Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1537

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1537 is in Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII.

1537 Bigod's Rebellion

1537 Death of Jane Seymour

1537 Funeral of Jane Seymour

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1537 June

12 June [1537]. 78. Henry VIII. to Gardiner. Add. MS. 25,114, f. 267. B. M.

Has received his sundry letters, viz., those he wrote to the King on the departure of Sir Francis Brian, "with the French book, written in form of a tragedy, sent unto us by the same," and those sent by Layton, containing a conference between Gardiner and the Great Master. Wonders that on his first having knowledge of the said book and the malice of it, he did not apply to the French king to have it suppressed. As sundry copies and impressions of it have got abroad, Gardiner is to tell the French king and the Great Master how much Henry is grieved that it should have been written in the house of his ambassador in England, "and now there (in France?) imprinted." Is to urge that all copies may be taken in and suppressed, leaving the punishment of the, devisers to their discretion. Understands that the author was one Carle (age 29), attendant upon the French ambassador. Though Gardiner has already been informed by the lord Privy Seal of the King's intention to recall him, the King cannot change his ambassador in this troubled time. Peter Larke shall be reimbursed the money laid out by Gardiner for posts. Hampton Court, In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 3. Add.: The Bp. of Winchester, our ambassador in France. Endd.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1537 July

3 July.

203. Norfolk to Cromwell.

Calig. B. vii. 224. B. M.

Received yesternight his letter of the 28 June and a packet under the King's Seal. Has appointed all therein named of the West Marches to be with him at York, Friday se'nnight, when Aske (age 37) is to suffer. Before his execution an exhortation to be given. Will take care to satisfy the King.

Thinks the order for the West March better for that than for the other two; but must refer to the last article in Cromwell's letter concerning the earls of Westmoreland, Cumberland, and lord Darcy. The Border west of Carlisle is hard for the Scots to enter except by boats, and when the water is out there is such a wash as between Norfolk and Lincolnshire. The lord Dacre's barony of Burghe joins the Scots and the abbey of Holme to the West, and west of all are the King's lordships, formerly the Earl of Northumberland's. Five miles from Carlisle the Bishop has a strong little castle called the Rose, and there are other buildings of the late lord Dacre thereabouts. Four miles beyond Carlisle is a house built by the same called Rokcliffe where dwell the Grahams, where the Scots seldom come; then Esk, Levon, and Bowe Castle, so strait a country that unless they look through their fingers, no Scots can come there. Sir William Musgrave who as the rule lives at London; Jack of Musgrave a bastard is his deputy, "a tall, hardy man," but not meet to have the rule of so many ill men. Either Sir William Musgrave ought to reside or Sir Thomas Wharton to occupy the place. An honest man there would bridle Liddersdale and Tynedale. Lord Dacre of Gillesland has many tall men on his estates very lightly disposed, but he keeps them in awe. The Lord of Cumberland is a great lord in "Westmoreland, but not in Cumberland. Lord Dacre can help Sir Thomas ten times more than he. Proposes that he should call them together and knit them in amity.

Will take care that Sir Thomas Percy's children shall be out of all such danger as Cromwell mentions. Is desired by the King to make the heads of Tynedale and Riddisdale put in pledges. Finds the hurts done by them not so great as he had supposed. The main culprits are Liddersdale men, with the help of the murderers of Hodge of Fenwick, and Anthony Eryngton and John Heron of the Hawe Barnes. Ascertained the facts yesterday from Sir Cuthbert Ratcliff, Thomas father to Sir Reynold Carnaby and Cuthbert Shaftowe, who being sent for, came to him with George Heron, son and heir of John Heron, now in ward there. Lion Grey porter of Berwick, told him that Heron was implicated in the murder. Has written to him sharply, demanding the proof, which if he fails in he shall repent it, though Norfolk has trusted him most of all men next Robert Colingwood. Has commanded Sir John à Wetherington to take and keep certain thieves of Scotland. They are the men of whom the Scotch King spake unto Ralph Sadler, when he demanded deliverance of the prisoners in Norfolk's name. Hears of no great hurt done by Riddisdale; but during the rebellion many disorders were committed, and they are not able to make restitution. As to pledges, has already nine persons at Sheriff hutton till restitution be made.

Will see the King's letters sent to the gentlemen of Northumberland. As the King will soon withdraw him from this intolerable business, begs to be excused assembling the heads of the countries. As soon as he is at York will write to Newcastle. Will not forbear "for travel of the poor old body nor for the expense of the near bottomless purse, to sweep the house as clean as I may." Expects to have the king of Scots' answer to his demands for deliverance of the rebels. Sent to him for that purpose 12 days ago. "He doth keep so small an house that there is but only six messes of meat allowed in his house, and the Queen his wife not like to escape without death, and that not long unto, as I am informed by divers ways." Has so handled George Heron that he hopes he will take Heron of Hawebarnes. Is not sorry to hear of the taking of Mowttrell. Doesn't care how often they pluck each other's feathers. Leckenfield, 3 July.

P.S.-Hears from Sir William Knolles and George Madyson that the sickness is very bad at Hull. Will not tarry there longer than the time of execution. Signed.

Pp. 7. Addressed my lord Privy Seal. Endd.: "My Lord of Norfolk iiio July 1537."

03 Jul 1537. 204. [Norfolk to Cromwell.]

R.O.

"Also my lord I perceive by the schedule in the box" that you sent me a writ for the sheriffs of the city of York to see execution done. The writ was for Lincolnshire and not for Yorkshire, so I have returned it to my Lord of Suffolk who has the other. Please send me a new writ to the sheriff of Yorkshire, and not the sheriffs of the city of York; for execution shall be done on the height of the Castle dungeon where the sheriffs of the city have no authority. Let it be with me at York on Wednesday or Thursday week at furthest.

Also my lord, I marvel Sir Thomas Curven is "left out to have fees as other men have." He is more worthy of £20 than any of the others of £10, and is the most entire friend Sir Thomas Wharton has here.

In the hand of Norfolk's clerk, p. 1.

03 Jul 1537. 205. Robert Southwell to Cromwell.

R.O.

On his arrival at the late monastery of Furnes, 23 June, expected to find the monks ready to disperse on receiving their capacities and 20s. reward; as the Earl of Sussex at his last being there was thought to have concluded with them. Hoped then to have taken the survey and repaired to the survey of the late Earl of Northumberland's (deceased) lands, now the King's. But the monks all said with one voice they had agreed to no sum with the Earl of Sussex, but that the Earl promised to be a mean to the King to better their living, and so induced them to surrender. Thereof they put up a bill, signed, to Southwell and the commissioners, which he sends by bearer. The commissioners who were with the Earl confirmed it. As he heard the monks were murmuring that the gift of the monastery had been compulsory, he made the instrument in parchment sent by the bearer, and caused it to be read in the hall before 500 persons, and all, both monks and others, signed and sealed it. Had no other way to compass them but to deny them their capacities, alleging the King wished them sent to some religious houses unless they were unfit to persevere in religion. They were content to have infirmity to be their cause, but in no case would have it read in the hall before their neighbours. Wishes Cromwell had heard the whole process. "After I denied them their liberty and would assign them to religion I never heard written nor spoken of religion that was worst to be worse than they themselves were content to confess. I have not seen in my life such gentle companions; it were great pity if such goodly possessions should not be assigned out for the pasturing of such blessed carcases." They desired 20s. wages due at Midsummer last besides the reward; but Southwell gave each 40s. as the King's reward, which seemed the least he could give since the traitors of Whalley had no less. Their secular weed bought, without which he would not suffer them to pass out, little would remain. As there was a bill set upon Shappe door, a religious house 12 miles from Furness, that if the people would rise and come into Lancashire again they would find a captain with money ready to receive them, the commissioners used circumspection and wrote to the men of worship in the parts to which the monks went, to watch them. Where learning failed to admonish them, reminded them of "goodly experiments that hangeth on each side of York, some in rochetts, and some in cowls."

03 Jul 1537. Despatching the monks, their servants, and 12 poor men that bought their living of the house took much time. Have surveyed the demesnes by eye and measure, and not by credit, as the commissioners for the suppression did. The cattle are sold, as they could find no other means to rid their train, which was both chargeable and dangerous for stealing. People came from all parts of the South to buy cattle, but for the milch neat, in number six score, the inhabitants had the preference. The lead is all melted into sows: thanks Cromwell for teaching him how to melt the ashes. Wrote to Mr. Chancellor "to make his like letters to the receivers of the suppression." All the lands of Furness in Lancashire are surveyed, except some in the mountains in High Furness, whither they intend, when the church and steeple are "clear dissolved," to repair; and so forth to Egremont Castle and Cokermouth. Intends in next letters to show the values, and how this isle is peopled with men fit to serve the King; but of the parsonages they intend to make no value till they have received one year's profits. Otherwise they would only guess, and it is thus that the King who grants and the farmer who receives are deceived. Desires that the commissioners may have the ordering of the demesnes till next Michaelmas, and meanwhile he will advise Cromwell for a farmer to dwell in the capital house. Has left edifices standing for such a person. Divers parcels of the demesne should be distributed to four or five poor men who were headmen, and had wages of the house, and are now destitute. Their only want is of another house to be suppressed and divided into farms among the poor. Beamonde grange, for which there are many suitors, is in occupation of 72 tall fellows. Begs that these may not be expelled for any gentleman's pleasure. Will at leisure advertise Cromwell of the "gressomez" of which he has heard much there and in Yorkshire. The Earl of Cumberland pretends to be King's farmer of the manor of Wynterborne, in Craven, Yorksh., worth £50 a year, whereas the Earl would have it for £32 Sends a testimonial, by bearer, of the monks, concerning the Earl's pretended interest therein. Begs Cromwell will get the King to stay any grant there till he and the auditor have perused the lands there. The King commanded him to survey Salley, which Sir Arthur Darcy has. Spoke with Sir Arthur, who said it was worth 700 mks. whereas it was informed the King to be over 900 mks. Thinks Sir Arthur credible enough. If they peruse all the Earl of Northumberland's lands they must into Tynesdale and Rydisdale where, if not better accompanied, they "may happe to survey a pair of stocks in Scotland as did Sir Harry Wyatt; whereof I would be right loth, since in the auditor there resteth so little good fellowship as I fear we should not be merry. The Abbot of Westminster was so nice to let Copere come forth that I left, him behind me." The King shall have here the seniory of Furnes, the barony of Kendal, and the honour of Cokermouth, besides lands in Lancashire by the Duke of Richmond. The people are loyal. There is a haven and a "pyle" standing thereby very necessary for its defence. Refers it to Mr. Holcroft, who is expert in such things, to describe at his next repair to the Court. If there is a good fee annexed thereto, Holcroft will take it; he has been diligent, though only put in trust to pluck down the church. Sir James Laburne and Sir John Lampley, the one as commissioner, the other as assistant, by my lord Lieutenant's command, have done good service. Begs that letters may be sent to thank them, and ask their assistance of Sowthwell in Cumberland and Northumberland. Sir John a Lampley was a head officer to the old earl. Furneys, 3 July. Signed.

Pp. 11. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.

03 Jul 1537. 206. Robert Southwell to Cromwell.

On his way towards Furness, found the Duke of Norfolk (age 64) at Sheriff Hutton in Yorkshire, and delivered Cromwell's letter, on reading which the Duke seemed glad of Southwell's coming. The Duke walked into the park with him to confer of divers matters, as of Gostwyk's, Pope's, and Freman's, whereof at his departure Cromwell commissioned him; and he, being desirous of amity between the Duke and Cromwell, took the occasion to recite many arguments he had perceived both before and since the Duke's going Northward of Cromwell's friendship to the same. The Duke answered, "Sowthwell," quoth he, "I confess all to be true that you have spoken and myself to be knowing of no less than you have said, for having the experiments that I have of his friendship towards me and mine for my sake, if I should have diffidence in him I were not worthy to be taken ay an honest man, and if there were any spark of mistrust in me toward him I would not disguise it to you, whom I take both to be my friend and an honest man." Assures Cromwell that wherever the Duke went, after reproving the people for their untruth to the King, he blamed most their inhumanity towards Cromwell. Heard this of the people themselves, who are very penitent, though the original default was not in them. Has heard many complaints as he passed through; if it is as they say, they are not well treated. The tenants of Wynterberne complain of my Lord of Cumberland: wherewith he would not meddle other than for the "vndevalue" (undervalue?) of the manor, which touches his office; for he has learnt, in the short while he has served the King, that it is best to be silent. Begs favour. Assures Cromwell the King's fee and all he has beside is not us much as the office in London he gave up on entering the King's service. Can get nothing more than his fee of £20 Truly, if he had sold the cattle, &c. there to the rich, leaving the poor unserved, he might have benefited himself more. Begs remembrance of the Bishop of St. Assez suit and his touching the priory of Rochester. Furneys, 3 July.

Hol., pp. 4 Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.

03 Jul 1537. 207. Spanish News.

Add. MS. 28,589, f. 341. B. M.

Alençon, 1537, 3 July:-News from France and movements of the French armies. Here it is believed that the English have agreed with the Emperor, who it is feared will, in concert with them, invade Vayona (Bayonne.)

Spanish, pp. 2. Modern copy from the archives at Simancas.

04 Jul 1537. 208. Cromwell to the Lord Admiral.

R.O.

Has to-day received letters from John Wynter of Bristowe, stating that about St. Peter's Day tidings came of two Bretons lying on the Welsh coast, who entered a ship of Bristowe freighted for Biscay, and either took the ship or spoiled it. They have also robbed boats coming to St. James' fair at Bristowe, and probably intend to wait for ships and boats coming to and fro the fair. Meanwhile one Bowen of Bristowe has taken 14 or 15 of the Bretons who landed for victual near Tynby, and has put them in prison. Wynter has manned a ship for Rochelle with 50 soldiers besides mariners, and will board them if they come in his way. Requests the lord Admiral to advertise the King and find out his pleasure about the prisoners, and whether anything else shall be done in those parts. The Rolls, 4 July. Signed.

P. 1. Endd.: A letter to my lord Admiral. Particular letters.

04 Jul 1537. 209. G. Earl of Shrewsbury, to Cromwell.

R. O.

Sir Henry Sacheverell, who did very good service with the Earl at the last insurrections, is now going up to the King, requests Cromwell to get him access to the King's presence and to instruct his Highness of his services. Wynfeld, 4 July. Signed.

Pp. 2. Add.: Lord Privy Seal.

04 Jul 1537. 210. Francis Hall to Lord Lisle (age 73).

R. O.

This morning Mons. de Mollenbais desired me to write to you that as there is here strange speaking both of the French king and the Frenchmen,-i.e., that the French king is extremely sick, or out of his mind, or dead (for the trumpets that have been here all say the Dauphin and the Great Master were at Amyas, and the King about Paris or Fontainebleau)-you would certify him of the truth. According to yours and Mr. Porter's letters I sent you "a safeguard for fyns." I am sure my uncle will let you know all his news. From beside Turwaune, Wednesday, 4 July 1537.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: My lord Deputy.

ii. Memoranda on the back. "To speak to Mons. de Bies, to write to the baily of Braynerd (?) and Robert le Standard (?), Mons de Curlew (?).

04 Jul 1537. 211. Jehan Ango to Lord Lisle (age 73).

R. O.

I have received your letter by the bearer, and in his presence have spoken to the man who took the hoy (le heux) and the Flemings. He maintains they are lawful prize. If, therefore, anyone demands it, let him come here, and justice shall be done. Dieppe, 4 July 1537. Signed.Fr., p. 1. Add.

04 Jul 1537. 212. Castelnau, Bishop of Tarbes, to Francis I.

Ribier i. 35.

After receiving your two letters from Fontainebleau, 13th and 14th ult., I went to the King, your good brother, to communicate the decipher of the letters of the count of Cifuentes and marquis of Aguilar, and that which has been translated from Portuguese into Italian. Though he found them very bad, as his countenance witnessed, when I was reading the articles mentioning him and the marriage of Madame Marie, his daughter, still, in the end he reassured himself and wished to excuse the Emperor; saying that the writers were far enough away from him to be ignorant of his will. I replied that the said count and marquis were personages of sufficient credit with their master to know his intention, and that, by their daily practises with the Pope, they can better judge the Emperor's estimate of the said marriage than many others who are nearer the Emperor's person. I added that if he considers what terms the Emperor, being at peace with you, formerly used to him, he will find that present extremity has brought him to seek this marriage as a means of getting money from him and the king of Portugal; but he is too wise and wary a prince to let himself be abused by practises for the sole profit of the Emperor.

He then prayed me to leave him the said intercepted letters with the decipher in order that he might get the Emperor's ambassador to recognise the signature. This I did, as advised by the Grand Master. The King, after speaking of the taking of St. Pol, and magnifying the order which the Flemings keep in their camp, returned to the marriage of his daughter, saying she had been offered to you for M. d'Orleans, and since you have refused her, and the brother of the king of Portugal is willing to take her upon any conditions, you could not complain that he had not done his duty to you. Still, the said marriage is not yet quite concluded, and although they seek it diligently and make great offers, such as to give Milan to the Infant of Portugal upon this marriage, he is determined to conclude nothing until the Emperor and king of Portugal leave all other amities which are to him suspect, and join his party; which he has good hope they will do, and already the Spaniards (as he is well informed) are ready to leave the obedience of the Pope and approve the books made here against the marriage of Madame Catherine and against the Pope's authority, insomuch that several "gens de scavoir" have asked subjects of his to bring them many of the said books.

I answered that many people would oppose the possession of Milan by the brother of the king of Portugal, and that he knew whom it most touched, and I could only say that the Emperor wished the marriage of his daughter to cost him dear, putting upon him a burden which he cannot bear, and if he found the cost of Milan was not greater than its revenue he would not be so liberal in offering it. Now if he does not look to himself, they will put him in a labyrinth from which he will hardly escape; for their persuading him that the Spaniards approve what is done here is only to deceive him more easily and get him to contribute in favour of the said marriage; and so separate him from you, in order afterwards to dispose of him at their will when they find him alone and badly allied. He answered that whatever came of this marriage he would always remain your best brother and friend; adding that he knew the gentlemen of your council and of his had no great goodwill to the friendship between you, which would not last long if the mutual goodwill of you two were not greater than that of your privy councils.

I wrote last that the marriage they were treating here was so far arranged by the Chancellor and Cromwell with the Imperial ambassadors, that both sides thought it concluded, and so the ambassadors informed Madame Marie, and one of Cromwell's most confidential servants told a friend he had heard his master say so. I have since investigated this affair and found that the Emperor and king of Portugal, from whom Don Diego de Mendoça has powers, have prayed the King, upon the said marriage, to give Madame Marie the dot of her late mother, 300,000 ducats, and let the Emperor take the said sum upon delivering the duchy of Milan or of Florence to the Infant, at the king of England's choice, as the assignation of the said sum and of the lady's douaire; offering then to take the lady in any quality he likes and not to pretend any right to the succession of England; praying further that after the marriage the Infant may take the lady to Spain or elsewhere, as shall be necessary for the preservation of the estate the Emperor shall give him. These conditions the Chancellor and Cromwell hoped to get ratified, but their master would not consent to his daughter's leaving this country until he had other issue, and also to the assignation of the dot and douaire upon lands not in Flanders or elsewhere near England. Which two articles, although the ambassadors have no power at present to allow them, it is thought the Emperor will readily consent to: but, when they hoped the marriage was in a fair way to be soon concluded, the King has proposed that it is necessary for the Emperor and king of Portugal to declare, and to bind the estates or their realms to maintain, that the marriage of the late Queen Catharine was null and against the divine law and therefore that the Lady Mary is illegitimate, and that the judgments at Rome contrary to the Acts of this country are null and "abusif," the Pope having no jurisdiction in the matter. Thus the King, who does not see how directly to induce the Emperor and king of Portugal to make themselves heads of the churches in their realms, would tacitly lead them to do something against the Pope, in order that their total destruction and separation from the Church of Rome may follow.

M. de Limoges could advertise you amply of the communication we had with the King; and as the King and his Council complain of innumerable wrongs done to Englishmen on the sea, I have explained in detail to M. d'Allas, the bearer, all their grievances and the answer M. de Limoges and I made. Please give him credence in these and all other affairs of which, the Grand Master wrote to me, he had charge to inform himself on his return from Scotland. London, 4 July 1537.Fr.

Bibl. Nat. Paris, Fonds Moreau, No. 737, p. 94.

2. An abstract of the news contained in the fourth paragraph of the above as far as the words about the judgment at Rome being null and "abusif." Headed and subscribed as written at London, 5 (sic) July.Fr., pp. 2. From a modern transcript.

04 Jul 1537. 213. Francis I. to Tarbes.

Ribier, i. 38.

Has received by the sieur d'Allas his letter of the 4th, and thinks his reply touching the count of Fuentes (Cifuentes) and the Marquis d'Aguillare as good as possible. As to the King's daughter having been offered for M. de Orleans, &c, the difficulty arose because she was not to be delivered as legitimate. If the king of Portugal's brother will take her upon any conditions Francis much approves the match; for he takes the king of Portugal for his good brother, and is confident that the king of England will not conclude anything at the Emperor's suggestion, prejudicial to Francis or his children. Thinks, from what Tarbes writes, that the thing is not yet concluded.

As to affairs in Picardy, the enemy are still about Therouenne, and have battered it for some days; but those within scarcely fear them, and are determined to defend themselves. The French army is near Hesdin, in a place suitable for harassing the enemy.French.

04 Jul 1537. 214. Sadolet to Pole.

Sadoleti Epp. Fam. Ep. 289. Poli Epp. ii. 72.

Has not written to him since he left, as Pole has not asked him to do anything on his account. We are here in great fear of the Turk, against whom we have no garrisons laid, and our only trust is our prince's wisdom. Experienced men say no hostile fleet can have access to us before the end of August. Regrets that Pole has not been successful in his efforts. Wishes for his return, as things cannot remain long in their present disturbed condition. Desires him to salute the Bishop of Verona. Rome, iv. Non. Julii, 1537. Latin.

08 Jul 1537. 228. Cromwell (age 52) to Sir Thomas Wyat (age 34).

Harl. MS. 282, f. 205. B. M. Nott's Wyatt, 316.

Writes this by George Pery, a gentleman of M. Chappuys, the Emperor's ambassador. Here at Stepney this morning arrived Rougecroix the herald with Wyat's letters dated 24 June. Forwarded them straightway to the King at Oking. Thanks him for his letters written at his first arrival before he had audience and for those now received. Touching communications with the Emperor's ambassadors, of which Cromwell wrote by M. de Vauldray, hopes for a good result. No news since last writing. The traitors have been executed, lord Darcy (deceased) at Tower Hill and lord Hussey (deceased) at Lincoln, Aske (age 37) hanged upon the dungeon of York Castle, Sir Robt. Constable (deceased) hanged at Hull, and the rest at Thyfbourne; so that all the cankered hearts are weeded away.

08 Jul 1537. The Burgundians have a jolly army of hardy men which took St. Pol by assault, killing 800 Frenchmen in the assault and 1,500 more on first entering the town. From thence they went to Montereul, which in two days surrendered upon terms, M. de Canaples, the captain, going out with bag and baggage. The town was then spoiled, brent, and rased. Thence they have gone to besiege Therouenne, which they hope to take. They have as yet had never a skirmish with the Frenchmen; albeit the Dolphyn and Great Master are at Abbeville assembling their army to rescue that town, and the French king is at Fontainebleau, and they (the French) crack that they will give them battle. Writes in haste, but must not omit to say that some of Wyat's servants are called common stealers of the King's hawks. Wyat must write to them to leave such pranks. It is needless to write of the "prosperous disposition" of the King and Queen, which God continue. Stepeney, 8 July 1537. Signed.

08 Jul 1537. Pp. 2. Add.: Ambassador resident with the Emperor. Endd.: "ij. From my lord Privy Seal by George Pery at Saragosse, rec. the ijd of August."

20 Jul 1537. 292. Richard Coren to Cromwell.

R. O. St. P. i. 557.

Excuses his slack letters by his absence from my Lord of Norfolk at the expedition of the last post. Was present at Aske's (deceased) execution, as well as at that of Sir Robert Constable (deceased), which no doubt Thomas Hossy has described. Noted in both men "that they thought a religion to keep secret between God and them certain things rather than open their whole stomach; from the which opinion I could not abduce them." For Robert Aske's demeanour, refers to the schedule enclosed. Sherifhoton, 20 July.

ii. Goods which Robert Aske had during the commotion, whereof no satisfaction is made, to his remembrance.

First, Mr. Lacy sent to him to Hull £10 of Dr. Halsworth's goods, and an obligation of the Abbot of Kirkstead, Linc, which the subprior of Watton had. 2. The vicar of Braton sent him 10 sheep and 30s., but of whose goods he knows not. 3. Had sent from Drake Abbey to Wresill 10 or 12 qrs. of oats and 3 qrs. of wheat. 4. From Wato[n], 40 sheep. 5. Had of Mr. Krake's goods, sheep to the value of £4 10s. Thinks that is all he had, "not given and not restored," and begs the King to pay them out of his goods for the discharge of his conscience.

In Aske's hand and subscribed: "This is Ask's own hand delivered unto me, Richard Coren."

St. P. i. 558.

iii. "The saying of Robert Aske to me, Richard Coren, out of confession to-for his death.

"First, he said that my lord Darcy (deceased) did tell him that he had spoken with the emperor's ambassador concerning his purpose in this late rebellion, for the causes of the Church, as he said, and that the said ambassador should encourage him unto the same, saying that he should lack none help."

2. Lord Darcy (deceased), Sir Robt. Constable (deceased), and he were about to send Doctor Marmaduke to the Council in Flanders for aid and ordnance.

3. That my lord Privy Seal "did not bear so great favour to my Lord of Norfolk as he thought he did; which thing I have kept secret from my said Lord of Norfolk."

4. When he "should be" laid on the hurdle to be drawn he openly confessed he had offended God, the King, and the world. After this he declared that the King was so gracious that none should be troubled for offences comprised in the pardon. He was then laid on the hurdle and drawn through the notable places of the city "desiring the people ever as he passed by to pray for him."

5. At the place of execution he was taken off the hurdle, repeated like confession, and ascended up into the dungeon to wait the coming of my Lord of Norfolk.

6. "Item, there were two things, wherewithal he was aggrieved. The one was, that he said my lord Privy Seal spake a sore word and affirmed it with a stomach, swearing that all the Northern men were but traitors: where-withal he was somewhat offended. The second was that my lord Privy Seal sundry times promised him a pardon of his life, and at one time he had a token from the King's Majesty of pardon for confessing the truth. These two things he showed to no man in these North parts, as he said, but to me only; which I have and will ever keep secret."

7. At Norfolk's arrival Aske ascended the tower to the gallows, repeated his former confession and asked forgiveness of the King, my lord Chancellor, my Lord of Norfolk, my lord Privy Seal, my Lord of Sussex, and all the world; and after orisons made on the ladder, commended his soul to God.

Pp. 5. All in Coren's hand, except § ii. Add.: Privy Seal. Sealed and endd.

13 Nov 1537. 1079. Queen Margaret (age 47) to Henry VIII (age 46).

Rejoices that he has a prince. Hopes he is informed both by her own writings sent with the herald Master Svallo and the information sent to Sir Tomas Qwarton, how she is treated. Trusts Henry will not let her be wronged daily. Would sooner be dead than remain in such trouble as she has been in since Master Sadler's departure. Desires only to "brwk" her lands given her by the King her father and confirmed by the three estates of this realm; of which she is only debarred by lord Meffen (age 42). Has her sentence of divorce ready to be pronounced written and concluded with forty "famos prewes" (proofs), but the King her son (age 25) supports Meffen (age 42), as her husband, in possession of her lands. When she passed to her land the forest of Ettrick the King her son accused her of intending to marry "him that was Earl of Angus," which Henry knows she had never a mind to do. Her son will only let her "depart bed and bwred," which is unjust, and fears she will pass into England. Trusts Henry will for his own honor refuse redress on the Borders till she has her due. Is now 49 years old and should not travel like a poor gentlewoman, following her son from place to place as she has done for 20 weeks past. 13 Oct.

14 Nov 1537. 1084. Honor Lady (age 43) to the Countess of Sussex.

Commendations to my lord (age 54) and you. I have received your letter and perceive your sorrow for the death of the Queen (deceased), yet her Grace was fortunate to live the day to bring forth such a prince. I perceive my lord and you have taken my daughter Anne (age 17) until, by your good suit, she may obtain place again. If she cannot I will send for her and recompense your charges. I did not send them to put you or any of my kin to charge, but to have them with the Queen. Where you write that but for your great charge of kin and other gentlewomen you would have taken Kateryn (age 15) too; it was never my mind to put you to any charge, yet if I were in England and you sent me even three or four I would accept them. I pray you prefer Anne (age 17) because she was sworn to the late Queen (deceased). Where it has pleased my Lord of Rutland (age 45) and my lady at your suit to take Kateryn (age 15) for the time, I trust they shall be no losers. "Very glad to hear of your great belly, beseeching God to make you a joyous mother." As shortly as I can I will send you your own, with some good wine which I trust ye shall have three weeks before Christmas. Calais [Map], 14 Nov.

14 Nov 1537. 1086. Queen Margaret of Scotland (age 47) to Cromwell (age 52).

I thank you for your writing by the King my brother's servant and for the joyful tidings that God has sent him a prince. Complains of her ill treatment and begs Cromwell's help. Desires her letters to the King and him to be kept secret. 14 October (sic). Signature cut off.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1537 October

20 Oct 1537. Sir George Throkmorton (age 42) to [Henry VIII.].

About six or seven years ago conversed with Sir Thos. Dyngley in the garden at St. John's about the Parliament matters. Dyngley wondered that the Act of Appeals should pass so lightly, and Throgmorton said it was no wonder as few would displease my lord Privy Seal. Told Sir Thomas he had been sent for by the King after speaking about that Act, and that he saw his Grace's conscience was troubled about having married his brother's wife. "And I said to him that I told your Grace I feared if ye did marry Queen Anne (age 30) your conscience would be more troubled at length, for it is thought ye have meddled both with the mother [Elizabeth Howard Countess of Wiltshire and Ormonde (age 51)] and the sister [Mary Boleyn (age 32)]. And his Grace said 'Never with the mother (age 51).' And my lord Privy Seal standing by said 'Nor never with the sister (age 32) either, and therefore put that out of your mind.'" This was in substance all their communication. Intended no harm to the King, but only out of vainglory to show he was one that durst speak for the common wealth; otherwise he refuses the King's pardon and will abide the most shameful death.

Was asked by my lord Privy Seal to write what other communication he may have had about the King at the Queen's Head or elsewhere; which is very hard for him to do. Reported the same conversation to Sir Thos. Englefelde at Serjeants Inn, and, he believes, to Sir William Essex; also, he rather thinks, to Sir Will. Barentyne. Essex, Barentyne, Sir John Gyfforde, Sir Marmaduke Constable and others did much use the Queen's Head at dinner and supper. Caused all servants to withdraw when they conversed of Parliament matters, but made no appointments to meet. Begs the King to have pity on his wife and children, for the service that he and his blood have done to the King's ancestors, considering how at Grafton he pardoned the writer all things concerning the Parliament, &c.

As to his unthrifty and unnatural brother, the writer met at dinner, at St. John's last Midsummer, Sir Thos. Dyngley and a young man whom he believed to dwell with Ric. Fermour. The one (he thinks the latter) told him "Your brother Michael is in good health, for I saw him of late in Antwerp in a chapel at mass." Replied that he would he had never been born. Has heard that he wrote a letter to Dr. Wotton since his departure. Has written to him since by my lord Privy Seal's mind, "which I will surely follow, both upon him and his master [Cardinal Reginald Pole (age 30)], and if it be to Rome yates, to die, upon them both in that quarrel, if your Grace's pleasure be I shall so do." Regrets having shown these matters to any man, but would rather be imprisoned for life than live at large in the King's indignation.

Explains his conduct since the beginning of the Parliament of 21 Hen. VIII. Just before that Parliament friar Peto, who was in a tower in Lambeth over the gate, sent for him and showed him two sermons that he and another friar had made before the King at Greenwich, and reported a long conversation he had had with the King in the garden after the sermon. He said he had told the King that he could have no other wife while the Princess Dowager lived unless he could prove carnal knowledge between prince Arthur and her; which he said was impossible, as she, who knew best, had received the Sacrament to the contrary, and she was so virtuous that her word deserved more credit than all the other proofs; that prince Arthur's saying that he had been in the midst of Spain was probably but a light word; and that the King could never marry Queen Anne as it was said he had meddled with the mother [Elizabeth Howard Countess of Wiltshire and Ormonde (age 51)] and the daughter [Mary Boleyn (age 32)]. He moreover advised Throgmorton if he were in the Parliament house to stick to that matter, as he would save his soul. Shortly after the beginning of the Parliament, when he had "reasoned" to the Bill of Appeals, Sir Thos. More, then Chancellor, sent Saye for him to come and speak with him in the Parliament chamber, "where, as I do remember me, stood an altar, or a thing like unto an altar, whereupon he did lean; and, as I do think, the same time the bishop of Bath was talking with him." Sir Thomas said he was glad to hear that he was so good a Catholic and that, if he continued, he would deserve great reward of God and thanks at length of the King. Took so much pride of this that he went shortly after to the bp. of Rochester with whom he had much conversation about the Acts of Appeals, Annates and Supremacy, and the authority given by our Lord to Peter. The last time he was with him the bp. gave him a book of his own device on the subject; which book he delivered to my lord Privy Seal at his house at Austin Friars. The bp. also advised him to speak with Mr. Wilson, which he did at St. Thomas the Apostle's, who also showed him divers bocks noted with his own hand, to confirm the same opinion. Went afterwards to Syon to one Reynolds, of whom he was confessed, and showed him his conscience in all these causes; who advised him to stick to his opinion to the death, else he would surely be damned, and also not to hold his peace in Parliament even if he thought his speaking could not prevail. This was against the opinion of the bp. of Rochester and Mr. Wylson, but Reynolds said he did not know how he might encourage others in the house to do the same. It was these counsels that blinded him so long; but he now asks pardon, having perceived his error by reading the New Testament and The Institution of a Christian Man. Prays for the prosperous estate of the King and his little son prince Edward.

Hol., pp. 9. A blank leaf found apart, but apparently belonging to this document is docketed: Concerning Sir Thomas Dyngley.

24 Oct 1537. 970. Earl of Rutland, Bishop of Carlisle, and Others to [Cromwell]. Nero C. x. 2. B. M. St. P. i. 572. Hearne's1 Sylloge, 114.

Yesterday afternoon the Queen (age 28) had "an naturall laxe," by reason of which she seemed to amend till toward night. All night she has been very sick, and rather "appears" than amends. Her confessor has been with her this morning, and is now preparing to minister the Sacrament of Unction. Hampton Court, Wednesday, 8 a.m.

Signed: Thomas Rutland—Robert Karliolen.—Edward Bayntun—John Chamber, priest—William Butt—George Owen.

Note 1. Two of the signatures are quite mis-read by Hearne or the copy he followed.

24 Oct 1537. 971. Norfolk to Cromwell. R.O.

"My good lord, I pray you to be here tomorrow early to comfort our good master, for as for our mistress [Queen Jane Seymour (age 28)] there is no likelihood of her life, the more pity, and I fear she shall not be on lyve at the time ye shall read this. At viij at night, with the hand of [your] sorrowful friend, T. Norffolk."

Hol., mutilated.

24 Oct 1537. 977. Sir J. Russell to Cromwell. R. O. St. P. i. 573.

I have received your letter and shown it to the King, who caused Mr. Nevell to send for divers of the men, who shall be here to-morrow. Yesterday Mr. Treasurer and I examined one of Mr. Nevell's servants, who confessed to 20, not one of them in the bill the King had of you; so, by the time those you wrote of shall be taken, ye shall have a great number accused. Today the King intended to remove to Asher, and, because the Queen (age 28) was very sick this night and today, he tarried, but he will be there tomorrow. "If she amend he will go and if she amend not he told me this day he could not find in his heart to tarry." She was in great danger yesternight and to day but, if she sleep this night, the physicians hope that she is past danger. Hampton Court, xxiiiiith (sic) day of October. Signed.

Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.: 24 October.

26 Oct 1537. 988. Sir Thos. Palmer to Lord Lisle. R. O.

We have here heavy tidings. The bruit was that the Queen (deceased) died on Tuesday, but she was alive late on Wednesday night, "and if good prayers can save her, she is not like to die, for never lady was so much plained with every man, rich and poor." The King will be at York Place on Tuesday night. There is no time to sue, or the money would have been paid two days ago. I beg you to remember your promise for Thos. Appowell. I am sure you have a sufficient warrant both from the King and my lord Admiral, and also from my lord Privy Seal, by three of his letters. I trust Mr. Surveyor will not be against it so that he will have the next, for I spoke with him here in London. I will see you discharged when you admit him, or else count me the falsest man that ever was born. London, 26 Oct.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1537 November

12 Nov 1537. Heralds' College MS. I. 11,f. 37. 1060. Queen Jane Seymour. A remembrance of the interment of Queen Jane, mother of Edward VI., who died at Hampton Court, 24 Oct., on Wednesday about 12 p.m., in child-bed, 29 Henry VIII.

Immediately upon this heavy news the King ordained the Duke of Norfolk (age 64), High Marshal, and Sir William Pawlet, Treasurer of the Household, to see to her burial; and he himself retired to a solitary place to pass his sorrows. The aforesaid councillors then sent for Garter and other of the Office of Arms to show precedents. First the wax-chandler did his office, taking out the entrails "with searing, balming, spicing, and trammeling in cloth," then the plumber leaded, soldered, and chested; and her entrails were honourably interred in the chapel. Friday, 26 Oct., there was provided in the chamber of presence a hearse with 21 tapers about it, &c., and the corpse conveyed, in honourable wise, from the place where she died, and laid beneath the hearse. All the ladies and gentlewomen "put off their rich apparel, doing on their mourning habit and white kerchers hanging over their heads and shoulders," and there knelt about the hearse during mass afore noon and Dirige after; there was also a watch kept nightly until the last day of the month.

On Wednesday [01 Nov 1537], the vigil of All Saints, the great chamber and galleries leading to the chapel, and the chapel, were hung with black cloth and garnished with rich images. In the chapel was prepared a hearse, garnished with 8 banner-rolls of descents i.e. of the King, Queen, Prince, York, Normandy, Guienne, Ireland and Cornwall with "rachments and majestye." The same afternoon the corpse was conveyed to the chapel, the King's officers and servants standing in double rank from the chamber to the chapel with torches, not lighted, whilst the Bishop of Carlisle, her almoner, assisted by the Bishop of Chichester, dean of the Chapel and the subdean, entered the chamber and did the ceremonies, as sensing with holy water and De profundis. That done, torches were lighted and the procession formed; first the cross with priests, two and two, then gentlemen, esquires, pursuivants and heralds, then the noblemen, then Garter, then the Earl of Rutland (age 45), the Queen's chamberlain, and Duke of Norfolk (age 64), then the corpse, then the chief mourner, the lady Marquis of Exeter "in place of the Lady Mary as then accrased assisted by two noblemen as earls," then nine noble ladies, mourners. The corpse being received in the chapel by the prelates and placed under the hearse, Lancaster Herald said, with a loud voice, "Of your charity pray for the soul" &c. (words quoted). Then Dirige was sung and all departed to the Queen's chamber. Watch was kept every night in the chapel by priests, gentlemen-ushers and officers of arms who, in the morning, early, were relieved by ladies and went to breakfast, which was provided "as two chines of beef with bread ale and wine thereto sufficient." Then began Laudes; and at nine a.m. the Lady Mary (age 21), chief mourner, and the others proceeded to the chapel. Thursday, 1 Nov., was the offering mass (described) at which everyone offered a piece of gold. Then after dinner and consultation with the cofferer and other chief clerks of the Household about the provision to be made, Dirige was solemnly sung by the Bishop of Chichester. On Friday, 2 Nov., the Abbot of St. Albans said mass and conducted the service; Saturday, 3 Nov., the Abbot of Waltham did execute; Sunday, 4 Nov., the Abbot of Reading; Monday, 5 Nov., the Abbot of Stratford. On Tuesday, 6 Nov., were 3 solemn masses, (1) by the Abbot of Tower Hill at which were the chief mourner, the Countess of Rutland (age 42) and other ladies, nine in all, the train borne by Mrs. Bassett: (2) by the Abbot of Westminster (attended by the chief mourner, Countess of Oxford (age 19) and others): (3) by the Bishop of St. Tasse, Abbot of Bramsey (attended by the chief mourner, Lady Marquis of Exeter, Countess of Rutland (age 42) and Sussex and others; the train borne by lady Coffyn).

On the 7th Nov [1537] the Bishop of Rochester officiated, 8 Nov. the Bishop of Lincoln, 9 Nov. the Abbot of Tower Hill, 10 Nov. the Bishop of Carlisle. Sunday 11 Nov. were three solemn masses by the abbots of Stratford and Westminster and the Bishop of Chichester.

12 Nov 1537. Monday, 12 Nov [1537], the corpse was removed to a chair drawn by six chariot horses, and four banners were borne by four barons (not named). Banners (described) were also borne by Chester, Windsor, Richmond, and Lancaster heralds, by Sir Thomas Denys, Gregory Crumwell, Sir William Godolphyn, Sir John Sandes, Richard Crumwell and Richard Manners. Assistants about the corpse and chair:—Duke of Suffolk (age 53), Marquis Dorset, and earls of Surrey, Westmorland, Wiltshire and Sussex. To the chief mourner:—lords Montague and Clifford. Gentlemen-ushers:—Henry Webbe and Thomas Dauncy. Henchmen that sat upon the chariot horses:—Thomas Kempe, Robert Turwytt, Bennet Lee, and John Hastynges. Officers of arms in attendance:— Garter and Clarencieux, kings; York, Chester, Windsor, Richmond, Lancaster and Somerset, heralds; Portcullis, Bluemantle, Rougedragon, Guisnes, Hammes, Berwick and Blaunchlyon, pursuivants. Serjeants-at-arms:—William Rowte, John Gwillm, Walt. Chalcote, Thomas Dawtry, William Uxley, George Warrenne, Richard Raynshowe, William Clerke, John Stoner, Ralph Framyngham, John Greefelde, Ralph Saintjohn, John up Richards, Edward Slegge, Nicholas Jacsoune. Everything being in order the procession started, Gregory Lovell and Robert Hawkes leading the way, with black staves, followed by 200 poor men wearing the Queen's badges, who at Colbrooke, Exton (sic, Eton), and Windsor stood on each side of the street with their torches. Then came minstrels and trumpets, strangers and ambassadors' servants, the cross with priests, knights, chaplains, abbots, barons and bishops, councillors and head officers, Viscounts and earls. Lord Cromwell lord Privy Seal with the French ambassador Mons. de Schatelon. The lord Chancellor with the ambassador of the Emperor "last come." The cross of the archbishop of Canterbury borne before him by his chaplain; and he himself with the Emperor's ambassador "longest being here." Then Clarencieux and Garter, the Queen's almoner, the chamberlains to the King and Queen, the Earl of Oxford (age 66), High-Chamberlain, the Duke of Norfolk (age 64), High-Marshal. Then the corpse surrounded by banners borne by Sir William Muschame, lord Hungerford, lord Mordaunt, lord Bray and lord Mountjoy; assisted by the earls of Sussex and Westmorland, marquis Dorset, the earls of Wiltshire and Surrey and Duke of Suffolk (age 53). Then my Lady Mary, chief mourner, her horse trapped in black velvet and assisted by lords Clifford and Montague. Noble ladies following, in the first chair:—Lady Fraunces, the Countesses of Oxford (age 19), Rutland (age 42), Sussex, Bath, and Southampton, and lady Margaret Howard. In the 2nd (described) the Countess of Derby (age 52), widow, and ladies Margaret Gray, Rochford (age 32), and Carowe, followed by ladies Morley, Dawbeney, Dudley, Owtred, Browne, Pawlet, Russell, and Baynton. The 3rd chair containing ladies Cobham, Bray, Kingston (age 61), and Coffyn; followed by ladies Knevet, Wollope, Henage, and Lyster, Mrs. Smith, Mrs. Jernyngham, Mrs. Stoner, and Mrs. Francis Aylmer. The 4th chair containing Mrs. Souche, Mrs. Hollande, Mrs. Asheley, Mrs. Norres, and Mrs. Parre; and followed by Mrs. Darcy, Mrs. Pexsall, Mrs. Clarencieux, Mrs. Carowe, Mrs. Poyntes, Mrs. Cromwell, Mrs. Boynton, and Mrs. Tymeo. The 5th chair containing Mrs. Fitzherbart, Mrs. Bassett, Mrs. Rastall, Mrs. Uxbryge, and Mrs. Joscelyn. (All other gentlewomen rode on before to await the arrival at Windsor, and the start was to be made at 5 a.m.) After the 5th chariot came Sir William Kingston (age 61), the King's vice-chamberlain and captain of the Guard, followed by the Guard—three and three—and all other noblemen's servants. Two almoners were appointed to distribute alms by the way. At Colbroke the corpse was reverently received; and so forth at Eaton, where the Bishop of Lincoln, the Bishop of Carlisle "provost of the said college," and all the priests, clerks, and children received it with caps and tapers in their hands. At Windsor the mayor and brethren met it at the bridge-foot with lighted torches, and so passed to the College. Describes the hangings on the way from the bridge-foot to the west door and in the choir. The dean of Windsor and all the College met the corpse at the utter gate, and accompanied it to the west door, where the chair was taken out and borne by Sir Henry Savyll, Sir Marm. Constable, Sir Arthur Darcy, Sir John St. John, Sir Henry Parker, Sir Thomas Poyninges, and Sir Thomas Darcy, assisted by Sir Humph. Radclyff, Sir John Gage, Sir Richard Weston, and Sir Richard Sandys. A canopy (described) was borne over the corpse by Lord Hastyngs, son and heir to the Earl of Huntingdon, and lords Delaware, Morley, Dacres of the South, Cobham and Bray. In the choir was the archbishop of Canterbury, in pontificalibus, assisted by the bishops of London, Lincoln, Chichester, Worcester, Rochester, St. Taxe (St. Asaph), and Carlisle, and the abbots of Westminster, St. Albans, Reading, Waltham, Tower Hill, and Stratford. The chief mourner followed the corpse, having her train borne by the Viscountess Rochforde (age 32), and assisted by lady Fraunces, the Countesses of Oxford, Derby (age 52) (widow), Rutland (age 42), Bath, and Southampton, and lady Margaret Howard. The corpse being passed under the hearse, a Dirge began in which the lessons were read by the prelates in turn (named) and that finished, the nobility went to the Castle. Describes solemn watch that night and services next day, after which the "offering of the palles began" i.e., ladies Bray, Dawbeney, Morley and Cobham offered one each, ladies Margaret Howard, and Marg. Gray two each, the Countesses of Southampton, Bath, Sussex, Rutland (age 42), Oxford, and Derby (age 52) three each, lady Fraunces four, and the Lady Mary, who was lead between the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, seven. That done, the mourners went to the Castle where they were sumptuously provided for, and the corpse was solemnly buried and all finished by 12 o'clock that day.

ii. Liveries given to the officers of arms and payments for diets made to them by Mr. Gostwick.

Pp. 24 in an Elizabethan hand.