if it could be proved that this second marriage was unlawful, your Majesty ought to dissemble, because you had fully acquitted yourself to God and to the world, and remit the matter to the conscience of the King, who was a virtuous and Catholic Prince. seeing that by such dissimulation inestimable good would follow. not only to both your subjects. but to the whole of Christendom, to the confusion of heretics and the destruction of the Turk and of his friends near at hand, meaning the French; declaring that the king of France, to recover Milan, would not only bring the Turk into Christendom, but all the devils as well; and he desired friendship between your Majesty and the King to abate the pride of the French. and to steady their lightheadedness. Certainly, when they were in need they were "le plus simple nacion du monde," and the King had not derived a crown's worth of pleasure from all the benefit he had done them. After this he said that many good things were suspended, only for the affection you bore to the Princess, who was mortal and of sickly disposition, and if God would take her your Majesty would have no complaint to make against them: and that he had heard from several quarters, to which, however, he attached no credit, that your Majesty and the king of the Romans had proposed to create schism and dissension in England, and then make the enterprise. which many of those with your Majesty, and in Flanders and Germany, thought easy, necessary, and useful for the most part of the realm. But it must be considered that it was not so easy or inexpensive as they might suppose: and even if your Majesty were to conquer. it would be no great honor to you to have thus treated without cause an old and cordial friend, and that you would not gain the kingdom after his death, having thus conquered it, but the disgrace would remain to you. On this I asked him how he heard that your Majesty had intended to create schism in the kingdom. He answered that it had been proposed "de par dela," to forbid their merchants to have intercourse with your Majesty's countries. in order to make the people rebel. Thus he could not dissemble that that was the true means. I know not how he came thus openly to declare it, and still less how he spoke of the persuasions made to your Majesty to invade the kingdom, which is much more than I have written to you. Cromwell gave me to understand that the day before yesterday. Ascension Day. there had been discussion in the King's Council upon the abovesaid matters; and, notice being taken of the marriage of your Majesty with this Princess, the King had spoken as loudly in praise of your Majesty as could be, and Cromwell had said it would be expedient if the articles delivered by Likerke to their ambassador were authorised by your Majesty. that the King should send you an embassy with ample power to make a closer alliance with you, which could not be done if this last marriage was annulled by a General Council. And on my repeating to him that when the said submission was made, matters might be treated in friendly wise more to the honor of the parties, and meanwhile God might enlighten those who were concerned,—he answered that he would like to see to it beforehand for the better assurance of his master.

Cromwell came again to excuse himself that he had not spoken to me sooner on business; and that I must not suppose that it was from any wish to gain time, because they considered that delay was rather in your favor and that of the king of the Romans than theirs; for you increased every day the number of your friends and servants, and that waiting for the result of the diet of Calais did not matter to them a penny. The King had not been able to refuse it, because the king of France had made such [requests] for it, but his master made so little account of that diet that he had not written a single word about it to his ambassador, nor even informed Morette of it; and, as for him, he had got himself exempted from the Commission, and the bishop of Ely ("Yly") would go in his place. He felt almost assured that nothing would be concluded at all, skilful as the French were, who asked of them their daughter for the duke of Angoulême, in order to make their profit of them, while she was under age, and, when they thought expedient, to break all conventions,—which never could last long with them, both by reason of their natural fickleness, and because the French support the Church of Rome, which they will not hear of. In the course of our conversation he said, though he was not commissioned to do so, he wished that, leaving matters as they stood, a marriage could be arranged between the prince of Spain and the little bastard; and that the Princess, if she continued to live, should also have some honorable match provided for her to the satisfaction of your Majesty; in which case the King would give her as large and honorable a dowry as ever was given to Queen or Empress. I replied still that it would be necessary to settle the matter which so greatly touched the honor, reputation, and conscience, first, of the King, his master, and, secondly, of your Majesty. He told me that I should have answer on Monday, and that if I desired to talk with the King at any time and on any subject whatever I should be very welcome. I told him that it would be doing injustice to his good sense and judgment to anticipate the matter which he had in hand, and which he could arrange with the King far better than anybody. Seeing that he spoke so freely against the French, and that he assured me they would not treat with them, I made no mention of what was contained in your Majesty's letter, but only spoke to him of the intelligence they had with those of Lubeck. He acknowledged that the King had lent them a sum, for which he would show me the bond, and said that the Lubeckers were "canailles" and beggars, who had come to seek the King, his master, offering various things, and had then spread reports that the King had sent for them to treat concerning Denmark. It was true the King had given them some audience. Cromwell strongly denied that the King had contributed any money for the restitution of the duke of Wirtemburg, though he consented, at the urgent request of the king of France, to delay payment of his pension for one year, the amount for two terms being 107,000 crs.; which, he says, will give rise to some confusion, for the French have played a trick in making the quittance for the last payment comprise the quittance for terms past. As to what is contained in your last letters about getting away the Princess, my man returned from her this morning, and has reported that she thinks of nothing else than how it may be done, her desire for it increasing every day, especially since the said monks have been executed; for, since then, her gouvernante (age 59) has been continually telling her to take warning by their fate. Till now she has not been able to see how it could be done; nor I either, as the place is unknown to me. Whatever can be devised I will notify to your Majesty.

The good old lord of whom I wrote has sent to me today by one of my servants to say he was going home immediately, and would lose no time for the advancement of the business; and that he intended, if I thought right, to send a gentleman to your Majesty to inform you of everything. He will send the said gentleman to me in a few days, and then I will inform you of everything. London, 8 May 1535.

French, from a modern copy. Pp. 7.

12 May 1535. R. O. 708. John Husee to Lady Lisle (age 41).

I received your letter today by Robert Johnson with the quails, which I have delivered, and for which all parties thank you. Mr. Basset is well, and is a great lawyer. Bremelcome has the water imperial, which shall be used according to your writing. As to the plague, Mr. Sulyer and Mr. Danestre will see to him as though he were their own kin. He breaks his fast daily before leaving his chamber. I have delivered him £3 as Bury has not yet come, and he is going to Mr. Danaster these holidays. The "febre" of his taffeta gown has made him a doublet. Of all this I will make plain reckoning at my coming. Today I have sent by John Awgur, master of the Julian of Erith, such vessel and liveries as my Lord wrote for. I hope the spices and wax have arrived, with Mr. James's cloak cloth, which I sent by Drywry. Mr. Wyndham cometh not up before the time, so I ride to him early tomorrow, and will be shortly after at Calais. London, 12 May.

Mr. Marshal1 is at Calais, and sped not to his mind.

Hol., p. 1. Add.

Note 1. Sir Edward Ryngeley.

16 May 1535. 16 May. R. O. 722. John Smith [of Paul's] to Sir Edward Baynton (age 43).

Whereas the King has been informed of a precious little cross with a crucifix of pure gold and a rich ruby in the side, garnished with 4 great diamonds, 4 great emeralds, 4 large balasses, 12 great orient pearls, amongst the jewels of our church; and upon the King's high affection and pleasure of the sight of the same, I, with other of my brethren residentiaries, were yesterday commanded by Mr. Secretary in the King's name to be with the King with the said cross tomorrow: I ascertain you as my trusty friend that by my special instruction and conveyance his Grace shall have his pleasure thereon, and receive the same of our free gift, trusting in his charitable goodness toward our church of St. Paul.

Whereas my unkind brother, Mr. Incent, has made labour to supplant me out of the deanery house, which I now have by the sufferance of Dr. Sampson, dean of the King's chapel, and on which I have expended £40, and makes labour to have the same authority and government of the deanery of St. Paul's as Dr. Sampson has: I beg you will enterprise in this matter with the Queen for me, considering the diligent love and service I showed her at her coronation, and at the birth of my lady Princess. I have always furthered the promotion of her chaplains against Incent's opposition, who used such odious words as I am ashamed to write. If you can procure me her favour, and prevent Incent's purposes, I will give you two years' rent of my prebend of Alkannynges. Give credence to my servant Thomas Benger. Whit Sunday, 16 May. Signed.

P. 1. Add.: Sir Edward Baynton, vice-chamberlain to the Queen.

17 May 1535. Add. MS. 8,715, f. 53. B. M. 726. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.

The ambassadors of Spain, England, Portugal, and Venice have been at Rouen for 20 days without having seen the Court. Says this to show that the manner of conducting business here prevents him from using such diligence as he would like.

The Grand Master advises the Pope to send spontaneously a bull granting Francis the three tenths; and thinks that if the Pope shows some goodwill to the King, they will break off many designs which come here from England. Agrees with this advice.

The Admiral left four days ago for Calais, and with him the Grand Esquire, councillor Peret, and the secretary Bucchietel. The Swiss ambassadors have not had an answer. Three Lutherans were burnt in Paris about ten days ago. One, a Fleming, who refused to kiss the cross, or acknowledge his error, was slowly roasted alive.

17 May 1535. 726. There is strange news here of the cruelty of the king of England to certain religious men. He caused them to be ripped up in each other's presence, their arms torn off (con farli scarpar le braccia), their hearts cut out and rubbed upon their mouths and faces; and this for having caused remorse (per haver fatto coscienza) to certain ecclesiastics who had sworn that the King was Head of the English Church, and not the Pope. Has seen a letter of the 5th from London, saying that on the 4th a prior of one of the three Charterhouses, two friars of the Order, a prior of Sion, and a priest, who refused to swear to the King's supremacy, were hanged without degradation, as rebels. They were dragged through the streets in carts, their heads and feet were to be placed on the public gates, and the rest of their bodies burnt. The whole city is displeased, as they were of exemplary and holy life. It was thought that 10 or 12 priests now in the Tower would be also executed for the same cause. The same letter states that this "Gherardo" (Fitzgerald) in Ireland has lost a strong castle, and retired with 50 horse to the bogs, where he is safe while the wet weather lasts; but when it changes it will be easy for the King to take him dead or alive, for most of his followers have returned to their allegiance.

17 May 1535. 726. The Duke of Norfolk (age 62) with other English gentlemen and about 300 horses were to start on the 12th. In place of Cromwell, who cannot leave, having the control of everything in his hands, Lord Rochford (age 32), the brother of the new Queen (age 34), or a bishop, her almoner, will come.

News has come of the capture, by the king of the Romans, of the prothonotary Casale, who was sent to king John on the part of England.

Hol., pp. 13. Copy. Headed: A M. Ambrogio da Carlemesnel, (fn. 4) alli 17 di Maggio, ritenuta fino alli 18, &c.

21 May 1535. Add. MS. 28,587, f. 304. B. M. 746. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.

Lately there came hither a servant of the Earl of Kildare (age 22), who has lately taken from the king of England all the land he had in Ireland, except a city called Dubilia (Dublin), on the plea that as the King does not obey the Holy See, he ought not to be obeyed. Previously, the King put to death (avie muerto) the Earl's father in a tower, because he favoured the Queen.

After giving the Earl's letter to the Pope, the messenger said the Earl had sent him to say, on behalf of himself, the lords of his party in Ireland, and their confederates in England, that they were astonished at his Holiness's negligence in permitting so many souls to perish, and not concluding the process against so wicked a King by declaring him deprived of his kingdom, and his subjects absolved from their obedience and oath of fidelity, since he persecutes the Catholics, favours heretics, exacts an oath from every one not to obey the Holy See, and allows no one to pray to God for the Pope. The people were indignant with the King, and much inclined to punish him. The messenger gave the Pope a printed copy of the heresies which are being sown in England against the Pope, and a writing about the acknowledgment of the Pope's supremacy by king John, and his payment of £1,000 sterling annually. The Earl asked also for absolution for killing the archbp. of Dublin, who favored the king of England, had caused his father's death, and was compassing his own. The Pope expressed pleasure at what had been said, excused his delay in the past from his anxiety to see whether the King would acknowledge his error, and as to the future he would do his duty. He absolved the Earl.

21 May 1535. 746. Has urged the Pope not to hinder the despatch of the executorials, which were decreed so long ago in Consistory by pope Clement. They have hitherto been refused in consequence of the expected interview between the kings of England and France, and, now that the interview has been given up, they are refused until the result of the Duke of Norfolk's (age 62) embassy is known, which is expected this month. It was reported lately that the Pope stated in the Consistory that the French king was treating of a marriage between his third son, the duke of Angoulême, and the daughter of "la Ana." If it is so, it is showing favor to all the schisms and heresies of the king of England.

21 May 1535. 746. The princess of England has lately been very ill, and twice the physicians despaired of her life. The ambassador now writes that she is better, and that her illness came from grief. Her governess (age 59) is an aunt of "la Ana (age 34)". The King was at the house where she lives for many hours, but did not visit her. The ambassador cannot obtain leave for her to be with her mother.

21 May 1535. 746. Hears that, in addition to other heresies in England, they now deny purgatory and prayers to the saints, and discuss whether our Lord is in the sacrament of the Eucharist. All these were the opinions of an English heresiarch, named Wicleph, whose teaching was condemned by the Council of Constance, and his bones burnt.

Since writing the above, has received a letter from Eustachio Chapuys, dated London, 25 April, saying that the Princess was then in good health. Rome, 21 May 1535.

Sp., pp. 7. Modern copy.

28 May 1535. R. O. 776. The Mayor and Jurats of Rye to Cromwell. Certain variances have fallen out between Sir William Inold (or Juold?), curate of Rye, and John Youg, on which the latter said that as good men and as true as the same Inold were hanged in this month. On Inold's complaint we have examined Yong, who has affirmed that as good men and better than Inold were hanged, as they would not be sworn to the King; whereas Inold was sworn, and has done to the contrary. We have informed the Council, and sent letters to my Lord of Rochford (age 32), the warden of the Cinque Ports, but he is one of the King's ambassadors beyond sea. In his absence my Lord of Wiltshire has opened the letters, and shown them to Mr. Chr. Hales, the King's Attorney, who advises us to send the parties to you. Rye, 28 May.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.

29 May 1535. R. O. St. P. vii. 604. 777. Sir Gregory da Casale to Cromwell.

Wrote on May 22 about the consecration of cardinals, and among them the Bishop of Rochester. On recovering sufficiently to go out, went to all the friendly cardinals, and remonstrated with them for offending the King and kingdom in this way; for the Bishop of Rochester was sticking to his opinion against the King, from vainglory, for which cause he was in prison and condemned to death, and was also in extreme old age, and unequal to the purpose for which they thought him apt. Expressed the greatest indignation, so that the whole city talked of it, and the Pope sent for him. Spoke even more strongly to His Holiness, telling him that he had never made a graver mistake. He tried to show that he had acted with a good intent. The French king had written that he was very desirous that the king of England should be satisfied in his marriage case; and he thought he would be doing what was pleasant to the King, and providing a fit instrument for treating of these matters.

Another reason was that a certain constitution orders cardinals of all nations to be present at a council, and so he thought it necessary to make some Englishman a cardinal. He had not the Bishop of Rochester more in his mind than any one else, but when he heard in what estimation his books were held in Germany and Italy, and how Campeggio and others praised him, it seemed a good thing to make him a cardinal, and he thought the King would be pleased. Replied to each of these, and advised him not to send the red hat without hearing from England. The Pope begged him to use all means to excuse the act to the King. Rome, 29 May 1535. Signed.

Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII Jun

05 Jun 1535. Vienna Archives. 826. Chapuys to Charles V.

After the two first communications between the deputies of these two Kings, Lord Rochford (age 32) left Calais, and arrived here on the 25th ult. Before speaking to the King he went to the Lady (age 34), his sister, and conversed with her a long time. He could not have brought back from Calais anything agreeable to himself; for, as I am told by the Grand Esquire (age 39)1, both then and several times since she has been in a bad humour, and said a thousand shameful words of the King of France, and generally of the whole nation. On the 25th and on the 27th, Corpus Christi Day, the King and his Council were exceedingly busy, consulting, as it is supposed, on the message brought by Rochford, and were unable to dissemble their great dissatisfaction. The French ambassador has had his share of dissatisfaction also, because Rochford did not bring him any news, and because he was not called to Court, although on Corpus Christi Day he waited at Cromwell's lodging till 10 at night, expecting that Cromwell would return from Court and tell him the news. Indeed, Cromwell himself informs me he despatched him in two words, and he left greatly dissatisfied.

Note 1. Otherwise called Master of the Horse, Sir Nicholas Carew.

05 Jun 1535. 826. On the 28th Cromwell came twice to my lodging, not having found me the first time; and, anxious and troubled as he showed himself, he told me that when the French came to Calais they began by protesting that they would not speak of war, and they continued this language till Rochford (age 32) left; but afterwards, as the Duke of Norfolk (age 62) wrote, they entirely changed their tone, and were very desirous of war. He said he would not specify in what quarter; not withstanding he immediately observed to me that it was for Milan. Further, in the way of confidence, Cromwell showed me a writing, which, he said, had been enclosed in a letter sent to him by the Admiral of France, although it bore no signature or appearance of being an inclosure. He allowed me to read it in full. The purport was that Francis, having carefully examined the question of the validity of the two marriages of the king of England, found the first unlawful and the other valid, and promised to defend the latter, and procure revocation of the sentence given to the contrary by the Holy See. On reading it I smiled, and said the French knew well what they were doing, and did not promise things without knowing for how much an ell, and, having obtained what they wanted, knew how to wash their hands of their promises. And for this they had several means sufficiently apparent, especially as there would be time enough, before they were called on to fulfil their promises. I added that since the said king of France had taken so much trouble in examining matrimonial questions, this King had no occasion to send lately to Calais; and that, having the promise of such a prince as the king of France, who is not only so great but allied to the Queen, this King, who alleged the fear that princes entertained of the kindred and affinity of your Majesty, ought to make no difficulty in submitting to the determination of the Council. To this he made no reply. In truth I should doubt that the said writing had been drawn up by the English, who want to impute it to the king of France, for otherwise it would not agree with what a very good person has sent to inform the Princess, i.e. that the French insisted on having her for the Dauphin; and this is said commonly at the lodging of the French ambassador. It seems the more probable from what the King said lately, that the Admiral had written on his arrival at Calais, that there was nothing so true as that your Majesty had previously offered them the said Princess.

05 Jun 1535. 826. As to what Cromwell said to me about war against Milan, I told him that it was not likely that Francis would disturb your Majesty's holy enterprise; that the conquest of Milan was more difficult than it had ever been; that the French professed that they meant to keep treaties; and that, even if Francis did conquer Milan, he would have more need of your Majesty's friendship to keep it than he had now, and that he would refuse no condition for that purpose. This I said that they might not imagine you would be moved by such menaces to do whatever they wished. I used every means I could to ascertain the conditions asked in return for the aforesaid offers; and, among other things, I asked him if the French did not require hostages, seeing that the girl was still young, or a cessation of their pensions in the meantime. He said as to the first nothing had been said; as to the second, "Yes, indeed!" en grondissant, without saying more; but next day he added that if the French wanted to cheat them of their pension (ses jouoyent de vouloir avoir leur pension) they would presently have "la passion," i.e. war. I talked about hostages, because I had been told that the French demanded the Princess as a hostage. To give me to understand that there was no fear of the French not complying with all their demands, Cromwell told me they would never think of doing otherwise, seeing they were excluded from the friendship of all other princes, and that they had lost all hope on the side of Germany, and did not know how they stood with the Swiss. I confirmed all that he said, saying that as God had given him so much sense and intelligence it would be the more shame to him if he did not know how to use successfully such an opportunity. This I said to him for the mystery which your Majesty will very well understand. Afterwards he told me that, notwithstanding the offers made to them by the French, if there appeared any hope of a renewal of amity with your Majesty the French should have a very short answer, although they always wished to preserve the friendship of the French, and that, awaiting news from your Majesty, he had caused the said Rochford (age 32) to stay here, to the great regret of the French admiral; and finally, hoping for some good fruit of the things we had discussed together, he would take care that Rochford did not return so soon to Calais, and especially that nothing was treated to the disadvantage of your Majesty or to the hindrance of the new alliance; telling me what their ambassador in France had notified to the King his master, that Likerke, having heard the answer to the overtures made on behalf of your Majesty, had sent to you in haste, and hoped for a favourable answer, provided that your Majesty had not left Barcelona before the 26th ult.; and that this King and those of his Council (who were, in this matter, at their wits' end) desired that meanwhile I would consider the terms and means for this noble and necessary work, the restoration of amity, giving me to understand that I could do it very well, and better than the whole of them, and that I would in this show myself a good and true counsellor of the King.

05 Jun 1535. 826. To encourage them in these communications, I did not insist that there was no other means than that which was indicated in the said overtures, but told Cromwell, after excusing my insufficiency, that I would give it full consideration; but that I did not see as yet how they understood matters, seeing that there was no amendment in the treatment of the Queen and Princess, and that the King his master always showed himself colder than he had done heretofore; and that I remembered that when the earl of Wiltshire went in embassy towards your Majesty, the duke of Norfolk declared that this King was ready to make himself, so to speak, a slave of your Majesty if you would consent to the divorce; and that to get rid of the blame and doubt that might be attached to it, the King, for the service of God and benefit of all Christendom, would have been glad to spend part of his goods; and now that the cause was settled at Rome, and they ought to make greater offers, I did not see that stricter alliances ought to be spoken of. Moreover, the last time I spoke to the King his master, when I alluded to his predecessors, who had formerly conquered Rhodes and done a thousand brave things in the conquest of the Holy Land, saying that he also was able to do like them, he had made me a very cold answer, that he had not the same advantage as his predecessors, who were nearer at hand because they held Guienne. Nevertheless I had not cared to inform your Majesty of this answer, but rather of what the King his master had affirmed publicly, not only to the admiral of France, but also to several of his company, viz., that the money that he took and meant to take from churchmen he intended to apply against the Infidels or in some other pious works. Cromwell answered, that as soon as he had some hope of this re-establishment of cordiality, the Queen and Princess would be most favourably treated; and that, with regard to what the King had said to me, that it was too far to send against the Infidels, the King remembered very well having said it, as the King himself had lately told him; but one must not think too much of that, but rather believe that, matters being accommodated, he is as ready to go in person against the Infidels as anyone in the world, and would moreover bring a very great company, for he had taken measures to get an inestimable treasure, as Cromwell assured me that, besides what he had received from the benefices which he has bestowed since January last, he had bonds for more than full payment, which amounted to more than 500,000 ducats; and, to be frank, his master had become very greedy, and unless some other way were found to spend his money he would collect in his treasure all the money of the kingdom, to the great injury of private persons. Moreover, not only England, but also Flanders and France, were sore about the money which the King his master spent in his wars with France, and for this reason he and the other counsellors wished to find means to make him spend it for the general good, thinking this would also moderate his greediness. Cromwell also told me that the German of whom I lately wrote was sent hither by the duke of Mecklenburg, and that for his despatch he had given him a letter of credence to the said Duke, and the present which the King had ordered to be given him for his trouble in coming, but had never wished to speak with him. He also told me that the secretary of Lubeck was despatched at the same time, as the King would no longer trouble himself with the business of the Lubeckers, which could not go on well, seeing that the town was divided into three parties. The King afterwards told me that he did not properly know whether the said German was despatched (uyde, qu. vuidé?), and he immediately changed the subject of conversation.

05 Jun 1535. 826. On Saturday, 29th ult., I received your letters of the 10th, with those addressed to the King. I immediately informed Cromwell, who would have liked me to go and present them at Court next day, but I excused myself, saying I required to take medicine. I did so because everybody is at Court on Sunday, and most of those present, seeing me present letters from your Majesty, would have been easily induced by those about the King to believe that your Majesty was reconciled to the said King, and treated the interests of the Queen and Princess as secondary. I presented the letters on Monday after dinner. The King received me most kindly, and, after reading them, asked me if I had any other news. I said only that your Majesty had commanded that his ambassador and that of France, for their greater convenience, should have a galley. At which he showed great pleasure, saying he was surprised that his ambassador had not mentioned it in letters of the 12th. After these and other conversations, the King spoke about the news received of the defeat of the Turk by the Sophi, saying he considered all that I had published to be fables, and that he had heard the contrary, both from Venice and from France and Spain; moreover, that it was not likely such a powerful prince could have been subdued by the Sophi, and that, even if the Turk had lost two or three hundred thousand men, he would not feel it, he was so rich and powerful. Not content with asserting this as if it had been certain, to show his inclination he told me that many were much deceived in thinking that it would be easy to conquer the countries held by the Turk in Europe, supposing that there were some Christians in those countries; which was a lie, for he was told by many of his subjects who traded there that if there had been any Christians in Coron or thereabout it might have been much more easily kept. I replied that as to the news of the Turk, they had come from so many quarters that there must be some truth in them; and whether they were true or not was needless to debate; and that I was sure, whatever he said, that he wished the said Turk to be defeated, knowing well that the matter concerned not only your Majesty but all Christian princes; and for the rest, whoever informed him that there was not a Christian in Greece deserved to be very well punished; and as to the loss of Coron, I told him what your Majesty was pleased to write to me, adding that, if there had been no other cause for it, it was owing to the fact that many men and even princes said it would be a useless irritation of the Turk. To this he did not know what to answer, but went on to speak of the quadrireme of your Majesty with 27 benches, saying he would make one with 100 benches, and in a shape unknown to prince André Doria. I asked how many oars he would allow to each bench; and he replied, one, insisting obstinately that in a galley there could not and ought not to be more than one oar to each bench. He was, in short, for the time, quite fixed in paradoxes. The King made a great deal of these legions which had been raised in France, and of the fortifications the French were daily making on their frontiers, saying that the said legions had been principally appointed for the keeping of the kingdom in case the king of France should be occupied in Italy or elsewhere, and that the said ordinance had been projected at the interview in Calais. He spoke also of the unrivalled fortification which he has constructed at Calais, and of that which he has begun at Dover, with the most triumphant air imaginable; which words only caused me to give the greater faith to what has been reported to the Princess, that the King was reckoning that if he were left in peace this summer, winter would secure him, and that next summer he hoped to be provided in such fashion that he need fear no one.

05 Jun 1535. 826. The King also told me that your Majesty had thought it better to go to Naples than to Tunis, and that the latter was too great a risk to your person, on whom so much depended. Perceiving that he avoided speaking of the proposed negotiations, I touched upon them myself, saying I had no doubt that Cromwell had informed him of our conversations, and therefore I would only say that he would find your Majesty fully inclined to listen to any proposed alliance as far as honor and conscience would allow. He then told me he wished he could be assured of being able to make arrangements with your Majesty, and in confidence of some favorable answer he had detained Rochford (age 32), but that he could not keep him longer, for the Admiral was in despair from the great delay, and that the French bragged that they meant to make war on the duchy of Milan, and pressed him strongly to join the dance; to which he had refused to listen. He wished also to make me believe that what the Pope was doing against the duke of Urbino was not without an understanding with the French; and on my showing him, by the reasons I had declared to Cromwell, and other arguments, that it was not likely the French would move war, he said to me that the truth might be anything (que tout pouvoit estre); nevertheless, they (the French?) expressed it as above. Hereupon he asked me what the cardinal of Liege was doing, and if the duke of Gueldres was on good terms with your Majesty (estoit bien de vre. Mate); and on my telling him that I knew nothing but good, he said the French boasted that the said Duke had revoked all the treaties made with your Majesty, and intended to make the king of France his heir; and though it would be difficult for Francis to take possession of the duchy, it would be always a matter of contention. I told him that as your Majesty held the country of Utrecht and Over Yssel, the duke of Gueldres had no mind to be fractious ((regipper, qu. regimber?), and in order to be paid some arrears the Duke will have advanced the said practises. The King replied that if other news did not come from your Majesty he feared he could not avoid treating with the French. I said that as they were both princes of virtue and honor, it was not to be feared that they would treat matters in prejudice of the treaties made with your Majesty. At which reply he remained astonished, thinking I was going to beg him to break off their negotiations, and give him some hope of obtaining from your Majesty what he demanded.

05 Jun 1535. 826. As to what your Majesty wrote to me about gaining time with the English, and keeping up practises skilfully during the assembly at Calais and the voyage of your Majesty, I will take all possible pains; likewise to reply in conformity with your Majesty's letters, if I am asked about the disturbances in Ireland, without forgetting to inquire about means of carrying away the Princess. She and the Queen, her mother, have been much consoled by hearing of the prosperity of your Majesty, and of the thought you have given to their affairs, for which they do not cease to pray God for your welfare.

05 Jun 1535. 826. I forgot to write that, having occasion to speak of the marriage of duke Frederic, Palatine, he said he wondered what title he meant to take in the kingdom of Denmark; for, since that kingdom was elective, his wife could make no pretension thereto. I said that if the Duke desired to obtain the kingdom he had a better title than those of Lubeck, doing everything as administrator for his father-in-law; and in elective kingdoms the election commonly does not take place when there is issue capable of succeeding. He kept silence.

05 Jun 1535. 826. Cromwell told me that if the King's lady (age 34) knew the freedom with which we conversed together she would procure some trouble, and that only three days ago they had had words together, and that she had said she would like to see his head cut off, but he had such confidence in the King, his master, that he thought she could do nothing to him. I suspect he invented this to raise the value of his goods; for I told him all the world regarded him as her right hand, although I am informed on good authority that the said lady does not cease night or day to procure the disgrace of the Duke of Norfolk (age 62), whether it be because he has spoken too freely of her or because Cromwell, desiring to lower the great ones, wishes to commence with him.

05 Jun 1535. 826. About a score of Dutch Anabaptists have been taken here, of whom 13 have been condemned to the fire, and will be burnt in different parts of the kingdom, as the King and Cromwell have informed me. The others, who have been reconciled to the Church, will be sent into Flanders to the Queen to be dealt with as seems right. London, 5 June 1535.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 9.

06 Jun 1535. Add. MS. 8715. f. 67 b. B. M. 837. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.

* * * Spoke at length to the French king of the Pope's concern about Fisher (Rossense instead of Roffense), and begged him to use his influence with the king of England for his liberation, for he ought to be able to obtain a greater thing than that from him. He replied that there was no need to speak of his virtues, which were known to all the world, both by his books, for no one had written better than he against the Lutherans, and by his innumerable virtues. His Holiness might be sure he would do what he could for his liberation; but he doubted his success, for he feared this hat would cause him much injury, according to what he heard from England, where they have been using strange methods against the Carthusians. He added that the king of England was the hardest friend to bear in the world; at one time unstable, and at another time obstinate and proud, so that it was almost impossible to bear with him. "Sometimes," said Francis, "he almost treats me like a subject, e vero dico che come mi rolte anch' in egli caglia: in effect, he is the strangest man in the world, and I fear I can do no good with him, but I must put up with him, as it is no time to lose friends" He would, however, do what he could for Fisher's (Rossetto) liberation. Offered to give the King the brief and hat for Fisher, and that all should be put in the Grand Master's hands, so that it might be done sooner according to the Pope's William He told the Bishop to keep them, and he would be asked for them when it was time. The card. du Bellay (il Rmo. Bellier) has also promised to do what he can, but he fears this Cardinalate will make Fisher a martyr. They will try to find some means to make the king of England take it as he ought.

Will lose no time, and do all he can for his liberation. Would rather see Fisher in Rome than be a cardinal himself, for he hears on every side that his virtue is not less than what the world wants now, "ne sua Beatitudine potra fare in queste bande cosa piu degna di lei."

06 Jun 1535. 837. The Admiral is still at Calais. Does not think that anything will be done of much importance. Nothing more is said about the interview. * * *

Two days ago the King was very angry with the English ambassador (age 32). Spoke to the Grand Master, who said that the English wished the King to do things that touched his conscience; but they must not think the French would do anything against the Church, but rather defend it against oppressors. In fact, the king of England is enraged and desperate because the French will not imitate him, and he sees himself alone in his opinions. The King told him, and the Imperial ambassador showed him a letter to the same effect, that the King of England went disguised to the Charterhouse, of which they have treated some members so badly, and urged them with many reasons to take him for Head of the Church, and not the Pope. To which they replied unanimously that he might do with their persons what he would, but they would never consent to what they considered unjust. There is no news of anything being done against them yet. Du Bellay (age 43) thinks the marriage with England will take place. Is of opinion that, whatever Francis may do so as not to be alone, he is so impressed with the instability, madness, and impiety of the King that at some time he expects, without fail, to have him as an enemy according to the custom of the country. * *

The English ambassador, having spoken to the King, who in public was vexed and angry with him, went to Calais, perhaps sent there by his master on the business there, about which, until now, 29 June (sic), in the morning, nothing has been heard of moment, but it is clear that difficulties will not lack.

Ital., pp. 11. Modern copy. Headed: Al Sig. Monsig. Ambrogio, ut supra (i.e. 6 June.)

14 Jun 1535. R. O. St. P. i. 431. 867. Bishop Fisher (age 65) and Sir Thomas More (age 57).

"Interrogatories ministered on the King's behalf [unto] John Fisher, D.D., late bishop [of Rochester]," in the Tower of London, 14 June 27 Hen. VIII., by Mr. Thomas Bedyll, [Dr. Aldridge,] Ric. Layton, and Ric. [Curwen], of the King's Council, in presence of Harry [Polstede and John] Whalley, and of John Ap Rice, notary public; with Fisher's answers.

1. Whether he would obey the King as Supreme Head of the Church of England? —He stands by the answer he made at his last examination, but will write with his own hand more at length.

2. Whether he will acknowledge the King's marriage with queen Anne to be lawful, and that with the lady Katharine to be invalid?—He would obey and swear to the Act of Succession; but desires to be pardoned answering this interrogatory absolutely.

3. For what cause he would not answer resolutely to the said interrogatories?—He desires not to be driven to answer, lest he fall in danger of the statutes.

Signed by John ap Rice as notary: J. R. Mutilated.

ii. Interrogatories ministered to Sir Thomas More.

1. Whether he had any communication with any person since he came to the Tower touching the Acts of Succession, of Supreme Head, or the Act wherein speaking certain words by (i.e. of) the King is made treason; and, if so, when, how often, with whom, and to what effect?

2. Whether he received letters of any man, or wrote to any, touching any of the said Acts; and, if so, how many, of whom, &c.

3. Whether these letters are forthcoming; and, if not, why they were done away, and by whose means?

4. Whether any man of this realm or without this realm sent him any letters or message exhorting him to persist in his opinion; and, if so, how many, of whom, when, and to what effect?

iii. The answers of Sir Thomas More to interrogatories ministered to him, 14 June 27 Hen. VIII., within the Tower of London, before Mr. Bedle, Dr. Aldridge, Dr. Layton, Dr. Curwen, in the presence of Polstede, Whalley and Rice aforesaid.

1. Never had any communication of such matters since he came to the Tower.

2. Had written divers scrolls or letters since then to Dr. Fisher, and received others from him, containing for the most part nothing but comforting words and thanks for meat and drink sent by one to the other. But about a quarter of a year after his coming to the Tower he wrote to Fisher, saying he had refused the oath of succession, and never intended to tell the Council why; and Fisher made him answer, showing how he had not refused to swear to the Succession. No other letters passed between them touching the King's affairs till the Council came to examine this deponent upon the Act of Supreme Head; but after his examination he received a letter of Fisher, desiring to know his answer. Replied by another letter, stating that he meant not to meddle, but fix his mind upon the passion of Christ; or that his answer was to that effect. He afterwards received another letter from Fisher, stating that he was informed the word maliciously was used in the statute, and suggesting that, therefore, a man who spoke nothing of malice did not offend the statute. He replied that he agreed with Fisher, but feared it would not be so interpreted. Did not report to Fisher his answer to the Council with the advice to make his own answer different lest the Council should suspect confederacy between them. After his last examination sent Fisher word by a letter, that Mr. Solicitor had informed him it was all one not to answer, and to say against the statute what a man would, as all the learned men of England would justify. He therefore said he could only reckon on the uttermost, and desired Fisher to pray for him as he would for Fisher.

Also considering that it would come to the ears of his daughter, Mr. Roper's wife, how the Council had been with him, and other things might be reported which would cause her to take sudden flight, and fearing that, being, as he thought, with child, she might take harm, he sent to her, both after his first examination and after his last, letters telling her the answers he had given, and that he could not tell what the end might be, but whatever it were he prayed her to take it patiently and pray for him. She had written him before divers letters advising him to accommodate himself to the King's pleasure, especially urging this in her last. Other letters he neither sent nor received from any person. George, the lieutenant's servant, carried the letters to and fro.

3. There is none of these letters forthcoming, where he knoweth. He would have had George to keep them, and George always said there was no better keeper than the fire. When he saw this he desired George to let some trusty friend read them, and if he saw any matter of importance in them he might report it to the Council and get thanks before any man, otherwise that he should deliver them. But George said he feared his master, the lieutenant, who had ordered him not to meddle with such matters, and so burned them.

4. No.

Examined further, why he sent the said letters to Dr. Fisher? Replies that as they were both in one prison, and for one cause, he was glad to send to him, and hear from him again.

Signed as above: J. R.

iv. Interrogatories ministered to Sir Thomas More, the day, year, and place above recited, by the Council aforenamed, and in presence of the said witnesses; with his answers.

1. Whether he would obey the King as Supreme Head?—He can make no answer.

2. Whether he will acknowledge the King's marriage with queen Anne to be lawful, and that with lady Katharine invalid?—Never spoke against it, "nor thereunto [can] make no answer."

3. Where it was objected to him that by the said statute he, as one of the King's subjects, is bound to answer the said question, and re[cogni]se the King as Supreme Head, like all other subjects.—He can make no answer.

Notarial signature mutilated.

Mutilated.

All the above papers are in the same hand, and form one document.

16 Jun 1535. Vienna Archives. 876. Chapuys to Charles V.

This morning I received your letters of the 29th ult. concerning your embarkation. At the same time the ambassador of France here resident has heard from the sieur de Vely that your Majesty intended to go straight to Constantinople, without stopping at Tunis, against Barbarossa, not to lose the season and opportunity so convenient for reconquering Constantinople and the rest of Greece; that to this you were induced by the persuading of the Venetian ambassador, who undertook that the said Barbarossa should do no injury to Christendom. These news the said Ambassador has communicated to several persons, and, among others, to the Venetian secretary, who is ViceAmbassador here, whom, as he himself reported to me, the said Ambassador sent for this morning to inform him. It is probable these news have not been invented or published without some hidden purpose (mistére).

As soon as this King heard that the Bishop of Rochester (age 65) had been created a cardinal he declared in anger several times that he would give him another hat, and send the head afterwards to Rome for the Cardinal's hat. He sent immediately afterwards to the Tower those of his Council to summon again the said Bishop and Master Mur (age 57) to swear to the King as Head of the Church, otherwise, before St. John's Day they would be executed as traitors. But it has been impossible to gain them, either by promises or threats, and it is believed they will soon be executed. But as they are persons of unequalled reputation in this kingdom, the King, to appease the murmurs of the world, has already on Sunday last caused preachers to preach against them in most of the churches here, and this will be continued next Sunday; and although there is no lawful occasion to put them to death, the King is seeking if anything can be found against them,—especially if the said Bishop has made suit for the hat; to find out which several persons have been taken prisoners, both of his kinsmen and of those who kept him in prison. It is impossible to describe the distress of the Queen and Princess on account of these two persons, and they are not without fear that after them matters may be carried further than I have hitherto written (que apres iceulx le sort pourroil passer plus avant que jay cydevant escript). Since the said news of the Bishop's creation as cardinal, the King, in hatred of the Holy See, has despatched mandates and letters patents to the bishops, curates, and others commissioned to preach, that they continually preach certain articles against the Church, and to schoolmasters to instruct their scholars to revile apostolic authority, and this under pain of rebellion; also that the Pope's name should be rased out of all mass books, breviaries, and hours, either in the calendar or elsewhere. It was also commanded that in all churches the Gospels should be read in French (qu. English?) to infect all the people with Lutheranism, and make them more obstinate in repelling any foreign invasion. The King, so far as I see, is not only provoked at the said Bishop being made cardinal, but also at the bishop of Paris, in whom he had always had great confidence, because previous to this creation he was considered a bad Papist. He has also no great pleasure in the Auditor of the Chamber, and to soothe him the Lady lately made him a feast in a house of hers, where she got up several fine mummeries. She invited many, and the French ambassador was not pleased at being forgotten. The said Lady had so well banquetted and mummed, that, as the Princess has sent this day to inform me, the King dotes upon her more than ever; which increases greatly the fear of the said Princess, owing to the long delay of the remedy, which, it is the universal opinion, would be sure and easy if your Majesty prohibited intercourse with your countries, provided affairs would admit of it. This a number of good and notable persons have compelled me to repeat.

16 Jun 1535. 876. The Duke of Norfolk (age 62) and the other deputies of this King for the meeting at Calais are daily expected here. It is not two days since the French ambassador said that the said meeting would still last 20 days. I know not the cause of its being shortened, or any particulars of what was treated, except that I have had confirmation of the fact that what the French most insisted on was to have the Princess for the Dauphin, and it is commonly said that they have left ill pleased with one another. London, 16 June 1535.

French, from a modern copy, pp. 3.

17 Jun 1535. Vatican Archives. 891. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.

Two hours ago the Admiral arrived. Thinks the negociation with England is broken off because the French refuse to allow the duke of Angoulême to go to England, or to defend against the Church or a declaration of Council the cause of the King's second wife (age 34). These, he understands, are the principal points, though the French are as silent as they can, and pretend that it has not affected their friendship. Will write again more fully about it. Nothing is yet known of what has become of Fisher since the news of his promotion. Those who have recently been to Calais are sure that evil has happened to him. Du Bellay (age 43) proposes to leave in six days, though his hat has not yet arrived.

Ital., modern copy, from a decipher, p. 1. Headed: "Decifrato del Vescovo di Faenza de li xvij di Giugnio da Amiens." Another copy is in the B. M., Add. MS. 8715 f. 76.

22 Jun 1535. Add. MS. 8,715, f. 76 b. B. M. 909. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.

The Admiral (age 43), who was 22 days at Calais, returned on the 17th, though it was said everywhere that he would go on to England. Mons. de Ricciafort (age 32) (Rochford), the brother of the new Queen (age 34), came here for eight days, but, as far as could be seen, did nothing. It is only from his relation to the Queen that he is employed, for the King has very few to trust in. All business passes through the hands of people who depend on the new Queen, and must therefore be settled according to her purpose. This was the case in the negociations with the Admiral, which were broken off on account of his refusal to allow the duke of Angoulême to go to England until the girl was old enough to be married, and because he would not declare in any way against the Church, or in favour of the King's second wife (ne voler difendere in alcun modo contro la chiesa o declaratione del concilio la causa della seconda moglie1). Every one knows that the alliance (parentado) has not been concluded, as both sides confidently affirmed it would be, but that the ambassadors separated very ill satisfied, and the English are guarding Calais more carefully than they have done, even when the French were there in greater numbers. However, both sides affirm the friendship to be firmer than ever. The French king and Council say that their respect to the Holy See and the Pope has been the principal cause of their not coming to some other understanding (ad altro ristretto) with the king of England, who is a most bitter enemy of the Church, and so firm in his opinion that he intends to die in it, and tries to have this kingdom for company. The Duke of Norfolk (age 62), according to the Admiral, affirms that he would sooner die than see any change as regards the King or the new Queen; which is not unlike what the writer has heard in other ways of Norfolk, viz., that this breaking off might reasonably have been expected, matters depending very much on his dexterity, and the affairs of England being commonly managed more than barbarously. For he, being one of the greatest men in the kingdom, and having sons, and the Duke of Richmond (age 16) for his son-in-law, might hope one day to have that daughter for one of his sons, or, if disorders ensued, to get the rule into his own hands. The French lords are not too well contented with the English, who, since Norfolk's return, have despatched a courier, and show themselves displeased that nothing was concluded at Calais. The Admiral, though he takes Fisher's (age 65) case much to heart, has great fears for his life, especially as the Pope says in the brief that the created him a cardinal to make use of him in the Council. He says also that the English pretended that he could not live much more than a month, being a valetudinarian of 90; which shows what they mean to do with him, reckoning him 25 years older than he is, although they declare there is no hope in any case of his coming out of prison. These are truly the most monstrous things seen in our time. The French make great account with the Pope of not listening to anything proposed to them by the English which might turn to the damage of the Holy See.

Ital., pp. 9, modern copy. Headed: In Amoien, al Sig. M. Ambrogio, alli 12 (sic) ut supra.

2. An extract copy from the original is in the Vatican transcripts, dated Amiens, 22 June 1535. Pp. 3.

Note 1. nor want to defend the cause of the second wife in any way against the church or declaration of the council

22 Jun 1535. Add. MS. 8,715, f. 80 b. B. M. 910. Bishop of Faenza to M. di Fossumbrone, Papal Nuncio with the Emperor.

The Admiral (age 43), who was at Calais with the Duke of Norfolk (age 62), returned six days ago without having concluded the marriage of the duke of Angoulême with the last daughter (age 1) of the King, which was spoken of as certain on both sides, or anything else that one can hear of; but the capitulation and the old friendship remain. The cause was the exorbitant demand of the English that the French king should bind himself to maintain Henry's marriage against the Pope and any determination of the Council; and finally they wished him to act in Church matters as had been done in England. They are very anxious about Fisher (age 65). The English who were at Calais say that he will not come out of prison; that he is 90 years of age, and very ill, giving him 25 years more than he has; and that he cannot live more than a month; so that it is easily seen that in this their actions correspond with the others. The cardinal of Paris set out four days ago for Rome. * * *

Ital., pp. 2, modern copy. Headed: A Mons. di Fossumbrone, Nuntio di Sua Santita all a Maesta Casarea. D'Amien, alli 22 di Giugno 1535.

24 Jun 1535. R. O. 919. Sir William Kyngston (age 59) to [Lord Lisle (age 71)].

I thank you and my Lady for my "puetts," "which made the King merry in Waltham forest," and also for your letters. The hawk you sent to my lord of Carlisle has not yet come, "bot when she comys you apounted a gud keper fro hyr for Johnnies may now keper well, for my lord his master fell yowt with hym for playing at penny gleke and never will play with hym agayn." No news here worth writing. The King and Queen (age 34) are well, "and her Grace has a fair belly as I have seen." Master Treasurer was never better, and thanks you for your continual kindness. You wrote me for Master Elmer. I have not yet spoken with him, but will do for him as for my brother. Master Radcliff recommends him to you and my lady and so does my poor wife, who has had little health since your departure. Do not forget me to my good bedfellow Master Porter (my lady is here), and to Master Marshall and my lady. Greenwich, St. John's Day.

Hol., p. 1. Endd.: 24 June.

28 Jun 1535. R. O. Archæol. ix. 244. 937. Henry VIII. to the Lord Windsor, Keeper of the Great Wardrobe.

Mandate to make payment to John Malte, the King's "tillor;" Th. Addington, the King's skinner; Lettice Worsop, his silk-woman; Wm. Crofton, his "hoosyar;" Henry Cornelys and Henry Johnsone, his cordwainers; and to Wm. Sporyar, for making robes, doublets, &c., and for stuff for the King; for satin, &c., delivered to the Queen (age 34); for gowns, coats, &c. for Culpepir, the King's page; the three officers of the King's robes; the two royal barbers; the five grooms of the privy chamber; Mark Philip, and Culpepir of the privy chamber; the said Wm. Crofton; the King's "sporyar;" 67 yeomen of the guard; and Wm. Somar, the King's fool. Given under the sign manual, at Windsor Castle, 28 June 27 Hen. VIII.

To our trustie, &c., counsaillor the lorde Windsore, keper of oure greate warderobe."

Facsimile of the King's signature.

30 Jun 1535. Vienna Archives. 949. Chapuys to [Granvelle].

Sends a gallant and notable interpretation of a chapter of the Apocalypse which was played on the eve of St. John. To see it, the King went thirty miles from here, walked 10 miles at 2 o'clock at night with a two-handed sword, and got into a house where he could see everything. He was so pleased at seeing himself cutting off the heads of the clergy, that in order to laugh at his ease, and encourage the people, he discovered himself. He sent to tell his lady (age 34) that she ought to see the representation of it repeated on the eve of St. Peter.

30 Jun 1535. 949. Sends bills in accordance with this interpretation of prophecy, which will show what hope there is of putting affairs right again. If there be no remedy all will go to ruin. It is wonderful that the people are not Lutheran before this, considering what the King causes to be said. Hears from Rome that the Pope was determined to grant the executorials, and the death of the good Bishop of Rochester (deceased) will not alter his decision. Some think that if commerce (contractacion) was forbidden by virtue of the executorials, the people would rise and put things right themselves, especially during this distrust of Frauce. Already they begin to murmur, because ever since these executions began it has rained continually, and they say it is the vengeance of God. Refers him to his letters to the Emperor. London, 30 June 1535.

Fr., from a modern copy, p. 1.

Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII July

04 Jul 1535. Add. MS. 8,715, f. 84b, B. M. 985. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrosio.

Wrote from Amiens on the 25th about the fears for Fisher (deceased). The King's impiety has gone so far that on the 22nd ult. he had him beheaded publicly at the Tower, and his body left there all day for a public show. Hears that "Gramuel" went to him in prison, and told him that the bishop of Rome had created him one of his companions, and the King had sent him to know what was his opinion about it. He replied that honor was not in his thoughts now, and he thought only of the mercy of God, whose his soul was, though his body was in the King's power, who could do what he liked with it, but he would not change his opinion, believing that it was right. "Gramuel" then announced to him the day of his death. He was conducted on a mule, wearing a black cloth vest and cap tied under his chin, to the square (piazza), where he had to wait for an hour because the scaffold was not in order. And although, as the Admiral says, from age and suffering he was more like a shadow than a man, he spoke to the people boldly, telling them to be loving and obedient to their King, who was good by nature, but had been deceived in this matter; that he was led to death for wishing to preserve the honor of God and the Holy See; at which he did not grieve, but was content, for it was the will of God. Hears now from the English ambassador that he only said, that being of flesh, which naturally feared death, and knowing that Peter three times denied Christ through fear of death, and having always had the mind to die, if necessary, for the love of Christ and his Holy Church, now that he was come to it, he begged all present to pray to God to grant constancy and firmness to his fragile flesh to suffer cheerfully his approaching punishment. The Admiral had heard that he was quartered according to the sentence; but the English ambassador says that he was merely beheaded, "per grandissima gratia ottenuta dal furore infinito in questo di quel Re;" who finally was content that his body should be buried in the evening. The cause of his death is rumoured in England to have been his writing evil of the King to Thomas More (age 57), who was also in prison. And they had caused it to be said to his face by one of his chaplains that he had written to More against the King on a bit of wood with a needle, having neither paper nor ink. More is thought to be already executed, or, at least, condemned to death with perhaps thirty other virtuous persons, religious and secular; so that we now see clearly that the tragedy will go far, and that there is no hope of good from the King.

04 Jul 1535. 985. Francis has spoken of it like a Christian and a virtuous prince, expressing his great grief, and that he knows that the King is given up to perdition, and no good can be expected of him, so that he sees clearly he cannot have friendship with him, since he sets himself in this way against the honor of God and the Church. He is not ashamed to ask him to consider as null the sentence given against him, to hinder the Council with all his power, and to consider as bad or null any new sentence of the Holy See against him. Francis sees from this that he fears the Council wonderfully, and that his errors and his determination to remain in them have made him so timid and he has gone so far that similar results may be expected every day. He says he did all that was possible for Fisher's safety; which the Bishop knows to be true. The like was done by Du Bellay (age 43) and the Admiral, who said, in Italian, that the King's conduct to Fisher was the most cowardly, infamous, and grievous thing that had ever been done in the world. The other lords of the Court have spoken in the same strain, without restraint. They appear to care little for the friendship of England, seeing it is so alienated from the Holy See, for the preservation of which Francis says he will spend his life if necessary. Thanked him for his good will, congratulating him that God had not permitted him to come to an understanding at Calais. Hoped that his Holiness would be able to direct the wished-for expedition against the Turk, and avenge himself on the king of England. He complained also of the English sympathy with the Lutherans. The Admiral, when at Calais, replied to Englishmen, who commiserated their treatment in France, that in France they made confessors, but in England they made many martyrs. The king of England has tried to prevent the Lutherans from recognising the Pope as the Head of the Church, which they had determined to do through the medium of France.

04 Jul 1535. 985. Francis also spoke three days ago of the new Queen of England (age 34), how little virtuously she has always lived and now lives, and how she and her brother (age 32) and adherents suspect the Duke of Norfolk (age 62) of wishing to make his son King, and marry him to the King's legitimate daughter, though they are near relations. It seems to him there can be little friendship between the two kingdoms.

The King spoke of the marriage of the king of Scotland with the duke of Vendome's daughter as certain, but said the king of England was displeased at it, and now would wish to give him his eldest daughter. His inconstancy was incredible. Sends the copy of a proclamation issued in England.

Ital., pp. 11, modern copy. Headed; Al S. Mons. Ambrogio, ali 4 di Luglio, data alla Fiera.

21 Jul 1535. R. O. 1080. Roland Lee (age 48), Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, to Cromwell.

Thomas Rotheray has the measles. As the plague is in "Merisseis" (the Marches), I hintend to remove, and not go to Court till I know the King's pleasure. Write to the dean of the Chapel with my excuse. Wednesday.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary.

25 Jul 1535. Vienna Archives. 1105. Chapuys to Charles V.

Since the return of the Duke of Norfolk (age 62) and the others from Calais I have several times written to your Majesty, and, among other things, that immediately after the said return Cromwell came to notify to me that nothing had been concluded on the part of his master, of which he wished me to inform you at once; and that I agreed to despatch a messenger, provided there was other matter to convey, such as that the King would accept the overtures made by your Majesty, or make better ones. I have also written how, besides other three Carthusians who have been executed with the same cruelty as the former ones, they had beheaded the Cardinal of Rochester (deceased) and Master Morus (deceased), to the great grief of the whole people.

25 Jul 1535. 1105. I have also written how the affairs of Kildare prospered, and that the English were sending two persons to Lubeck and Denmark. At the request of the Princess I lately sent a message to Cromwell to know if she could be placed with the Queen; but he told me that the King his master would never consent to it, and there was no occasion for it, except that the said Queen was too papistical. He said the true means to get the Princess removed from where she was, and cured of her illness, would be to find a suitable match for her, provided it was not the Dauphin, to whom they had no intention of giving her, however much your Majesty might desire it; and that they were importuned by several petty princes of Germany, but this would degrade her too much. I think the King is not over anxious to marry, her; and, if we may trust the concubine (age 34), the dower will not cost much, because she is incessantly crying after the King that he does not act with prudence in suffering the Queen and Princess to live, who deserved death more than those who have been executed, and that they were the cause of all. Since Shrovetide I have sent a servant once or twice every week to the said Princess, but lately her gouvernante told my man that she was charged not to let him come in again. On this I have asked Cromwell to know the will of the King his master.

25 Jul 1535. 1105. Cromwell tried to dissemble towards me the despatches of the two persons above mentioned, but at last, not to lose his influence with me in other things, he confessed it. They have not yet left, but are only waiting weather to sail. I have not been able to discover anything about their charge, but I fear they go in order to trouble matters in case the Count Palatine aspires to the kingdom of Denmark. From one thing to another he came to say that they see clearly that your Majesty is aiming at universal monarchy, and that you had already cast down kings on all sides (que desia vre. Mate. en avoit jecte les roys de tous coustez); and that, having the seacoast of the Levant and neighbouring countries, you only required to put the Count Palatine in possession of Denmark, and all the neigbouring countries would be compelled by fear or force to obey you, but he did not see what title the Count could claim to Denmark.

25 Jul 1535. 1105. Cromwell told me that he would have paid £1,000 sterling that your Majesty had heard a sermon made by the bishop of London a few days ago on the validity of the first marriage and the usurpation of the Pope, and that he would send it to me in writing, begging me to forward it to your Majesty. Hereupon he remarked that the King would never consent to a General Council convoked by papal or any other authority than that of your Majesty, who was the lawful head of princes and of all Christendom, to whom the right of convoking it belonged by ancient custom. Your Majesty will consider what is the meaning of this. Whatever looks or words they give there is little hope of bringing them to the right way. Their obstinacy seems to increase every day; yet they rely little on the favor of the French, of whom they are continually speaking ill, and with whom they associate very little. Cromwell, even when the bishop of Tarbes came to his gate three days ago, caused him to be told that he was gone out, when he was really playing at bowls, as the said ambassador told me, who thereupon came to visit me. I hear from France that they play them a like game in return (ilz leur en jouent bien a la pareille), for they have confiscated two English ships at Rouen by virtue of a mandate which was posted up a year ago in France. If this be so, and the French insist on keeping these ships, matters will be much embroiled between them and the English. I hear on good authority that the King intends to send Dr. Fox, his almoner, at the same time as the others into Denmark, and he will pass further into Germany. London, 25 July 1535.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.

30 Jul 1535. R. O. 1142. Thomas Thacker to Cromwell.

Your household at the Rolls, the Friars Austins, and at Stepneth, are all in good health. Your works at Hackney and at the Friars Austings go well forward. Mr. Williamson, Ric. Lee, Sir John, and I, paid on Saturday 24 July £36 19s. 6½d. at Hackney. Four "parelles" for chimneys at Hackney, containing in all 17 feet, are not yet paid. At Friars Austins we paid £22 15s. 9½d. For Ewhurst, Sir Thomas Grene has fashioned everything till Friday 6 Aug. next. Henry Polsted has delivered me £280 8s. As Gostwick is not in London, Jynken Lloyde, your servant, has left with me £75 16s. 4½d., due by Hugh Vaghan for parcel of the King's rents of the lands late of Rice Griffith. Master Norton, of Kent, has sent you this day 12 "heron shoes," which Mr. Steward has received at the Rolls, as the city of London is sorely infected with the plague. Thomas Pykeryng says he has "inned" you 100 load of good hay, and you shall yet have 60 load or more at Nasyngbury. The Rolls, 30 July.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary.

Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535 August

14 Aug 1535. Titus, B. xi. 425. B. M. St. P. i. 439. 90. Sir Thomas Audeley, Chancellor, to Cromwell.

Has put the following Irish Acts in order:—The Supreme Head of the Church in Ireland; the King's Succession; the declaration of treasons; licenses and dispensations; the annates and election and consecration of bishops; appeals in spiritual matters to be made to the King, and not the bishop of Rome; first-fruits, which does not extend to abbots and priors, for this time; Kildare's attainder; subsidy; resumption of the lands of the duke of Norfolk and his coparceners, the earl of Shrewsbury, the heirs general of the earl of Ormond, and divers abbots and priors in England. Wishes him to ask the King whether that Act is to be set forth without declaring his pleasure to the Duke, Earl, and heirs general of the earl of Ormond. Has seen the Act made in Ponynges' time, and delivered it again to Mr. Gostwyk. Does not take that Act as they take it in Ireland, but has made a short Act that everything done in this Parliament shall be effectual, notwithstanding that or any other Act. These Acts should be sent to Ireland with a letter ordering the Deputy and Council to return a transumpt under the seal of Ireland. Asks whether the commission to hold the Parliament is to be made to the Deputy alone or to others, and what day it is to begin. Asks him to remind the King of the barons he wished to make to increase the number of temporal lords. They shall be all ready written by Monday next. Does not think the Acts of heresy and submission of the clergy necessary for that land, for the Statute of Henry IV. was never put in execution; and as to the submission, after the laws for the spiritual jurisdiction are ratified here in England by the 32 assigned by the King, and confirmed by Parliament here, it were necessary they should be received in Ireland by authority of Parliament there. Advises that the Acts of probate of testament, mortuaries, and pluralities of benefices should be spared at this time. The Earl of Wiltshire (age 58) has asked that the Act for the Earl of Ossory may be deferred till he and his coparcener Selenger may search their evidences, and declare what prejudice they might take. If the King wishes the Act to go forward, he should write to the Earl, and cause him to make a sufficient proviso. The King might also order the Deputy to take a bond from the earl of Ossory not to take any advantage of the Earl of Wiltshire by the Act.

Sends a commission of oyer and determiner concerning the prior of Wurcetter and his monk. Thinks the words spoken in March last by the monk touching appeals will hardly bear treason but misprision, for there is no express mention of the King nor Queen. The words spoken of the King and Queen at Christmas or before February would have been treason if they had been spoken since February 1.

It were best to have them indicted truly upon the fact, and then let them remain in ward till further opinions be known.

Christchurch, in London, Saturday, the eve of the Assumption. Is going to Colchester on Tuesday; there is so great death in London.

Hol. Add: Chief Secretary.

24 Aug 1535. R. O. 172. Thomas Broke to Cromwell.

I was at the Rolls, as you desired, on Bartholomew Even, at the payment of Geo. Robynson concerning the matter of Mr. Dudley. After paying the money to him, and delivering his acquittance to Henry Polsted, I reminded him how small in value of his goods he assessed himself to the King; "which to him was nothing pleasant." As to your building at Austin Friars, the frame which was set up last year will be fully finished within these 14 days. The main frame on the street side is fully set up. They are now laying the gutters, and in three weeks they trust it shall be covered with tile. I have viewed your house at Hackney. The kitchen is finished, except the paving. The wet and dry larders, and the filling of the pool in the garden, are well forward. I have seen Master Richard's house at Stepney. He and his folks are well and anxious for your return, "and, according to Mr. Richard's commandment, I sweetly kissed Mastres Beatrice his maid four or five times for failing." Your household at the Rolls are in good health, and will be glad of your return if the plague and sickness cease. By report there was much more death in London before my coming home than since. I thank the King for his goodness when I was last with him. I desire remembrances to my friends of the Privy Chamber, especially to Norris, Henneage, Russell, Long, my fellow Mewtas, Mr. Controller, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, Baynton, Coffyn, and Uvedale. London, St. Bartholomew's Day. "By your true and faithful friend and fellow, Thomas Broke."

Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.

Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535 September

01 Sep 1535. Add. MS. 28, 588, f. 12. B. M. 249. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.

Is glad to hear of the Emperor's safe arrival in Sicily. Yesterday, Aug. 31, a chamberlain of the king of England, named Thomas Petiple, left Rome to go to the Emperor with letters from the King and Chapuis. He said that before his departure he spoke to the Queen (age 49), and that she was very well at Bugden1, and that she had liberty and much service, for which the King paid, although she is only called Princess of Wales (Cales), because, according to the King's statutes, everyone, though unwillingly, calls "la Ana (age 34)" Queen. The latter is said to be very ugly. All the people are frightened because they do not know from what side God's judgment will fall upon them.

Note 1. Apparently a mistake of the writer, as Katharine certainly had been removed from Bugden to Kimbolton, u a house belonging to the heirs of Sir Richard Wingfield, "as early as May 1534. See Vol. VII., p. 254.

01 Sep 1535. 249. The Pope left this morning for Perosa. The count of Cifuentes advised Ortiz to stay here, because the Pope has committed the deprivation of the king of England and the adjudication of the kingdom to the Apostolic See, as a fief of the Church, to cardinals Campeggio, Simoneta, and Cesis. The delay in granting the executorials in the principal cause is wonderful. Although the deprivation of the King was spoken of with such heat in the Consistory, and they wrote about it to all the princes, they will only proceed with delay, and wish a monition to the King to be intimated in neighbouring places. This is unnecessary, as the notoriety of his schism, heresy, and other crimes is enough to declare him deprived without the delay of a monition. If it is pressed, it is to be feared it will be on the side of France, to release themselves from the pension to England, the claim of the English king, and for other advantages from the land which the King holds near France; also to show the king of England that the past delays were owing to the French king, and that now he is discontented matters are hurried on. It is a wonderful revenge which the king of France has taken on the king of England, to favor him until he has fallen into perfect schism and notorious heresy, and then to leave him in it, like deceiving a man as far as the gallows and leaving him hung.

The blood of the saints Henry has martyred calls to God for justice. The French king has left him, and allied himself with the king of Scotland, who has married the daughter of the duke of Vendome. Rome, 1 Sept. 1535.

Sp., pp. 5. Modern copy.

03 Sep 1535. R. O. 259. John Wylliamson to Cromwell.

On the 2nd inst. I received your letter of the 31st Aug. by Mr. Vaghan, and according to your commandment have paid him £42 15s. 8d. My mother with all your household are well. I fear your house at Hackney will not be ready in 18 days as I wrote, because of the alterations. You will have as pleasant a place as shall be a great way about London. For your place by Friars Austins, towards the street, the kitchen and scullery are raised, the gutters leaded, the roof is lathing and tiling. From the kitchen towards the Friars, the offices are rising as fast as may be. The brick work, with the windows of freestone in your hall, are ready to lay on the floor of the hall. On Saturday, the 4th inst., there will be a great pay at Hackney, Frere Austins, and at Ewhurst. Thomas Thacker says he has no money, and I dare not deliver any without knowing your pleasure, though I consider the scarcity of victuals, the poverty of the workmen, and that without your payment every 14 days they would have no food. I have delivered to Thacker, for buildings and emptions, and the charges of your household, £140, taking his bill for the same. Richard Lee, Maxwell, and I, rest not from setting forth your works at Hackney and elsewhere. The plague rages in the city, but not so much as is spoken of. Friars' Austins, 3 Sept. Signed.

P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.

06 Sep 1535. Add. MS. 28,588, f. 20. B. M. 295. Viscount J. Hannart to the Empress.

The queens of France and Hungary met at Cambray on 16 Aug. There were present the daughters and daughter-in-law of the King, Madame de Vendome, the cardinals of Borvon (Bourbon) and Tornon, the Admiral, the duke of Albany, and the marchioness of Zenete. The Empress probably knows that the king of England has separated from the Church of Rome, and put to death many persons who will not obey him as head of the Church after God. Since the death of the Cardinal of Rochester and More, twentyeight persons have been executed, among them nine Carthusians. The King has given the Carthusian Monastery in London to his new wife (age 34) for a palace, and others to his daughter and father-in-law (age 58).

The king of Scotland has sent ambassadors to conclude his marriage with the daughter of Mons. de Vandôme, and to conduct her to Scotland.

* * * 6 Sept. 1535. Sp., pp. 3. Modern copy.

09 Sep 1535. R. O. 312. The Fellows of Magdalene College, Oxford, to Cromwell.

We have received the good and wholesome device directed to us by the King for the reformation of study, and cannot thank you sufficiently for setting it forward. Whereas our youth were heretofore brought up very corruptly for lack of the Greek tongue, and were so blindly instructed in the principles of logic that they could not tell whereabout they went when they learned, or what profit they got by it; after a great loss of time now they have that way and order prescribed to them, that in a few years this town, that hath hitherto been rejected as a place that maintained no learning nor profited the public weal shall be able to bring forth those that shall serve the Prince and the community. Although, in consequence of the labor of certain others that have always been led in this ignorance, and will see no better way, your commissioners have suspended some of these articles until the statutes be examined, we, who are the greater part, desire you not to give ear to sinistral information, for there is nothing in our statutes prohibiting these ordinances, but what allows "a lecture of Greek to be read to the company as the abolishment of their sophistry, Duns, and such like stuff, you so appointing who knoweth what you do in this thing better than they the contrary that would stop it." Although our college is well provided with lectures, it can provide a competent stipend for a Greek lecture. If among so great a number as we be in this college, other corrupt glosses of Duns should continue, and the study of Greek be neglected, a great part of the youth of this university would be deprived of the ordinance you have provided for them. If children and other young company be let to run to seek better learning abroad out of their own house, in other colleges, besides the danger in the time of plague, they will not return again without loss of time. We hope, therefore, you will continue beneficial to us in seeing these ordinances put in force. Oxford, Magdalene College, 9 Sept. Signed by 20 fellows.

Pp. 3. Add.: Secretary. Endd.

10 Sep 1535. R. O. St. P. ii. 278. 331. William Brabazon to Cromwell.

Since Thomas Fitzgerald's departure, his followers and all his uncles are returned home. If the traitor ever comes back, the King's cost is wasted. His advice is "to discharge this land of all the sect of them." The Deputy is going to Dungarvan Castle, and before him have gone the Lord Treasurer, lord Leonard's company, and Sir John Seyntlaw with his retinue. They will be at the castle on Monday next, and make a running assault. Hears that Seyntlaw has been sent for to England. The King can evil spare him here, though it is more to his profit to be in England. Lord Leonard should come speedily, for the good ordering of the army.

Rides with the Chief Justice about the King's lands, which are most wasted. Advises the banishment of the Tooles, the Burnes, the Cavenaghs, and McMargho and his sect.

The present Lord Deputy is a good man of war, but not quick enough for this country, and somewhat covetous. Advises his recall. Does not think the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, who is now with Cromwell, fit for the office. The lord of Kilmenen would be the best man. Divers abbots and priors in England have great revenues of spiritualties here, which should be put to houses of religion, and the King to have temporal lands for them. Reminds Cromwell that the King should have the temporalities of the bishop of Dublin, who can have spiritual lands for them. By this means and attainders, the King will have 4,000 marks a year more. Thinks the commonalty here to be very true people and conformable to all good order. The Deputy intends to hinder the Chief Justice and Master of the Rolls of Ireland by writing to his friends in England; which were pity, seeing the pains they take in the King's affairs here. Does not now think 500 kerne necessary, but retained them for a time, that they might not be enemies. The captains are all in good health, notwithstanding the plague. Hears my lady of Kildare (age 38) has a book of the late earl of Kildare's lands. Cromwell should get it and send it hither. 10 Sept. Signed.

Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd.

11 Sep 1535. R. O. 341. John Gostwyk to Cromwell.

This day I received your letter on horseback going home, and have delivered the three merchants the 20s. as the King's reward, as I am not to break the sum that came from York. As to your marvel that I have not received from the archbishop of Canterbury and the abbot of Westminster the money due to the King, I cannot see how I shall get it till next term. The Abbot's money is not yet due. On my return I shall quicken the Archbishop and other debtors with sharp letters, as you command, to pay up instantly. Concerning the killing and bestowing of your stag in the duke of Suffolk's park, I have already advertised you. By the Lord Mayor's certificate which I send you will see that the plague increases. London, Saturday, 11 Sept. Signed.

P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.

13 Sep 1535. Vienna Archives. 357. Chapuys to [Granvelle].

Remarks on the Emperor's military achievements. The English are much pleased at his victory, in accordance with the incredible affection which they almost all bear to him; except the King, the concubine, Cromwell, and some of their adherents, who, as a man whom he sent to the Court reports, are astounded at the good news, like dogs falling out of a window. Cromwell could hardly speak.

It is commonly reported that the Earl of Kildare has been taken by the brother (age 56) of his belle mere (age 38)1, whom the King had sent into Ireland as captain-general. Is surprised that Cromwell has said nothing of it, unless it be that he is ashamed of the way he was taken, as the other had given him a safe-conduct to come and parley. Refers him to his letters to the Emperor, and asks him, when at Naples, to remember his affairs. London, 13 Sept.

A book against images has lately been printed with royal licence. It also is directed against mass and canonical hours. There is a report that the King intends the religious of all orders to be free to leave their habits and marry, and that if they will stay in their houses they must live in poverty. He intends to take the rest of the revenue, and will do stranger things still.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2.

Note 1. That is to say, by Lord Leonard Grey, who was brother of Elizabeth, widow of Gerald.

13 Sep 1535. Titus, B. xi. 429. B. M. St. P. i. 445. 358. Lord Chancellor Audeley to [Cromwell].

Has drawn a proviso for the surety of the King, the Queen (age 34), and the Earl of Wiltshire (age 58), &c., and inserted it in the end of the Act that the Earl of Ossory (age 68) desires to have pass, because if it were in a schedule it might be craftily withdrawn. Sends the Acts, with the commission to the Deputy for holding Parliament after the old custom. Sends also a copy of the proviso to the Earl of Wiltshire. Has drawn up the commission for the Deputy only, else it might take away part of his reputation among the people. Desires him to report to the King the number of Acts annexed. Has also made two patents for barons for Sir Richard Power and Thomas Ewstace; and, hearing from Cowley that the old course is to have letters from the Chancery here in England, has sealed them, and sends them to Cromwell.

13 Sep 1535. 358. Has been lately informed that Thomas FitzGarrald (age 22) is taken, but the fame is that he has submitted on condition of coming to the King free. Does not believe the Council would take such an appointment with so arrant a traitor. If he is to have mercy, marvels that some of the Council should have told the King that there would never be peace till the blood of the Garroldes was extinct. It was also said that the Irishmen were not diligent in persecuting him because they heard he would be pardoned, and would then revenge, and now they would procure him mercy. Does not think he should be allowed to come to the King's sight, for the evil example and encouragement it would give to traitors. The very good way were to send him to the Tower. Though his treasons were done in Ireland, he can be indicted by the new statute in any shire, and the indictment sent to the King's Bench. This way he may be shortly sped after his deserts, which would be a good example, unless by his keeping alive there should grow any knowledge of treasons.

13 Sep 1535. 358. Hears that the sickness in London rather increases.... Will, therefore, stay at Old Ford, beside Stratford. Two only of the commissions for the spiritualty have come to his hands. Asks him to find out whether the King will prorogue the Parliament and adjourn the term till Hallowmas, or prorogue Parliament, as it was last, till Feb. 4.

13 Sep 1535. 358. Sends a book, lately printed, touching taking away images. In the parts where he has been there has been some discord and diversity of opinion touching worshipping of saints and images, creeping at cross, and such ceremonies, which discord it were well to put to silence. This book will make much business if it should go forth. Intends to send for the printer to stop them. It were good that preachers and people abstained from opinions of such things until the King has put a final order by the report of those appointed for searching and ordering the laws of the Church. A proclamation to abstain until that time would do much good.

13 Sep 1535. 358. Wheat and rye have risen to a mark and 16s. a quarter. There is plenty of old corn and new barley, oats, pease, and beans. Encloses a minute of a proclamation he has made in Essex. Has also made commissions for search of old corn. Has not done so in other shires till he knows the King's pleasure. Advises that the King should order that buyers should not sell again at a greater profit than 12d. or 16d. Asks for an answer to his other letter sent by Coly, and to this; also when Cromwell will return, and whether he shall survey the certificates for the tenth of the spiritualties.

Dares not go back to his house at Brittons, as a woman has died there. Would have borrowed the Queen's house at Havering, but knows not how his suit would be taken. Old Forde, 13 Sept. Signed.

Pp. 4.

15 Sep 1535. R. O. St. P. I. 448. 370. Sir Thomas Audeley, Chancellor, to Cromwell.

Has received the King's letters, dated the 13th inst., for writs to be made to all sheriffs to notify the prorogation of Parliament to 4 Feb. Will use diligence. Audeley, the Speaker, and some others, must assemble in the Houses 3 Nov. next, to prorogue the same. Is glad of the adjournment of the term, considering the increase of sickness in the city. His advice, since the King desires it, is that Parliament be prorogued till 4 Feb., and the term till Crastino Animarum, by which time, by coldness of the weather, the plague should cease; if not, it may then be prorogued till Hilary Term. To adjourn the whole term suddenly would be prejudicial. One justice must sit in every Court on the first day of the term to receive the King's writ for the adjournment. Asks whether the Exchequer shall be adjourned with the rest, and advises that all should be adjourned together.

The new sheriffs of London have granted Audeley the nomination of under-sheriff of Middlesex. Hears Cromwell has since written to the sheriffs for the same; and reminds him that last year he (Audeley) had such a grant, but abstained from using it, when Cromwell promised not to interrupt him again. Has few advancements for his servants, Cromwell has many; begs he may enjoy the grant. Humble commendations to the King and Queen. Old Forde, 15 Sept. Signed.

23 Sep 1535. R. O. 413. John Wylliamson to Cromwell.

I have received your letter by John Gresham, with seven pieces of diaper. I have been with Mr. Malete divers times concerning your livery coat, and he says the pattern of the coat for the privy chamber is not yet come, and therefore I have had a coat of "new color sad" to be made for you after my own device. I have sent your letter to Mr. Williams at Hampton Court, and he says that we shall have all that he can do in that behalf. Your works draw to an end. I have delivered to Thomas Thacker, for your buildings, &c. £100. They have been viewed by Mr. Vaghan, and, I trust, will be found as I have written. Sir Ric. a Lee, Sir John, and I are diligent in forwarding your works. One of your masons, dwelling against your great gate in Friar Austins, is sick of the plague. Three corses were buried at Hackney last St. Matthew's Day. Sir Thomas Greene is diligent. My mother and all are well. At the Rolls, 23 Sept. Signed.

P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.

24 Sep 1535. 431. Randall Tytley to Cromwell.

Petition stating that he has been a prisoner five years in Bread Street Counter [Map]; "and now of late one Mr. Broke was at the said Counter with charity from your good mastership, demanding of the prisoners how they were ordered, and commanded them, if they were not well ordered, to write to your good mastership for remedy."

Wrote accordingly the constitutions of the same Counter, and sent it to Mr. Brooke, to present to Cromwell; for doing which the keeper sent him to Newgate, where he is likely to die of the sickness of the house. At Bread Street every man pays for his bed, "some 4d., some 2d., if they be feather beds, and a mattress 1d.; " and if the prisoner wear any irons, he pays double; so that his beds, one week with another, amount to 30s. a year; although all the beds in the prison are scarcely worth one week's lodging; whereas the custom of the city is but a penny for the best feather bed within the prison, and ½d. for a mattrass, and if they complain they are sent to Newgate. If the friends of the prisoners bring them any charity, as bread, drink, cheese, &c., the keeper will suffer none to come to them, lest it hinder his own custom. If a prisoner come in for debt for £5 or above, he is forced to agree with his keeper at an exorbitant rate beyond his power; and if any one be in arrear for one night's lodging, and though he be able to pay when his friends come to him, he is thrust into the hole, and kept till he has sold all his clothes, and then there is no remedy but to Newgate with him, which has been the murder of many a tall man and true, able to do the King service. Moreover, if a man, after remaining long in prison, be released by the pity of his creditors, he is still detained for 8d., the keeper's fee of the door. The tapster also pays 6s. 8d. on every barrel, and is compelled to find the prisoners candles, which, on an average, cost 12d. a week; but the keeper pays only 3s. a barrel.

Large paper, pp. 2. Add.: Secretary.

27 Sep 1535. R. O. 450. Sir Thomas Audeley to Cromwell.

Has received his letter, with the books of Bath and Winchester for valuation of the spiritualities. Only 12 or 13 books have yet come to his hands. Wonders the Commissioners are so negligent. Has lain at Old Ford only for this cause these 14 or 15 days, and cannot proceed till all the books come in. Intends to write letters, in the names of Cromwell and himself, to the Commissioners of the shires where they lack. and send them with the writs of the prorogation of Parliament, and with the commissions and proclamations for wheat, which will all be ready tomorrow. Wishes to know the King's pleasure about proclamations for clothiers. Must ride to the burial of Sir David Owen, who has named him one of his executors. Wishes to know what Cromwell has done for London, Middlesex, and Surrey. Thanks him for moving the Queen (age 34) for her house, and desires him to thank her Highness for lending it to him. Would be glad to gratify Cromwell about the nomination of the under-sheriff of Middlesex, "and am right well content ye take your pleasure in it, praying you to consider that it is given me, and that of good congruence and reason ye cannot take it from me." You have done me much greater pleasures, and this is not for my own profit, but for my poor servant's, to whom I can give nothing. Remember, I moved you once for poor Dyne to have the controllership of the dispensations, "with poor £10 fee. Ye have his bill." Each of us must have a clerk, with 20 marks' fee, to make up books of benefices, as it will be a great business. I shall be near the Court when I go to Mr. Owen's burial, but dare not approach the King's presence till I know his pleasure. I have long wished to see his Grace, "but I have a little resorted to London, and some suitors of London daily have come to my house." Can never be rid of them. Sends humble recommendations to the King and Queen. Old Ford, Monday before Michaelmas Day.

Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Thomas Crumwell, Esq., Chief Secretary to the King's Highness. Endd.

30 Sep 1535. Vienna Archives. 484. Cromwell to Chapuys.

Took much pleasure in Chapuys' former letters, especially in the news of the Emperor's success. These more recent are still more acceptable as giving a succinct account of the whole expedition, so vivid that Cromwell imagined himself present. The King was greatly interested. As to the message Chapuys sent by his servant, in which he suspects delays, begs him to consider, whatever delay there may be, that nothing will be omitted which the honor of the King demands for the more secure and wholesome education of the lady Mary, seeing that no one feels more anxiety about her than her father. Begs Chapuys therefore to defer his proposal to visit her to some more convenient time, especially as he may have been deceived by a false report of inattention paid to her health, of which Cromwell assures him the utmost care is taken. The plague is so severe at London and neighbouring places that a man might seem wanting in attention who should go from thence to her. Will discuss matters with him at more length shortly. Winchester, 30 Sept. 1535.

Latin, pp. 2. From a modern copy docketed (by the archivist?): "A joindre à la lettre du 13 8bre."

Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535 October

02 Oct 1535. R. O. 525. Sir Richard Graynfeld to Lord Lisle (age 71).

Came to the Court on Michaelmas eve, intending to take leave of the King and to have been with you on the 6 Oct.; but on taking my leave the King told me that Rensele desired to continue in his office. I told him I had paid him £400, and had his bond in 800 marks to surrender his patent by Bartholomew's Day; and I appealed to Master Secretary, who was called and spoke in my favor, and said this agreement was made before him. Dares not press the matter further till he knows the King's pleasure. Thinks that Edward Rensele has caused Norfolk and Master Treasurer to labor for him. Many think the writer has been wronged, insomuch that my lord of Norfolk, my lord Chamberlain, and Master Secretary called him before them, and promised he should not be injured. And Master Secretary said he would be as earnest in that matter with the King as ever he was, and that he would not leave his friend so. Does not fear of his succeeding, and will consider himself amply repaid for the great trouble he has had by being henceforth in Lisle's company. Hampton, Saturday after Michaelmas.

P.S.—It is said the King intends going on Monday to Porchester in your ship. Fitzgarret is committed to the Tower. My lord Leonard is returned into Ireland. "The King and the Queen (age 34) is merry and hawks daily, and likes Winchester and that quarter, and praises it much."

Hol., pp. 3. Add.

06 Oct 1535. R. O. 549. Ri. Gwent, of the Arches, to Cromwell.

This St. Faith's Day, Dr. Olyver, Mr. Carne, Mr. Hewys, and I came from Uxbrige, where we have tarried a good while on account of the sickness at London. If it be your pleasure we will come and report to you how far forward we are in these new laws; but we dare not till we hear from you. I beg you will dispense with me that I may keep the court of Arches this day, and I shall sue further for your licence under the great seal. Many have come from far countries for expedition of their causes, but I dare determine none without your licence, considering that your general visitation doth now depend. Let me know by bearer your pleasure for this one court. This Crastino Fidis is the first court done in the Arches and the Prerogative the morrow after. Doctors' Commons, St. Faith's Day.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Sealed.

06 Oct 1535. R. O. 555. John Bishop of Exeter to Sir Thomas Arundell.

Complains of having often written to Arundel's deputy, Weymont Carewe, for the "tithe tyne" (tin) of Cornwall, which has been unpaid for three years and amounts to £51, and for which Carewe has allowance from the King's auditors. Has records to show that it has been continually allowed and paid since before king John's days. Shaftesbury, 6 Oct.

Thanks him for the venison, wine, and other gifts. Was with the King on Friday last. He, the Queen (age 34), and all other nobles of the Court were in good health and merry. Signed.

The P.S. in his own hand, p. 1. Add.

06 Oct 1535. Add. MS. 28,588, f. 23. B. M. 557. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.

Has received the Empress's letter of Aug. 26. Chapuis writes that the king of England gives bishoprics to heretics who conform to his William He does not mention the liberty of the Queen, of which Thomas Petiplet, the King's chamberlain, spoke when he passed here on his way to the Emperor. Supposes it was fiction, as also was the rumor lately in Rome that a son of Thomas More had murdered (muerto) the king of England in revenge for his father's martyrdom. Sends a copy of the passion and martyrdom of Thomas More and a copy of the Pope's brief to the earl of Kildare, who has so nobly resisted the king of England and conquered the greater part of the land he holds in Ireland.

Hears, through France, that there is a plague in England, and that the King had absented himself in consequence.

Has received a letter from the ambassador, dated London, 25 Aug., stating that the Queen and Princess are well, and that a friar has been martyred in the archbishopric of York (Hiorc) in the same manner and for the same reason as the Carthusians. Rome, 6 Oct. 1535.

Sp., pp. 3. Modern copy.

08 Oct 1535. MS. 28, 588, f. 25. B. M. 565. Count of Cifuentes to Charles V.

Wrote on the day of the Pope's departure for Perosa. He is now returned, and is well, and desirous of seeing the Emperor. Was told by the Pope that the cardinal of Paris had said that the French king had sent to the king of England the brief touching help to be given for his deprivation, that he might the better understand the Pope's wishes, and be persuaded to return to his obedience to the Apostolic See. The messenger had not returned, as there was plague in London, and the King had gone inland. His Holiness denied that the French king had done this with his knowledge, but he believed that it would do good. Thought this unlikely; but the king of France would make his profit out of the brief with the king of England. The Pope said that he had been told that the Emperor had also sent on to the king of England the Pope's brief to himself on the same matter, which is incredible. Said that even if it were here, his intentions were very different to those of the French king. He replied that he was sure of that, and that he was contented with the answers given to the Nuncio about the Council, Camarino, and the Emperor's visit to Rome. The Pope said also that the king of England was labouring with certain princes and estates in Germany to prevent the Council. He had men there, and was sending others.

08 Oct 1535 565. Has carried out the Emperor's instructions about the executorials, and so they have been delayed for more than a year and a half without its being apparent that the delay was intentional. The Pope's hope of the submission of the king of England, through the intervention of France, has caused him not to consent to certain points which they wished to put in the executorials in prejudice of the Queen and Princess and the Emperor's preeminence. Now that this hope is frustrated by the disagreement between England and France, they have told Ortiz that they are surprised the executorials were not obtained. Had not told him that the Emperor wished for delay. Accordingly he and Anguiano obtained them during the Count's absence at Perosa. Could not prevent it without it appearing to be done by the Emperor's orders. Nothing is wanting but the seal. Has got possession of them on the plea of wishing to see them, and will keep them till he hears from the Emperor. Their despatch cannot be prevented without its being clearly the Emperor's orders. Courtiers and lawyers say that after they are despatched a year must pass before they are executed.

Hears from a courier lately come from France that the French king has released 150 subjects of the Emperor taken in the galleys of Marseilles. Has received the Emperor's letter of 28th ult. Rome,

8 Oct. 1535.

Sp., pp. 7. Modern copy.

[08 Oct 1535]. Camusat, 21. 566. [The Bishop of Tarbes to the Bailly of Troyes.]1

He is to state to the King (Francis) that the Emperor's ambassador has sent word to the old Queen (Katharine) and her daughter that his master has commanded him to inform them that he will not re-enter his kingdom of Spain until he has restored them to their estates and rights. The people is so greatly devoted to them that in order to restore them it will join any prince who espouses their quarrel. This is common opinion among noblemen, the lower people, and the King's own servants. All the people is marvellously discontented; most of them, excepting the relations of the present Queen (age 34), because of the old Queen and her daughter, others because of the subversion of religion. Others fear war, and foresee that commercial intercourse will cease, both within the realm and without, in Flanders, Spain, Italy, and other countries where the cloths, kerseys, hides, tin, lead, and other merchandise of this kingdom have been sold, and that navigation will be so dangerous that there will be no English merchant who will dare to transport merchandise into foreign countries without many ships equipped for war. The strangers of the lands of the Emperor, and those who will be his friends and under the obedience of the Pope, will be unable to traffic to the said country, nor any others without great danger of encountering the Emperor's troops and other enemies of England. The weather has been so bad the whole of the summer that not half of the necessary corn has been reaped. The King (Francis) should consult whether he ought to prohibit the exportation in order to prove to them how necessary to them is his aid and friendship. The lower people, in consequence of these things, are greatly exasperated against the Queen, saying concerning her a thousand ill and improper things, and also against those who support her in her enterprises, charging upon them all the inconveniences which they foresee will arise from war. It is held to be quite certain that if war takes place the people will rebel against the governors, from fear of what has been said above and from the affection which they bear to the old Queen and her daughter (age 19), and especially to the Princess, who has such a hold on the hearts of the people that, notwithstanding the laws made at the last Parliament, they do not cease to regard her as Princess, saying that the laws of Parliament cannot do away her being the King's daughter, and born during the marriage, and that the King and everyone so regarded her until that Parliament. Lately, when she was removed from Greenwich, a great troop of citizens' wives and others, unknown to their husbands, presented themselves before her, weeping and crying that she was Princess, notwithstanding all that had been done2. Some of them, the chiefest, were placed in the Tower, constantly persisting in their opinion. These things are so well known, and the fear of war so great, that many of the greater merchants of London have recommended themselves to the Emperor's ambassador, and said that if the Emperor make war, the people will surrender themselves to him.

Note 1. Printed by Camusat immediately after the paper No. 1479 in Vol. VI., with the heading: "Autre memoire non datte lequel semble avoir este escript peu apres le precedent." It appears to be a paper of instructions given by the bp. of Tarbes to the Bailly of Troyes on his return to France in Oct. 1535.

Note 2. In the margin: "Millor de Rochesfort et millord de Guillaume."

[08 Oct 1535]. 566. He is to say that on his arrival it was rumoured among the lower people that he was come to pronounce the excommunications against the King, and to demand the Princess for the Dauphin, with which the people were so very content, that they ceased not to pray for him. He also knows that the King's gentlemen gave him a good reception till they became aware that his charge did not concern anything of the sort.

[08 Oct 1535]. 566. "We" were told as soon as we arrived at London, that the people offered prayer for us, having understood that we were to visit the Princess, and that the marriage between the Dauphin and her was still going on. The people are quite sure that they cannot fail to have war unless this marriage take place; and that if it do they will have peace with the Emperor and all other princes. The turmoil and the desperation of the people have been so great that, although in time past they did not approve of the marriage because they wished to have a King who would stay in the country, they now desire nothing more, saying, that unless the Dauphin marry her she will remain disinherited, or it will be necessary that she have her right by war; and they desire it because they know she publicly asserts that the Dauphin is her husband, and that she has no hope but in him, as many have told you, and me before your coming, that they have heard her say with her own mouth.

[08 Oct 1535]. 566. You know that the Emperor's ambassador came to see you, inquired whether we had seen the Princess, and told us that he knew for certain that she greatly desired to speak to us, and that she expected to hear good news, thinking we should have had leave to see her. He also stated that after the departure from Calais she was very strictly guarded, because it was said the present Queen feared some intrigue with her, and lest the French should carry her off, knowing the good will which she bears to the Dauphin. A man has assured us that one of the ladies of the Princess related to him that she had many times heard the Princess say that the Dauphin was her husband, that she had no hope but in him, that the time would come when God would be satisfied with the pain and tribulation in which she now is, and when the Dauphin would have her, and demand her from the King, her father, who could not refuse, because the marriage has been made with the consent of the two Kings. The same lady also told him she had learnt from the Princess that when her governess and other ladies whom the present Queen has deputed to take charge of her, informed her the Dauphin had married the Emperor's daughter, she answered she did not believe it, seeing that he could not have two wives, and that he could not ignore her being his wife; and she said she well knew the rumour was circulated to take him from her, and thus make her give up her right.

[08 Oct 1535]. 566. You are aware of the quarrel which took place between her and her governess (age 59) when we went to visit her little sister (age 2), and that we have been told how she was put almost by force into her chamber, in order that she should not speak to us, and how it was impossible to appease her and confine her to her chamber till the gentleman conducting us assured her that the King, her father, had commanded him to tell her not to show herself while we were there. You know also the conversations which the same gentleman had with you concerning her, and the charge which the Queen had given him: also that a person has endeavoured to cause her to send her will in writing. If the King (Francis) approved of the marriage it would be to unite two kingdoms, and the King would have the great honor of annexing "les deux Bretagnes" to the French crown. The King has good reason to take the matter up, for the marriage was made by consent of both parents, and half England desires it. If the Pope were advertised of the treaties which the king of England proposes to make with the King, he would suspect that he should lose the money of France, in the same way as he has lost the money of England, if war should take place; and therefore he would induce the Emperor to urge the King (Francis) to accomplish this marriage. I believe the Emperor would help it forward from the love which he bears to his niece. If the Emperor urge Francis the latter can then consult about informing the king of England of the Emperor's intention, and persuading him to consent to it in order to avoid war, seeing that the said Lord (Henry) does not deny that she is his daughter, and knows that the marriage is concluded. If the king of England do not approve because his wife persuades him to the contrary, he will fear to set Francis and the Emperor against himself solely through his affection for his wife, which is less than it has been, and diminishes day by day, because he has new amours (age 26)1.

Item, to advertise the King of the maladies which are in "la rasse;" and that the Swedes in the King's pay, whom the Lubeckers had drawn into the Danish quarrel, have taken fourteen English ships, among which the Minion of the English king, the mistress of England2, has been broken to pieces.

Fr.

*** A translation of this letter is printed by Mr. Froude in his Appendix to "the Pilgrim" (p. 100) as a letter from Dinteville to M. de Tarbes, and dated in Oct. 1534.

Note 1. Margin: "Nota, qu'il ne sera pas paradventure fort malaisé à gaigner le Roy." ie. Note, that it will not be very difficult to win the King. The "new amours" may be a reference to Jane Seymour especially in view of King Henry having stayed at Wolf Hall in Sep 1535 [Map].

Note 2. "Entre lesquelles a este mise en pieces la Mignone du Roy d'Angletrerre, qui estoi la maistresse d'Angleterre." ie. Between which was torn into pieces the Mignone of the King of England, the mistress of England. This is a reference to ship rather than a person!

09 Oct 1535. R. O. 571. Sir Anthony Wyndesore to Lord Lisle (age 71).

By a letter in your own hand, written on Midsummer Day last, you desired me to see Sir Edward Seymour (age 35) paid £100 at the feast of All Saints, according to the award of my Lord Chancellor and Master Secretary, and to take a statute of him. I never saw the award, and can get no knowledge how the money should be paid. I wrote to Leonard Smith what to do, but have had no answer from him yet. I beg to know your pleasure as soon as possible, for you wrote that you trusted Sir Edward Seymour would allow the £60 in part of the £100. Your audit shall begin at Kingston Lisle on the 18th Oct. I have been obliged to attend the King since he came into Hampshire, and have had no leisure to write to you or my Lady. His Grace has been in Hampshire from about the 10th Sept., and intends to be till 19th Oct., except four days that he lieth in Salisbury, and returneth to Hampshire again. He will be at Windsor on Allhallows Eve. He was at Portsmouth and Porchester, but I was not there, for I was then commanded to cause the weirs to be plucked down upon the rivers through the whole shire. The King and Queen (age 34) were very merry in Hampshire. I enclose a letter for the Purrege (Purbeck) stone sold by Gillot, and have taken account of him before Jas. Hauxhed, which I have written in the end of the letter. Est Meon, 9 Oct. Signed.

P. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais. Endd.

13 Oct 1535. Vienna Archives. 594. Chapuys to Charles V.

The King, on the news contained in your Majesty's letters of 16 Aug., has made answer to me by a letter from Cromwell (copy enclosed) [to the effect that he was very much pleased at your Majesty's victory]. Notwithstanding what Cromwell has written about visiting the Princess, he has given my man clearly to understand that there was no great hope of it, and still less of getting the Princess placed with her mother, because her mother was too papal, and would make the Princess still more obstinate in her opposition to the statutes of the realm, which she must obey, else it will go ill with her. This is certainly much to be feared, unless your Majesty prevent it, as the bearer will explain more particularly, whom I have been compelled to despatch by order of the Queen and Princess, and at the request of many good men, who have been fed with good words and hopes, but have taken for lawful excuses the very great and important occupations of your Majesty; and now that, happily, these occupations have ceased, while the necessity of remedying matters here increases daily, if they do not see very soon some appearance of the said remedy, they will all fall into despair, and then it will be impossible, or extremely difficult, to mend matters. This would be the best time, while the people is provoked by the great cruelties daily committed and the worse than tyrannical extortions practised on Churchmen, the expulsion of monks and nuns from their cloisters, and, most of all, the famine which threatens to prevail in consequence of the bad harvest, all which is imputed to the bad life and tyranny of the King; to which also they attribute the loss of the ships which the Swedes have lately captured from them, which may create great mischief, for the King, in revenge, six days ago, ordered all the ships and goods of the Easterlings to be arrested, who are in no wise to blame. The English will certainly repent this, were it only because they will get no provision of corn from this quarter, which was their principal hope.

13 Oct 1535. 594. The bailly of Troyes left about four days ago "et sen retoure tout bellement a sez journeez." The bp. of Winchester, whom this King is sending into France, is in no hurry to leave, so that it would seem there is no great warmth in their practises, of which I can discover nothing more than what I last wrote, although I have talked at considerable length with the said bailly and ambassador. The principal thing that they have said to me was to ask if your Majesty did not intend above all things to have a general Council held, which would be a more praiseworthy deed than the conquest of Tunis, and more necessary than the recovery of the lands of Christendom from the Turk; for this would tend to establish a pure faith among Christians and free their consciences from danger, even if they were somewhat harassed about their property; (fn. 1) and that all your Majesty had done or might do hereafter would be of little importance without the said Council. This language they repeated to me several times; and this, taken together with the fact that the baron de Gramont, brother of the said ambassador, has several times asked one of my servants, by way of jest, if the said Council was already assembled, makes me think that the king of France is intriguing to hinder the said Council; in which the English will do their best to help them, as it is the thing they fear most in the world. The said ambassador and bailly have been to see the little bastard. The said ambassador, as both have informed me, has been frequently requested to do so by the King's concubine, and has always delayed till the coming of the said bailly, who thought it best to go thither, thinking that somehow they would have an interview with the Princess, which was the thing they most desired, and without hope of which they would not have gone thither; but they had not been fortunate enough to see her, because not only, as they said, was she shut up in her chamber, but the windows were nailed up through which she might have been seen; which I do not believe, but rather that following the advice which I had written to her when she asked for my opinion, she kept herself quite voluntarily in her chamber, playing the virginals (espinette) to dissemble the annoyance of that visit and to show her filial obedience and not provoke her father; besides that it was right to do so, and that she did not wish in her modesty to place herself where she could be seen.

13 Oct 1535. 594. There arrived 10 or 12 days ago a German of very little stature, quality, or condition, who, as he says, is here on the part of the duke of Saxony, and dispatched by the said Duke's Council, and is only waiting for Dr. Foxe, who has been just made bishop, to return with him. It has been long determined to send him to the said duke of Saxony, yet he is still here getting ready; I know not for what, but I will endeavour to find out. The earl of Kildare having been some days in this Court at his liberty, has been at last sent prisoner to the Tower, and many doubt of his life, although lord Leonard, who promised him pardon on his surrender, says that he will not die. The said lord Leonard, as I hear, has pleaded hard for his promise to the said Kildare, but they have stopped his mouth, the King giving him a great rent and the concubine a fine chain with plenty of money. It is quite certain, as I wrote last, that the said Kildare, without being besieged or in danger from his enemies, stole away from his men to yield himself to lord Leonard; I know not from what motive,—inclination or despair.

13 Oct 1535. 594. A great personage has just come to tell me, among other things, that the bailly of Troyes had brought a brief, sent by the Pope to the king of France, against this King, to know what answer he should make to it; whereupon the King's Council were quite astonished without knowing where to begin until the bp. of Winchester came, who has prepared the said answer. The forementioned personage has also informed me that the King and his Council are afraid of some stir, and that he had heard it said yesterday about ("a" qu. "quant à"?) Cromwell that he had only come here from the Court to get a mayor of London elected to his wish, and that the citizens should accept the man he named whether they liked him or not, for matters being in such trouble it was of the utmost importance to have in the said office a well-disposed man, of influence and experience.

13 Oct 1535. 594. Cromwell having several times written to me that on his return from Court we should discuss matters of the Queen and Princess, I have waited two days since his return to see what show he would make of doing so, and finding none, I sent to him to ask at what hour I might speak with him. He excused himself for two days on account of business, and did so again yesterday, the third day, saying, however, to my messenger, that he would be here this morning; as he really was. After congratulation of the Emperor on his glorious victory and his arrival in Sicily, and thanking me on the part of the King and himself for the news I had sent them from time to time he replied about the Princess according to what he had written to me, which was to the effect that the King, his master, was good and wise, and that he would take good care, and better than any other, to treat his daughter well; that it was unnecessary to remind him of his duty, whether it were to change her gouvernante (age 59), to get her better companions, or to place her again with the Queen (age 49), her mother. As to the arrears due to the Queen, it was true he had several times promised to get her prompt payment, and if it was only a question of presenting her with the sum due he would do it at once very willingly; but he knew the disposition of the King, his master, was such that if he meddled with it he fell under suspicion of taking the Queen's part, which might cost him his head, and said the King might well give the Queen any sum she could demand, if she would undertake to maintain her own household; and on doing so, he would give her perfect liberty to keep what servants she pleased. This bargain, I think, she will never accept, as it would in some degree prejudice her position; moreover, I think Cromwell threw out the suggestion more by way of compliment than otherwise. After this, Cromwell mentioned that the King was informed from France, Italy, and elsewhere, that your Majesty intended to prepare an army against him and his countries in favour of the Pope, whom he sometimes called bishop of Rome and sometimes idol, but not without begging me to pardon him, and that to stir the fire, some bishop and legate had already come to Flanders; and that the King, his master, notwithstanding the said rumours, which might have been propagated by ill-disposed people, could not well believe that your Majesty, considering the great friendship and repeated alliances between you so solemnly ratified and sworn, would attempt any such thing, especially when there was no cause; for, as regards disobedience to the Pope, the King did not think he had said or done anything to any Christian prince inconsistent with the law of God, and he believed that the Christian religion was not better regulated and reformed in any country in the world than in this kingdom; and the King requested that I would add to the other good offices I had done by notifying this to your Majesty. Cromwell added that, perhaps the King might send you a very honorable embassy, provided he thought that you would give favorable audience to it, both to represent these and other matters, and to promote amities and confederations; on which subject the King wished to have my advice. I replied that I was not so rash as to put myself forward in giving counsel to such a Prince lest I should give him occasion justly to reproach me, as was done without occasion when the earl of Wiltshire was at Bologna with your Majesty; but I fully believed that if such an embassy were sent to your Majesty it would not only be kindly received and heard, but would obtain what it asked for, provided it were a thing that your Majesty could rightly grant according to reason and conscience; and otherwise I would neither advise nor dissuade its despatch, for the above reason. He made no reply to this, and I think, from the way he spoke of the said embassy, there has been no suggestion of it among them, and that he spoke only of himself. He then said I must be already informed that the bishop of Winchester (age 52) was going to France, and the bishop of Atfort (Hereford), formerly the King's almoner, into Germany. He told me nothing more, and I asked if he, who was going into Germany, was to go further than Saxony? He said he did not know where he was going to; and he said the same to a merchant of whom he desired a letter of exchange of 1,000 crs. for the said Bishop, in case he should have need of them, which he did not expect, because he was taking plenty of money with him, and Cromwell wished the said letters to be general for the principal cities of Germany. Cromwell has confessed that the bailly of Troyes had made request for the marriage of the Princess with the Dauphin, and also that he brought the brief of which I before wrote.

13 Oct 1535. 594. I have learned this day from a man who heard the letter read in the chamber of this King, that the duke of Holstein and his confederates had said that the English ships they had taken were but the assay of the wine that they meant to have, and that, to save the English trouble (pour garder ceulxcy de pene), in spring they would come and drink of it at the place; the fear of which menaces might have been the cause of the arrest of the goods of the Easterlings. Not to make so many enemies, the King, being lately at Pourcemeuel (Portsmouth), ordered his great ship to be equipped, and some others also. There has lately been here a Genoese named Cosime Palavisin, formerly servant to the cardinal of York. He has remained three days in Court, and has been presented with 100 crs. by the King and has returned in haste. It is said he has brought a book against the Pope, composed by his brother, a monk, whom he has gone to bring hither.

13 Oct 1535. 594. I have received your letters of the 31st August reporting your arrival in Sicily, at which news good men here rejoice greatly, and for which not only your subjects but all good Christians are bound to be thankful, seeing that all your acts tend to the increase of the faith and the peace of Christendom; as appears by the confusion of those who wished otherwise. London, 13 Oct. 1535.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 6.

29 Apr 1609. R. O. 609. The Prior of the Charter House and others1.

Proceedings against Robert Feron, or Fern, of Todynton (Teddington), Midd., clk.; John Hale, late of Isleworth, clk.; John Howghton, prior of the Charter House, Midd.; Augustine Webster, prior of the Charter House, Axholme, Linc.; Robert Lawrens, prior of the Charter House of Bevall, Notts; and Ric. Reynolds, brother of the house of Syon, Midd.; for high treason, viz.:—

Note 1. See Report III. of the Dep. Keeper of Pub. Records, App. ii. 237.

i. Special commission of Oyer and Terminer for Middlesex to Sir Thos. Audeley, chancellor, Thos. duke of Norfolk, treasurer, Henry marquis of Exeter, Will. earl of Arundel, John earl of Oxford, Henry earl of Essex, Thos. earl of Rutland, Hen. earl of Cumberland, Thos. earl of Wiltshire, Hen. lord Montague, Geo. lord Rocheford, Thos. Cromwell, chief secretary, Sir John FitzJames, Sir John Baldwin, Sir Ric. Lister, Sir John Porte, Sir John Spelman, Sir Walter Luke, Sir Ant. Fitzherbert, Sir Thos. Inglefeld, and Sir Will. Shelley. Westm., 23 April 27 Hen. VIII.

ii. The justices' precept to the sheriff for the return of the grand jury, with panel annexed. Westm., 24 April 27 Hen. VIII.

iii. The justices' precept to the constable of the Tower to bring up John Howghton, Augustine Webster, Robert Lawrens, Ric. Reynolds, Robert Feron or Fern, and John Hale, at Westminster, on Wednesday next after one month of Easter. Westm., 27 April 27 Hen. VIII. Endorsed with the reply of Sir Edmund Walsingham as lieutenant of Sir Will. Kyngeston, constable of the Tower.

iv. Indictment setting forth that by the statute 25 Hen. VIII. [c. 22.] any person who shall do anything to the peril of the King or prejudice of his succession shall be guilty of high treason; that Robert Feron and John Hale above named, endeavouring to excite sedition, &c., did, 20 May 26 Hen. VIII. and at other times between 2 and 20 May and subsequently, at Isleworth and Syon, Midd., meet and have various discourseś against the King and his marriage while they were walking to and fro. And after many scandalous and false words spoken by Feron to Hale, the said Feron asked Hale if there was no one who had written or who would write against the King's evil deeds. Hale replied that there were many notorious and sufficient causes to write against the King, and further said these most execrable words:—"Syth the realm of England was first a realm, was there never in it so great a robber and pyller of the commonwealth read of nor heard of as is our King. And not only we, that be of the spirituality, by his wrongs be oppressed and robbed of our livings as if we were his utter enemies, enemies to Christ, and guilty of his death, but also thus ungoodly he doth handle innocents, and also highly learned and virtuous men, not only robbing them of their livings and spoiling them of their goods, but also thrusting them into perpetual prison, so that it is too great pity to hear, and more to be lamented than any good Christian man's ears may abide. And he doth the same as if by that mean he would revenge his own injuries and the injuries of Christian faith, by whose title in a marvellous fashion he boasteth himself to be above and to excel all other Christian kings and princes, thereby being puffed with vain glory and pride, where, of a truth, he is the most cruellest, capital heretic, defacer, and treader under foot of Christ and of his Church, continually applying and minding to extinct the same. And also the lay fee, sometime the noble and sometime the commons, without difference, upon chance and displeasure grown, or of truth forsought and feigned, he doth enpoverish, destroy, and kill, for none other intent but that he may enjoy and use his foul pleasures, and increase to himself great treasure and riches, enriching strangers, and pylling and robbing his own subjects, and making fair houses but most superfluous. Whose death I beseech God may be like to the death of the most wicked John, sometime King of this realm, or rather to be called a great tyrant than a King, and that his death may not be much unlike to the end of that manqueller Richard, sometime usurper of this Imperial realm. And if thou will deeply look upon his life, thou shalt find it more foul and more stinking than a sow, wallowing and defiling herself in any filthy place; for how great so ever he is, he is fully given to his foul pleasure of the flesh and other voluptuousness. And look how many matrons be in the court, or given to marriage; these almost all he hath violated, so often neclecting his duty to his wife and offending the Holy sacrament of matrimony; and now he hath taken to his wife of fornication this matron Anne, not only to the highest shame and undoing of himself, but also of all this realm."

Afterwards, 10 March 26 Hen. VIII., Feron wrote down in Latin these words spoken by Hale in English. Also in the same conversation on the 20th May, Hale said to Feron, "Until the King and the rulers of this realm be plucked by the pates, and brought, as we say, to the pot, shall we never live merrily in England; which I pray God may chance and now shortly to come to pass. Ireland is set against him, which will never shrink in their quarrel, to die in it. And what think ye of Wales?—Their noble and gentle Ap Ryce so cruelly put to death, and he innocent, as they say, in the cause. I think not contrary but they will join and take part with the Irish, and so invade our realm. If they do so, doubt ye not but they shall have aid and strength enough in England; for this is truth, three parts of England is against the King, as he shall find if he need; for of truth they go about to bring this realm into such miserable condition as is France, which the Commons see and perceive well enough a sufficient cause of rebellion and insurrection in this realm. And truly we of the Church shall never live merrily until that day come."

v. The justices' precept to the sheriff for the return of a jury from Istylworth and Syon for the trial of Feron and Hale. Westm., 28 April 27 Hen. VIII.— With panel of jury annexed.

vi. Indictment against Howghton, Webster, Lawrens, and Reynolds, for declaring, 26 April 27 Hen. VIII. at the Tower of London, "The King our sovereign lord is not supreme head in earth of the Church of England."

vii. The justices' precept to the sheriff for the return of a jury of inhabitants of the Tower for the trial of Howghton, Webster, Lawrens, and Reynolds. Westm., 28 April 27 Hen. VIII.

viii. Records of the trial before the above justices, reciting the above documents in the preamble, in which the indictments are dated at Westminster on Wednesday after one month of Easter, 27 Hen. VIII.

Feron and Hale, being brought to the bar by Sir Edward Walsingham on Wednesday after one month of Easter, 27 Hen. VIII., plead Not Guilty. Venire awarded returnable at Westminster on Thursday after one month of Easter (29 April); on which day, after the jury were sworn, the prisoners withdrew their former plea, and pleaded Guilty.

Judgment as usual in high treason. Execution at Tyburn.

Howghton, Webster, Lawrens, and Reynolds in like manner were brought to the bar on Wednesday after one month of Easter, when they pleaded Not Guilty; and again on Thursday, when they pleaded Guilty.

Judgment and execution as before.

Proceedings brought into court, Hilary term, 27 Hen. VIII., by Sir John FitzJames.

Cleopatra, E. vi. 231.

B. M. 2."The bill of indictment against the Carthusians," i.e., John Rochester and Jas. Whalworth, for denying the King's supremacy.

Lat. Vellum. In margin: "Billa vera."

19 Oct 1535. R.O. 639. Sir Francis Brian to Cromwell.

Sends a letter which he has received from Dr. Neckam, who has got the rule of the priory of Worcester. Neckam and his brethren are still troubled by the cellarer, notwithstanding Cromwell's letter, and Brian requests Cromwell to write again. The King's Grace is "mery;" he and the Queen (age 34) remove from the Vyne to Mr. Comptroller's to-day, and on Thursday to Bramsell House, on Friday to Esthamsted, and on Tuesday to Windsor. From the Vyne, 19 Oct. Signed.

P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.

20 Oct 1535. R. O.646. Rowland Morton to Cromwell.

I send you a list of those in this county who have taken the oath to the Act of Succession, although I never could get a sight of the Commission. You will see my diligence by the records presented to you, both now and at Tewkesbury. Of the 22 hundreds into which the county is divided, eight were left to me, not only by the Act of Succession but likewise in the county of Worcester, besides the taxation of the subsidy in both, the tenth of the spiritualty, the commission of musters,&c., to my great labor and charge. The acceptance of my services would be of great solace to me. "Now heartless without refuge, unless your mastership tender the same, I open my stomach as a poor man loaded and overcharged with worldly burdens." Therefore I beg you will dispense with my personal appearance at London this "soure" time of sickness. Twynnynge, 20 Oct. Signed.

Pp. 2. Add.: Secretary.

22 Oct 1535. R. O. 663. W. Lord Sandys to Cromwell.

The King and Queen (age 34) came to my poor house on Friday the 15th of this month, and continued there till Tuesday. I expected to have seen you, which would have been a great comfort to me and my poor wife. Please to remember that on behalf of my friend, John Awdelett, of Abingdon, you were pleased to befriend him; but I hear from him that the matter at variance betwixt the abbot and him has not been committed, as you promised, to be decided by certain indifferent persons. The Vine, 22 Oct. 27 Hen. VIII. Signed.

24 Oct 1535. Add. MS. 28, 588, f. 31. B. M. 681. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.

Wrote last on the 8th. The Imperial Ambassador in London wrote on the 25th Sept., that the Queen (age 49) and Princess (age 19) were in good health. On the 14th he had written that the Princess had been ill and was getting better, and that the governess (age 59) of her household, la Ana's (age 34) aunt, had concealed her illness for 12 days, so that he could not provide her with physicians. Neither the Ambassador nor his servant are allowed to visit her, which shows the Queen and Princess have special need of God's protection. The state of England is getting more and more disorderly. It is publicly said that mass is a great abuse; that Our Lord is not in the Sacrament of the Eucharist, and only was so when He consecrated it; that saying the Ave Maria is folly; and that Our Lady cannot help those who pray to her and invoke her aid, for she is only a woman like others. Blasphemous words are said of images. The rents of many churches are taken away, and it is said that they will take away images, shrines (templos), and the principal temporalities of the Church. Is much grieved at the danger to the lives of the Queen and Princess, and begs the Empress to have continual prayer made on their behalf. Sees no remedy if nuestro Señor does not take them out of the kingdom.

24 Oct 1535. 681. Is much grieved to hear that the Earl of Kildare (age 22) has been deserted by his confederates, and persuaded by an uncle of his in England to go thither with a promise of pardon. Hostages have been left in his country, but that is of little importance. It is evident that he will be either martyred or perverted.

24 Oct 1535. 681. In the Charterhouse of London, revelations have been had from a deceased person, showing the glorious crown of martyrdom obtained by the cardinal of Rochester and the other martyred saints in England. Cromwell, who procures everything that Anne (age 34) wishes, has forbidden these revelations to be published. Rome, 24 Oct. 1535.

Sp., pp. 5. Modern copy.

24 Oct 1535. R. O. 676. Stephen Bishop of Winchester (age 52) to Cromwell.

After a good passage, and the loss today of my servant Wodal by the great sickness, wherewith he was infected at his late being in London longer than I would he should, tomorrow I leave for the French court. My journey, though slow, is, I fear me, "more speedy than my horse, by reason of their travail on the seas, will maintain." The bailly of Troyes left me word to make no haste. If you think greater speed necessary, I shall use the post. I write you this that you may explain to the King the delay in my journey, which, in the "strange watery weather" in France, is more cumbrous than wont. Calays, 24 Oct. Signed.

P. 1. Add.: Chief Secretary. Endd.

28 Oct 1535. R. O. 700. John Graynfyld to Lord Lisle (age 71).

I have received your letter by your servant Bryant, and sped him of your requests. My Lord Chancellor prays you not to be so liberal in granting these petitions. I told him it was usual with your predecessors. He said, Never came so many; and told me to inform you that the certificate of the spiritualty was not correct, and that displeasure would be taken if it were known. I told him you would not certify from any partiality. He asked me why you had not certified Stanyngfyld. I told him "hit wasse a neuter;" and he said you ought to certify it as within the English pale, and that the King's subject was master of the house; also that you had omitted to certify the house of the sisters by the walls of Calais. Your lease of Sybberton is made sure. Please remember the matter between Golfon (Golston) and me. My Lord Leonard Graye (age 56) has gone into Ireland again, and many gunners with him. The King gave him 500 marks and £100 land to him and his heirs, besides his previous grant of 300 marks land. Also the King gave him a ship well trimmed, and the Queen (age 34) a chain of gold from her middle, worth 100 marks, and a purse of 20 sovereigns. The death is well stopped in London. All manner of grain is at a great price. St. Simon and St. Jude's Day.

Commends himself to his brother Sir Ric. Graynfyld and Mr. Porter.

Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.

Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535 November

01 Nov 1535. Vienna Archives. 733. Chapuys to [Granvelle].

As Granvelle will see by his letters to the Emperor, nothing has happened worth writing since his man left. Sends a copy of a letter from Cromwell which he forgot.

The French ambassador said lately that it was publicly reported in the Court that the king of Tunis had been compelled to recall Barbarossa to put down rebellion among his subjects, and had retaken Goletta, Bona, and the rest. The King, the Lady, and their party, are rejoiced. The Princess has sent to tell me the same, the news being sent to her to annoy her. The French ambassador thinks it strange that, as matters are now, they should allow corn to be obtained from Flanders for England. He was sure these people would never have any help from France. Has already informed the Queen (of Hungary?). Thinks notice should be taken of it in Spain. There is a great likelihood of famine, which will help towards setting matters right. The people murmur. The King and his concubine (age 34), who had previously caused it to be preached that God showed his approval of their Government by sending a good season, now make the preachers say that it is clear God loves the people because he sends adversity. Sometimes they say that the adversity is on account of those who object to this new marriage, and this new sect. London, 1 Nov. 1535.

The French pension has not been paid this year. From the French ambassador's manner in speaking of it, does not think it will be paid soon. He insinuated that the Pope would pay for them, when the executorials came. The Almain of whom he lately wrote, who said he was sent by the duke of Saxony and his Council, came principally to bring a book of Melancthon's, dedicated to the King, called "Loci Communes." He has been given 50 ducats, and Melancthon 200. It is said that the ambassador sent to Almain will go to Melancthon and his accomplices and try to make them sing his master's tune.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2.

06 Nov 1535. Vienna Archives. 776. Chapuys to Charles V.

The Marchioness of Exeter (age 32) has sent to inform me that the King has lately said to some of his most confidential councillors that he would no longer remain in the trouble, fear, and suspense he had so long endured on account of the Queen and Princess, and that they should see, at the coming Parliament, to get him released therefrom, swearing most obstinately that he would wait no longer. The Marchioness declares this is as true as the Gospel, and begs me to inform your Majesty and pray you to have pity upon the ladies, and for the honour of God and the bond of kin to find a, remedy. Since my letters of the 1st inst., the merchandize of the Germans has been released except that belonging to the men of Dantzic, who are suspected to have been the cause of the capture of the English ships and are regarded as secret enemies of the Lubeckers and friends of the king of Sweden and duke of Prussia. London, 6 Nov. 1535. Fr. From a modern copy. P. 1.

06 Nov 1535. Vienna Archives. 777. Chapuys to Anthony Perrenin, Secretary of State to the Emperor.

Since writing on the 1st, something else has happened, as he will see in the letters to the Emperor. Cannot write more on account of the courier's haste. "Cette diablesse de concubine (age 34)1" will never be satisfied till she is freed from these poor ladies, for which she works by all possible means. Desires to be recommended to the Secretary Martyrano. London, 6 Nov. 1535.

Fr. From a modern copy. P. 1.

Note 1. This devil of a concubine.

21 Nov 1535. Vienna Archives. 861. Chapuys to Charles V.

Since I wrote that Cromwell had talked to me about sending a notable embassy to your Majesty there has been no appearance of any such intention, so that it seems they only wish to entertain people with words, and gain as much time as possible.

21 Nov 1535. 861. On Friday, the 12th, a procession was held here, the most solemn ever seen in this kingdom, at least within the memory of man. Three bishops and four mitred abbots in pontifical habit, and innumerable monks and priests in rich vestments, took part in it. As to the people, the crowd was enormous, and there were numbers of musical instruments; the Sacrament of the Altar was carried almost the whole length of the town by the bishop of London;—all to give thanks to God for the recovery of the king of France. Many expected that the French ambassador and some of the lords of that court ("et aucunes de ces (qu. ses) seigneurs de cour") would have assisted, but they did not. As I understand, the King, at the time when the said procession was proposed, and since also, showed himself very ill satisfied with the king of France: and, as to the procession itself, it was a very convenient opportunity to gratify the French, and at the same time give this people to understand that there was most fraternal love between the two Kings;—an impression which it is very necessary to convey to make the levying of the tax which the King has imposed more easy. And to make the people incline to their perverse and damnable errors they have spread reports that the said procession has been made to render thanks to God because He had been pleased to inspire the king of France to take the true way, and make himself head of the Gallican Church.

21 Nov 1535. 861. The personage who informed me of what I wrote to your Majesty on the 6th about the Queen and Princess, viz., that the King meant to have them dispatched at this next Parliament, came yesterday into this city in disguise to confirm what she had sent to me to say, and conjure me to warn your Majesty, and beg you most urgently to see to a remedy. She added that the King, seeing some of those to whom he used this language shed tears, said that tears and wry faces were of no avail, because even if he lost his crown he would not forbear to carry his purpose into effect. These are things too monstrous to be believed; but, considering what has passed and goes on daily,—the long continuance of these menaces—and moreover that the concubine (age 34), who long ago conspired the death of the said ladies and thinks of nothing but getting rid of them, is the person who governs everything, and whom the King is unable to contradict,—the matter is very dangerous. The King would fain, as I have already written, make his Parliament participators and even authors of such crimes, in order that, losing all hope of the clemency of your Majesty, the whole people should be the more determined to defend themselves when necessary.

21 Nov 1535. 861. Tomorrow Mr. Bryan leaves in post to visit the French king. I suspect under this pretext he will have charge to solicit the release of some English ships which have been arrested at Bordeaux by virtue of an edict made about a year and a half ago in opposition to one which was published against not only the French but all foreigners. Of the 12 English ships taken in Denmark by the king of Sweden, eight have arrived here without having sustained any material injury in their merchandize; only some artillery and other apparel was borrowed from them for the said King's army; the other ships being well adapted for war, are detained both for their own use, and to keep them out of the hands of the Lubeckers.

21 Nov 1535. 861. The merchandize of the men of Dantzic is still sequestrated here. Some of the owners tell me they don't care to solicit its release, feeling assured they will find means enough to repay themselves double both principal and interest. London, 21 Nov.

French, from a modern copy, pp. 3.

21 Nov 1535 Vienna Archives. 862. Chapuys to [Granvelle].1

Received four days ago his letters of 26 Sept. Thanks him for certain hints about his personal enemies.

The King will become worse and worse till he is utterly ruined, from which the provision of harquebuses which he is making will not save him. Thinks he will get them from somewhere else than Flanders. His desire to procure them shows that he means to take some new step, wishing, on the one hand, to put his people in fear, and, on the other, to defend himself from invasion.

In answer to the question of M. Anthoine, the secretary, Cromwell is the son of a poor farrier, who lived in a little village a league and a half from here, and is buried in the parish graveyard. His uncle, father of the cousin whom he has already made rich, was cook (cousinier) of the late archbishop of Canterbury. Cromwell was illbehaved when young, and after an imprisonment was forced to leave the country. He went to Flanders, Rome, and elsewhere in Italy. When he returned he married the daughter of a shearman, and served in his house; he then became a solicitor. The cardinal of York, seeing his vigilance and diligence, his ability and promptitude, both in evil and good, took him into his service, and employed him principally in demolishing five or six good monasteries. At the Cardinal's fall no one behaved better to him than Cromwell. After the Cardinal's death Wallop attacked him with insults and threats, and for protection he procured an audience of the King, and promised to make him the richest king that ever was in England. The King immediately retained him on his Council but told no one for four months. Now he stands above every one but the Lady, and every one considers he has more credit with his master than Wolsey had— in whose time there were others who shared his credit, as Maistre Conton (Compton), the duke of Suffolk, and others, but now there is no one else who does anything. The Chancellor is only his minister. Cromwell would not accept the office hitherto, but it is thought that soon he will allow himself to be persuaded to take it. He speaks well in his own language, and tolerably in Latin, French, and Italian; is hospitable, liberal both with his property and with gracious words, magnificent in his household and in building.

Is surprised that Mons. de Praet has no acquaintance with him, for they were near neighbours in London.

Tuke (Brianturcq) lives 20 miles off in the country, and does not come to court. He is still treasurer, a servant acting for him. Understands that he would gladly be "hors berghe saulves."

Refers to his letter to the Emperor. London, xxxi. (sic.) Nov. 1535.

The person (age 32) before mentioned has sent to say that, four or five days ago, the King, talking about the Princess, said that he should provide that soon she would not want any company, and that she would be an example to show that no one ought to disobey the laws, and he meant to fulfil what had been foretold of him,—that is, that at the beginning of his reign he would be gentle as a lamb, and at the end worse than a lion. He said also that he would despatch those at the Tower and some who were not there. Chapuys' informant begged him not to dissemble any longer with the ladies, but to inform them, so that they might take counsel, and send some one to the Emperor.

Thanks him for his attention to his interest, of which he has heard from the secretary Perrenot.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 4.

Note 1. Extracts from this letter are printed in translation by Froude in "the Pilgrim," p. 106, from a copy in the Brussels Archives.

22 Nov 1535. Add. MS. 28,588, f. 47. B. M. 873. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.

Wrote on Sept. 1 and 8 and Oct. 24. The Ambassador in England wrote on the 14th Oct. that the Queen and Princess were well, and sent a servant of his here, who left on the 5th to go to the Emperor. He brought letters from the Queen, which she said she sent as her last testament, because, considering her present state and the orders made in the Parliament of this November, it appears likely that she and the Princess (age 19) will be sentenced to martyrdom, which she was ready to receive in testimony of the Holy Faith, as the cardinal of Rochester and other holy martyrs had done. She only grieves that her life has not been as holy as theirs, and she is in great sorrow for the multitude of souls who are daily condemned.

The Princess with only three women is in the same house as the daughter of the Wench (age 34) ("la Manceba"), under the charge of the Wench's aunt (age 60). Formerly the Ambassador was allowed to send to her two days a week, but now this leave has been taken away. When she asked to be allowed to live with her mother she was refused, because it would make her more obstinate in disobeying the statutes, which was not safe in consequence of the penalty imposed by them. The King told his mistress that while he lived (viniere, error for viviere?) the Princess should not marry. She has told the King several times that it is the Princess who causes war, and that it will be necessary to treat her as the cardinal of Rochester has been treated. She has often said of the Princess "She is my death and I am hers; so I will take care that she shall not laugh at me after my death." When the Ambassador asked for certain money due to the Queen from the time she held the lands "de sus arras," it was refused, and he was told that he should see if the Queen would consent to live at less expense, and that the King bore her expenses.

22 Nov 1535. 873. After the Earl of Kildare (age 22) had been hunting for a fortnight with the King, he was put into the Tower, where his father died, and whence no one comes out except to execution.

The French king has sent to England, in addition to the Ambassador now there, a relative of the Grand Master, called the bailiff of Troyes. He visited Anne Boleyn's daughter as if she were princess, and told the French ambassador afterwards that he did it to comply with her mother's request. The king of England has sent the bishop of "Excestre" (fn. 4) to France. Formerly he was counted among the good, who disapproved of the King's deeds, but now he is one of the worst.

22 Nov 1535. 873. They have taken the able persons out of some monasteries, and left the infirm (inhabiles) with so little to maintain them that they are constrained to leave their religion. They have taken all the nuns under twenty-five years from the monastery. One of the commissaries spoke improperly to the nuns, who rebuked him, saying that their Apostolic privileges were broken. The commissary replied that he had more power on behalf of the King than the whole Apostolic See. When the nuns referred their complaint to Cromwell, the King's secretary, by whom these ill deeds are done, he replied that this was only the prologue (que esto no era el introito)1.

The sons of knights are made abbots, even though they are young, that they may collect the rents. The heads of the holy cardinal of Rochester, the holy Thomas More, and another holy Carthusian Martyr were set up at the gate of London. Rochester's head was always fresher, although the others were turning black. Seeing that the people noticed it, the heads have been thrown into the river.

The cardinals who are commissioned to attend to the English cause have published that they wish at once to declare the King deprived of his kingdom, and his subjects absolved from their oath of allegiance. However, the minute which they have drawn up is only monitory.

Asks the Empress to have continual prayer made for the Queen and Princess. Rome, 22 Nov. 1535.

Sp., pp. 7. Modern copy.

Note 1. No doubt there is an error in the copy. "Only the prologue" is evidently meant.

Nov 1535. R. O. 913. Richard Gylham to Mr. Porter.1

I have buried four persons of pestilence since Saturday, and I have one more to bury today. Yesterday I was in the house where the plague is very sore, and therefore dare not come to Mr. Auditor. I send a copy of my patent from the prior and convent of Moche Malverne for him to see. Whatever way he takes with the lease I will stand to it.

The charges which the prior and convent should pay out of the vicarage of Moche Malverne are as follows:—To the vicar of Malverne, all manner of charges discharged to the King and the ordinary, £8 To the archdeacon, for proxy at Easter, 9s. 5½d., and for synnage money, 12d. To the bishop of Worcester:—for the Communion at Easter, six gallons of wine 6s., bread 5d.; for the Communion through the whole year, 8s. 2d. These are all the charges which I as yet pay, except the archdeacon, for he is unpaid for five years.

Some years the vicarage is not worth £6 13s. 4d. The prior should pay me £8 yearly, and discharge me of 16s. to the King for my tenths. "I was not very well since I was in the house where the plague was." Moch Malverne, this present day of November.

The whole sum that goeth out with the vicar's wages is £9 14s. 6d. There is 16s. more which the King should pay for the prior to me.

Hol., pp. 2.

Note 1. There is no clear indication of the date of this document except that it was written in a plague year. From the reference to the bishop of Worcester, however, it was probably not during the time Ghinucci held that bishopric. Gylham was "curate" (i.e., vicar of Much Malvern,) in 1585. SeeValor Eccl. iii. 246.

Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535 December

13 Dec 1535. Vatican Archives. 970. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.

* * * Understands that they have not the last resolutions which they expected from England. Mons. Brien, who is still here, is about to depart. The old queen of England has been very near death, but now recovered. Understands from the English ambassador (age 45) here, who is a good man though he serves the King, hostile to all that pleases the new Queen, and a good servant of the old Queen (age 49), whose "creatura" his wife is, that she cannot live more than six months or a little longer, which he has heard from her physician, a Spaniard, who has told her in secret of it. Believes it to be true, because it grieves the ambassador to the heart. Conjectures, from what the French king and his lords have said, that her condition is known to them, and they hope that at her death the King will leave his present Queen, return to the obedience of the Church, and marry Francis' eldest daughter, whom they would not give to the Scotch king, nor any other, and that the Dauphin should have the King's legitimate daughter. These, however, are conjectures, and he may be mistaken. Sora, 13 Dec. 1535.

Ital., p. 1,from a modern copy.

There is another modern copy in M.S. Add. 8715, f. 161 b., B.M.

16 Dec 1535. Add. MS. 28,588, f. 87. B. M. 983. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.

Wrote last on Nov. 22. Is glad to hear the good news that the Turk has been defeated by the Sophi, with a loss of 40,000 horse (de acaballo) and 40 great pieces of artillery, his army having been 70,000.

In the cause of the Queen of England (age 50), the Consistory has ordered of itself a monitory to be issued, fixing a space of two months for the King to turn from his heresy and schism and public adultery, and then he will not be declared deprived of his kingdom.

The Imperial ambassador writes that he has not leave to visit or send any person to see the Queen and Princess. Those with the Queen are guards and spies, not servants, for they have sworn in favor of Anne (age 34), not to call her highness Queen, nor serve her with royal state. So, not to give them cause to sin, the Queen has not left her chamber for two years; and perhaps if she wished to, it would not be allowed, "y que no manda un ducado," nor has she any of her old servants except her confessor, physician, and apothecary. The King always asks those who wish to join him (se quisieren juntar con el) to renounce obedience to the Apostolic See, and he who formerly appealed to a Council now wishes it not to be held.

16 Dec 1535. 983. The dearth has increased twofold in England. The preachers publicly say that it is the fault of those who obey the Apostolic See. Rome, 16 Dec. 1535.

Sp., pp. 3, modern copy.

18 Dec 1535. R. O. 991. Thomas Broke to Lady Lisle (age 41).

I have delivered your token to Mrs. Margery Horsman, who says she knows not the man she sent to your Ladyship, but was desired by a near friend to write in his favor. She says also the Queen (age 34) sets much store by a pretty dog; "and her Grace delighted so much in little Purkoy, that after he was dead of a fall there durst nobody tell her Grace of it." But she values a dog more than a bitch. Mr. Smythe says it would have been no use speaking of £160 or £180, for they would not agree to more than £120, but preferred that it should go to law. Jas. Roberts is come to London this day, but I cannot meet with him. As soon as I receive the cap I will have it sent to the prioress of Winchester. My bedfellow has been three times at Mr. Judd's, but has failed to find him. London, 18 Dec.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: At Calais.

29 Dec 1535. Vienna Archives. 1035. Charles V. to [Chapuys].

Received, on the 24th inst., his letters of 21 Nov. The ill will of the king of England to the Queen and Princess (age 50) is cruel and horrible. It is impossible to believe that he would be so unnatural as to put them to death, considering his ties to them, their descent, their virtues and long sufferings. He probably intends by threats to make them swear to and approve his statutes. There are two reasons against their taking the oath:—One, that it would alienate and discourage the good people of England, and be a means for the King and his concubine gaining the good will of all. The other is, that the King would perhaps take it as a further reason for revenging himself on them for having so long refused, and would assume that their taking the oath was an acknowledgment of the fault of disobedience, and therefore deserving the same punishment. He would suppose that the oath was taken by the Emperor's advice. Chapuys must do what he can to avoid their taking the oath without letting them run an irremediable risk. Hopes to do something for them at the approaching interview with the Pope, from his Holiness's desire to chastise the King for his daily insults to him and the Holy See. Will wait also to see whether the enterprise for which his man was sent can be carried out. He must, however, advise them to take the oath rather than lose their lives, protesting that they do it from fear. It cannot then prejudice their rights. Protestation to this effect shall be made by their proctor at Rome. Chapuys must assure them that the Emperor will take care of their interests when at Rome. Naples, 29 Dec. 1535.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2.

30 Dec 1535. Vienna Archives. 1036. Chapuys to Charles V.

On Monday last, the third day of Christmas, the King sent to ask me to come and visit him some day during these holidays, except the first day of the year, and that I should do him great pleasure. And it being arranged between me and the gentleman who came to call me that this day would be the most convenient, the King on Tuesday following sent to ask me to put it off till Sunday next. Yesterday, Wednesday, I received letters from the Queen's physician, stating that she had relapsed, and was worse than she was a mouth before, and that for the Queen's satisfaction and all her company I must obtain leave to go and visit her. I sent immediately to Court to solicit the said leave, and Cromwell said there would be no difficulty about it, but it was necessary that the King should first speak with me on matters of great importance, and I must not fail to come to Greenwich at 1 p.m., whither the King would come from Heltam. Although Cromwell made this reply several times to my messenger, and begged him particularly to report it to me, yet he this morning sent me his secretary to know my determination about it, that he might give notice to the King to be at Greenwich; Cromwell thus declaring the great desire the King and he had that I should not fail to be there. At the hour appointed I found on the bridge at Greenwich the sieur de Chennay waiting for me, to conduct me to the lists, where the King was waiting for me. He received me most courteously, embraced me still more cordially by the neck, and detained me some time in conversation before all the company on matters which I cannot recount at present, except that, among other things, he said that, hearing from Cromwell how I wished to visit the patient, he had anticipated the day appointed to me, as the matter of which he wished to speak to me was of such importance. It was that, trusting in the cordial expressions Likkerke and I had so long used to his ministers, he had always refused to let them listen to the French, who continually importuned him with great offers; but seeing no great hope for his own part, as your Majesty appeared to be dissembling matters for the time, "et apres donner la figue a tout le monde," and, on the other hand, as the French had redoubled their intrigues since the death of the duke of Milan, and made him such wonderful offers, he should be compelled to listen to them if he had not speedy and assured answer from your Majesty. Yet he doubted, considering the urgency of their suit, whether he could await the answer; nor was he so foolish as not to be on his guard against dissimulations which might be to his great disadvantage, shutting him out from the friendship both of your Majesty and France; but now was the season for him to see to his own interests (quil feit ses affaires), the French being enemies to your Majesty, who were only awaiting an opportunity of declaring themselves so, as the offers they made him were better assured than any made to him hitherto, for they promised him towns and territory; and as he was a plain-spoken prince and man of honor he wished to communicate them to me, both for his own honor and that I might provide a remedy by informing you with all diligence, telling me there could be no doubt of what he had informed me, and that he was not one of those who stirred up jealousies in order to make his own profit, stating one thing instead of another,—for he was an Englishman, and not a Frenchman or a Spaniard, to use such guile.

30 Dec 1535. 1036. On beginning to reply, saying that I hoped to satisfy him fully touching the delay of your Majesty's answer, he wished me to come up with him to his room, from which he shut out everybody, and there I said to him that if there were no other reason, the great business your Majesty had during your expedition to Barbary was sufficient excuse for not having been able to answer him; for neither in this matter nor in any other, however important, had you made answer during that time (which he would not admit, saying he knew the contrary), and further that your Majesty had more cause to complain of the delay and dissimulation he had used in this matter than he, and that it was for him to make answer on the overtures which had been made to him on your behalf, but till now I had not been able to get from him or Cromwell any explicit reply; for every time Cromwell and I had spoken of it, he had been unable to reply to my representations, and said he would take time to consider about them; and at last, after much importunity, when I gave him to understand that his communications with me seemed only intended to put off time and create jealousy in the French, he said he had written to Wallop to make the said reply to your Majesty's ambassador, and, notwithstanding that that looked very much like a subterfuge to create further delay, I had not ceased to speak to Cromwell about it from time to time, who confined himself to general terms; and that I did not believe, whatever he said, that the king of France and he, being such virtuous princes, would treat anything against your Majesty to the ruin of Christendom, especially he who had no cause for it whatever, your Majesty having always been his friend, as he would, besides greatly offending God by breaking his oaths and promises, do great injury to himself and his kingdom, making war upon your Majesty without hope of any advantage; for he knew well that those who promised him the territory of others would like it better for themselves, as well as Guienne and Normandy; moreover he knew well what Cromwell had often told me, that the a French to obtain Milan would renounce (remerceroit qu. renonceroit?) the friendship of all princes, even father and mother, and, as Cromwell said, even God himself. On this he suddenly said that he did not think your Majesty so ill advised as to grant Milan to the French, for it would be your complete destruction. I said that, even if the French conquered it, they would do all that your Majesty wished, and there would be no such danger of destruction, as had been seen previously, even when things were not so favorable everywhere for your Majesty as they are now, and when those of the French were much more prosperous. He answered that it would be a very different thing if they deceived themselves with the French (quil y auroit trop grosse difference sil se fallioit avec les François), and that the affairs of your Majesty were not so prosperous as it was pretended, for it was no great thing to have given chase to a pirate, especially with the aid of the Moorish king, who, with his men, had effected everything in the encounter with Barbarossa, as his ambassador had written to him. And on my remarking that it must be considered that Barbarossa was captain general of the most powerful prince in the world, and king of two kingdoms, and declaring further the little help the Moorish king got from his subjects, he was sorry for having begun upon the subject; and as to allying himself to the French, [I said], the nations were such as it was impossible to bring together, and in case of war it would be inestimable injury if his subjects could not trade in Flanders; in which case he said they would find means enough to export their goods.

30 Dec 1535. 1036. I asked the King, apropos of some other things, what occasion he had to treat of war against your Majesty. He said, to secure himself and not allow you to grow so powerful, and that the French reproached him, saying his dissimulation was the reason why the Emperor was so haughty; moreover, that you had shown him the greatest ingratitude, procuring so many things against him at the desire of a woman, which had involved him in many troubles; and that your Majesty had by threats and force obtained a sentence against him, as the Pope himself had confessed. I replied that your Majesty, as a set-off to much prosperity, had this misfortune (en recompence de pluseurs bonsheurs avoit cesluy mauvais), that he complained of your Majesty because you recommended the righteous cause of the Queen alike for his own honor and for that of the Queen herself. Whereupon he replied to me as he had done before, that your Majesty had not acted so for the queen of Denmark your sister. To which I made the same reply as formerly, showing him what your Majesty had done for her daughters your nieces. And to all the rest I replied very particularly and, I think, pertinently, taking particular care not to be contentious or irritate him, considering the French intrigues, which I believe are hot, although the King tells me "que les Francois ne monstrent estre trop effrayez;" and the King only makes me such great cheer before the world to arouse the jealousy of the French ambassador, who was in Court yesterday by his desire.

After much conversation I asked the King what he wished your Majesty to do. He said finally he wished you would not only cease to favor these good ladies, but also get the sentence given in the Queen's favor revoked. I said there was no good reason for this, and even if your Majesty would do so it was not in your power; and since I had no express commission to discuss such matters, I could only inform your Majesty, and assure you that you would do all you could according to honor and conscience. The King, in the course of conversation, admitted that he believed the Pope solicited you to do all you could against him, and also that it was a ridiculous story that your Majesty had offered the king of France to conquer this realm for him. At last he said that he believed the Queen, whom he only called Madame, would not live long (ne la feroit ycy longuement), and that if she died you would have no cause to trouble yourself about the affairs of this kingdom, and might refrain from stirring in this matter (et se pourra tenir par le bec des poursuites faictes en ce negoce). I said the death of the Queen could do no possible good, and that in any event the sentence was necessary.

30 Dec 1535. 1036. After I had taken leave of the King he recalled me by the Duke of Suffolk (age 51) to tell me news had just come that the Queen (age 50) was in extremis, and that I should hardly find her alive; moreover, that this would take away all the difficulties between your Majesty and him. I think the danger cannot be so great, because the physician did not represent the case to me as so urgent; nevertheless I took horse at once. I asked leave that the Princess (age 19) might see the Queen her mother,—which he at first refused, and on my making some remonstrance he said he would take advice on the subject.

The Princess had advised me to make this request. London, 30 Dec. 1535.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 6.

1535R. O. 1123. Henry Long to Cromwell.

One Hugh Holdecroft, late servant to John Newborow, my son-inlaw, dwelling in Barkeley, Some., has spoken against the Queen (age 34), and my lady her mother (age 55) my lady of Wiltshire; on hearing of which my son-in-law had him arrested, intending to send him unto your mastership. Since then he has found sureties, and has been let to bail, and cannot now be heard of. My son-in-law is grieved to be thus used, as he was his grandfather's and father's and his servant. The rector of Edington desired me to write to you to have liberty to walk with his brother up the hills by his house. Since the visit of your officer he cannot out of the precinct of his monastery, and none of his brethren. He desires also that one of his brethren, who must account for the collection of the last disme, [may have the same liberty to go abroad?]. I am steward of the house. Signed.

P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.

31 Dec 1535. R. O. St. P. i. 451. 1050. Sir Edmund Bedyngfeld to Cromwell.

Received his letters between 7 and 8 o'clock p.m., stating that the King hears from the Imperial ambassador that the Princess Dowager (age 50) is in great danger of life. Had written to Cromwell before receiving his letter. Trusts it is apparent in what great trust Master Chamberlain and he are, both with her and such as be about her, that the ambassador should have knowledge before them who daily continue in the house. Sent as soon as he was made privy to it. The doctor's report is "non multum pejus quam erat, neque longe melius1." She continues in pain in her stomach, and can take little rest. Considering her weakness, she cannot long continue, if the sickness remains. The doctor moved her to take other advice, but she answered that she would in no wise have any other physician, but only commit herself to the pleasure of God. Will send further news with all speed. Kymbaltun, 31 Dec. Signed.

P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.: Rec. 1 Jan.

Note 1. not much worse than it was, nor much better.