1465. The next day, early in the morning, the Count of Charolois called a great and splendid council of war, at which all the princes and their chief officers assisted, to consult what measures were best to be taken; and as they were of different parties and not all obeying the same lord (which is very much to be desired in such assemblies), their sentiments were also different; but of all that was said, nothing was so much taken notice of as some expressions of the Duke of Berry, who was but young, and had seen nothing of the war. By his words he seemed to be weary already, taking occasion to mention the great number of wounded men whom he had observed in the count's army, and by way of compassion he declared he had rather the war had never been begun, than that so much mischief should be occasioned through liis means and on his account. Which language was very unpleasing to the count and his party, as I shall show afterwards. Nevertheless, the result of this council was, that they should march towards Paris, to try if they could bring that city to join with them for the good of the kingdom, for which (as they pretended) they had taken up arms; and they w^ere all of them fully persuaded, that if the capital would listen to them, all the rest of tlie towns in the kingdom would follow its example. As I said before, the speech in council of the Duke of Berry so startled the Count of Charolois and his party, that they asked one another, "Did you hear this young duke? He is astonished at the sight of 700 or 800 wounded men in the town, who are nothing to him, nor does he know them; he would certainly be more troubled where he was concerned; and he would be a likely man to make his peace upon small invitation, and leave us in the lurch." And the Count of Charolois further said, " that on account of the ancient wars which had long continued in time past between King Charles (the Duke of Berry's father) and the Duke of Burgundy (his own father), it was to be feared they would easily unite, and turn all their forces against us; for which reason it would be necessary to look out for allies in time." And it was purely on this suspicion that Messire William of Cluny¹, the prothonotary (who died afterwards Bishop of Poictiers) was despatched into England to the court of King Edward IV.², who then reigned; and who had been always the mortal enemy of the Count of Charolois, who had supported against him the house of Lancaster, from which, by the mother's side, he was descended.³

Note 1. William de Cluny, born about 1423, was the son of Henry de Cluny, Lord of Conforgieu, and Penette Collot, Lady of Sagy. He was a councillor of the Duke of Burgundy, and prothonotary of the Holy See. He was appointed to the bishopric of Poitiers in 1479, and died about a year afterwards.

Note 2. Edward IV., son of Edward, Duke of York, and Cicely Neville, daughter of the Earl of Westmoreland; he married Lady Elizabeth Woodville in 1464, and died on the 9th of April, 1483.

Note 3. Isabella of Portugal, the mother of the Count of Charolois, was the daughter of John, King of Portugal, by Philippa, daughter of John, Duke of Lancaster.

I have formerly¹ mentioned the reasons that prevailed with the Duke of Burgundy to marry the sister of Edward, King of England, and it was principally to strengthen his alliance against the King of France; otherwise he would never have done it, for the love he bore to the house of Lancaster, to which he was allied by his mother, who was Infanta of Portugal, but her mother² was the Duke of Lancaster's daughter; wherefore his kindness for the house of Lancaster was as great as his hatred to that of York. At the time of this marriage, the house of Lancaster was quite depressed, and of the house of York there was no great talk; for Edward, who was both Duke of York and King, enjoyed the peaceable possession of the kingdom. In the war between these two contending houses, there had been seven or eight³ memorable battles in England; in which threescore or fourscore persons of the blood-royal of that kingdom were cruelly slain, as is said before in these Memoirs. Those that survived were fugitives, and lived in the Duke of Burgundy's court; all of them young gentlemen (wliose fathers had been slain in England) whom the Duke of Burgundy had generously entertained before this marriage, as his relations of the house of Lancaster. Some of them were reduced to such extremity of want and poverty before the Duke of Burgundy received them, that no common beggar could have been poorer. I saw one of them, who was Duke of Exeter⁴ (but he concealed his name), following the Duke of Burgundy's train bare-foot and bare-legged, begging his bread from door to door. This person was the next of the house of Lancaster; he had married King Edward's sister, and being afterwards known, had a small pension allowed him for his subsistence. There were also some of the family of the Somersets⁵, and several others, all of them slain since, in the wars. The fathers and relations of these persons had plundered and destroyed the greatest part of France, and possessed it for several years, and afterwards they turned their swords upon themselves, and killed one another; those who were remaining in England, and their children, have died as you see; and yet there are those who affirm that God does not punish men as he did in the days of the children of Israel, but suffers the wickedness both of princes and people to remain unpunished. I do believe, indeed, he does not speak and converse with mankind as he did formerly; for he has left them examples enough in the world to instruct them; but you may see, by the sequel of this discourse, and by reflecting on what you know besides, that of those bad princes, and others, who cruelly and tyrannically employ the power that is in their hands, none, or but few of them, die unpunished, though, perhaps, it is neither in the same manner, nor at the same time, that those who are injured desire.

Note 1. See Book 1. Chap. 5.

Note 2. Philippa of Lancaster, daughter of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Blanche his wife. She married John, King of Portugal; and died on the 19th of June, or 18th of July, 1415.

Note 3. There had been twelve, viz, at St. Albans, in 1455; at Bloreheath, in 1459; at Northampton and Wakefield, in 1460; at Mortimer's Cross, Barnerheath and Towton, in 1461; at Hexham, in 1463; at Banbury and Stamford, in 1470; at Barnet, in 1471; and at Tewkesbury, in 1471.

Note 4. Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter, was the son of John, Duke of Exeter, and Anne, daughter of Edmund, Earl of Stamford. He married Anne, sister of Edward IV., whom he divorced on the 12th of November, 1472. He was found dead at sea between Dover and Calais, in 1475.

Note 5. The Duke of Somerset was with the Count of Charolois at the battle of Montlhery; and again, at Ghent, in 1469.

But to return to King Edward. The greatest support of the house of York was the Earl of Warwick; and the greatest partisan of the house of Lancaster was the Duke of Somerset. This Earl of Warwick, in respect of the eminent services he had done him, and tlie care he had taken of his education, might have been well called King Edward's father; and indeed he was a very great man; for besides his own patrimony, he was possessed of several lordships which had been given him by the king, some of crown lands, and some that were confiscated. He was made Governor of Calais¹, and had other great offices, so that I have heard he received annually in pensions and that kind of profits, 80,000 crowns, besides his inheritance. By accident the Earl of Warwick had fallen out² with his master the year before the Duke of Burgundy's expedition against Amiens.³ The Duke of Burgundy had indeed, in some measure, been the occasion of the breach between them, as he disliked the mighty sway and authority that the earl bore in England. Besides, there was no good understanding between them, for the Earl of Warwick held constant correspondence with the King of France our master. In short, about this very time, or a little before, the Earl of Warwick was grown so exorbitant in his power, that he imprisoned his master King Edward⁴, put the Queen's⁵ father⁶ (the Lord Rivers) and two of his sons to death, and the third was in great danger (though all of them were great favourites of the king.) He also caused several knights to be put to death. For some time he used the king very honourably, and put new servants about him, hoping that he would have forgotten the old, for he looked upon his master as a very weak prince.

Note 1. He received this appointment immediately after the first battle of St. Albans, which was fought on the 23rd of May, 1455.

Note 2. The Earl of Warwick, finding that his influence with Edward was on the decline, excited insurrections in the north of England, in the hope thereby to regain his power. As one of his daughters was married to the king's brother, the Duke of Clarence, he made common cause with that prince, and they both betrayed Edward's confidence by marching against him with the troops which they had received orders to fight in his name. This was in March, 1470.

Note 3. On the 6th of March, 1471.

Note 4. About the beginning of 1470, the king and the earl were nearly coming to blows, when an attempt was made to reconcile them; while the king, trusting to these negotiations of peace, had relaxed his vigilance, the Earl of Warwick fell suddenly on his camp, and took him prisoner. Edward was conveyed to Middleham Castle, but speedily made his escape from captivity.

Note 5. Elizabeth Woodville was married 1. to Sir John Grey of Groby, who fell in the second battle of St. Albans, on the 17th of February, 1461; and 2. to Edward IV. She had two children by her first marriage, Thomas, Marquis of Dorset, and Richard. She married King Edward in 1465; and in 1486, was confined in Bermondsey Abbey, where she died some years afterwards.

Note 6. Richard Woodville, Earl Rivers, married Jacquetta of Luxembourg, widow of the Duke of Bedford, brother of King Henry V. He was taken prisoner in 1469, with his son, John Woodville, and conducted to Northampton, where they were both beheaded.

11 Oct 1470. By chance the Lord de la Gruthuse¹, the Duke of Burgundy's governor in Holland, was at that place where and when King Edward wished to land; who, by some persons put on shore, was immediately informed of his miserable condition, and the danger he was in by reason of the Easterlings. The governor sent immediately to the Easterlings to charge them to lie still, and went on board the king's ship himself, and invited him on shore; whereupon the king landed, with his brother the Duke of Gloucester (who was called afterwards King Richard III.), and about 1500 men in their train. The king had no money about him, and gave the master of the ship a gown lined with beautiful martens, and promised to do more for him whenever he had an opportunity; but sure so poor a company was never seen before; yet the Lord de la Gruthuse dealt very honourably by them, for he gave many of them clothes, and bore all their expenses till they came to the Hague, to which place he safely conducted them.² He then despatched the news of his arrival to the Duke of Burgundy, who was much surprised when he heard it, and would have been much better pleased if it had been news of his death; for he was in great apprehension of the Earl of Warwick, who was his enemy, and at that time absolute in England. The earl, immediately after his landing, had prodigious numbers of people flock in to him³; even the king's own party, some for love, and others through fear, submitted to him wholly; so that every day his army increased, and not long after he marched to London.

Note 1. Louis de Bruges, Lord de la Gruthayse, Prince of Stecnhuysc, Knight of the Golden Fleece, was the son of Jean de Bruges and Marguerite de Steenhuyse. He was created Earl of Winchester for his eminent services to King Edward IV.; and he died ou the 24th of November, 1492.

Note 2. King Edward arrived at the Hague on the 11th of October, 1470; and the Duke of Burgundy gave him 500 golden crowns per month for his support. Lenglet, ii. 196.

Note 3. The number of Warwick's partisans was very great, especially in London. He had obtained them, according to Oliver de la Marche, by three ways, which do honour to his ability, if not to his honesty. " The first, by flatteries, and feigned humility to the people of London, by whom he Avas much loved. Secondly, he was master of the five ports of England, where he allowed great injury to be done; and never, in his time, was justice done in England to any foreigner who had suffered loss; wherefore he was beloved by the English freebooters, whom he thus contributed to support. And thirdly, he kept the city of London on his tide by always owing 300,000 or 400,000 crowns to different citizens; and those whose debtor he was desired his life and prosperity, that they might be paid their dues." La Marche, ii. 276.

This was a new phase of affairs to me, for I had never seen such mutations in the world before. That night I sent the duke word of the danger which hindered me from proceeding in my journey; but not knowing what answer I should receive from Wenlock, I did not say that I had sent for a passport. He sent me a signet ring from off his finger, commanding me to go on, and if I was taken prisoner, he would ransom me. He made no scruple to expose any of his servants to danger, when he thought it for his advantage; but I had well provided for myself by sending for a passport, which I received with very gracious letters from the Lord Wenlock, assuring me that I should have the liberty of coming and going as formerly. Upon these letters I went on to Guynes; where I found the captain at the gate, who presented me with a glass of wine, yet did not invite me into the castle as he was wont, but showed me great respect, and treated the gentlemen who were with me, who were of King Henry's party, very nobly. From thence I went to Calais, but nobody came out to meet me, as formerly; all were in the Earl of Warwick's livery. At the gate of my lodgings, and the door of my chamber, the people had made more than a hundred white crosses with certain rhymes underneath, signifying that the King of France and Earl of Warwick were all one; all which I thought very surprising. I sent, however, to Gravelines (which is about five leagues from Calais), requiring them to seize all English merchants and their effects because of all the mischief done us in their incursions into the Boulonnois. The Lord Wenlock sent to me to dine with him; I found him well attended, with a ragged staff of gold upon his bonnet, which was the cognizance of the Earl of Warwick; all the rest had ragged staffs likewise, but they who could not be at the expense of gold, had them of cloth. I was informed at dinner, that within a quarter of an hour after the arrival of an express from England with the news, the whole town had got this livery, so hasty and sudden was the change; and this was the first time that I had ever seen or considered such an instance of the instability of all human affairs.

The Lord "Wenlock made me many compliments, and some excuses in behalf of his captain the Earl of Warwick, from whom, as he told me, he had received many favours; but for the rest who were with him, I never heard people talk so extravagantly. ^ Those whom I had looked upon as the king's greatest friends, were the most bitter and invective against him; yet I am apt to think some did it for fear, though others spoke the real sentiments of their hearts. Those whom I formerly endeavoured to have turned out of the town (as being servants to the earl) were now in great reputation; yet they never knew of my ever having spoken anything against them to the Lord Wenlock. I told them upon all occasions that King Edward was dead, and that I had certain information of it (though indeed I well knew to the contrary); I added, likewise, that if he were not dead, it was of no great importance, for the Duke of Burgundy's alliance was with the king and kingdom of England, so that this accident could not infringe it; for whomever they declared their king, should be so to us: and in consideration of such revolutions in times past, they had put in these very words, "with the king and the kingdom;" and we were to have four of the chief towns in England as a security for performance of these articles. The merchants pressed very hard that I might be detained, because their goods had been seized at Gravelines, and, as they pretended, by my express command. At length we came to this composition, that they should pay for, or restore, all the cattle which had been plundered; for by agreement with the house of Burgundy they had liberty to take what cattle they wanted, for the necessary provision of the town, out of certain grounds that were appointed, on paying a certain price; and for prisoners, they had taken none. Hereupon it was concluded between us, that the alliance which we had made with the crown of England should stand good, only we were to put in Henry instead of Edward.

In the meantime King Edward arrived at the Duke of Burgundy's court at St. Pol¹, and pressed very hard for supplies to enable him to recover his kingdom; for he assured him of the great interest he had in England, and entreated him, for God's sake, not to abandon him, since he had married his sister, and they were besides brethren of the same orders. The Dukes of Somerset and Exeter violently opposed it, and used all their artifice to keep him firm to King Henry's interest. The duke was in suspense, and knew not which side to favour; he was fearful of disobliging either, because he was engaged in a desperate war at home; but at length he struck in with the Duke of Somerset and the rest of that party, upon certain promises which they made him, against the Earl of Warwick, their ancient enemy. King Edward was present at the place, and was much dissatisfied to see how unsuccessfully his affairs went on; yet they gave him all the fair words imaginable, and told him that all was but dissimulation, to keep off a war against two kingdoms at once; for if the duke were ruined, he would not be in a capacity to assist him afterwards, if he should be ever so inclinable to do it. However, finding King Edward bent upon his return to England, and being unwilling, for several reasons, absolutely to displease him, he pretended publicly that he would give him no assistance, and issued out a proclamation forbidding any of his subjects to go along with him; but privately and underhand he sent him 50,000 florins with St. Andrew's cross², furnished him with three or four great ships, which he ordered to be equipped for him at La Vere³ in Holland, which is a free port where all persons are received; besides which, he hired secretly fourteen Easterling ships for him, which were well armed, and had promised to transport him into England, and serve him fifteen days afterwards; which supply was very great, considering those times.

Note 1. On Wednesday, the 2nd of January, 1471, the Duke of Burgundy left Hesdin and went to Aire, where he met the King of England. He remained there on the 3rd, and returned to Hesdin, after dinner, on the 4th. Lenglet, ii. 197.

Note 2. Equal to more than 200,000 pounds sterling.

Note 3. Now Weer, or Ter Veere, a town in the province of Zealand, on the eastern coast of the island of Walcheren.

As you have heard, our ambassadors met on the day after the return of our herald, for we were within four leagues of one another, or even less. Our herald was well treated, and had his money, and the office in the Isle of Re, where he was born. Many overtures passed between our ambassadors. The English at first demanded, according to their custom, the crown of France, and by degrees they fell to Normandy and Guienne; our commissioners replied as became them: so that the demand was well urged on the one side, and well refused on the other: yet, from the very first day of the treaty, there was great prospect of an accommodation, for both parties seemed very inclinable to hearken to reasonable proposals: our commissioners came back, and the others returned to their camp. The king was informed of their demands, and the final resolution¹ was, to have 72,000 crowns paid them down before they left the kingdom; a marriage was to be concluded between our present king and the eldest daughter² of King Edward, who is now Queen of England, and for her maintenance either the duchy of Guienne was to be assigned², or a pension of 50,000 crowns, to be paid annually during nine years, in the Tower of London; at the end of which term, the present king and his queen were to enjoy quietly the whole revenue of Guienne, and our king was to be discharged from paying the pension for the future. There were several other articles; but, as they were of no great weight or importance, I shall pass them over; only this I shall add that in this peace, which was to continue nine⁴ years between the two crowns, the allies on both sides were to be comprehended if they pleased, and the Dukes of Burgundy and Bretagne were named expressly by the English. The King of England offered (which was strange) to make a discovery of some persons who (as he said) were traitors to our king and his crown, and to produce proofs of their treason under their own hands.

Note 1. The terms finally agreed upon by the Kings of France and England are contained in four distinct acts, reported in Kymer (vol. v. part 3. pp. 65 — 68), and all dated on the 29th of August, 1475. Their provisions may be thus briefly stated: 1. King Edward engages to return to England with his army as soon as Louis XL has paid him the sum of 75,000 crowns. 2. A truce of seven years, commencing at the date of the treaty, and finishing at sunset on the 29th of August, 1482, is concluded between the two sovereigns. 3. The Kings of France and England undertake to mutually assist each other in case either prince should be attacked by his enemies or by his rebellious subjects; and to make this alliance still closer, Prince Charles, son of Louis XL, is to wed the Princess Elizabeth (age 16), daughter of Edward IV., as soon as they are both of marriageable age. 4. The King of France engages to pay annually to the King of England, in two instalments, the sum of 50,000 crowns; such payment to continue only during the life-time of either prince.

Note 2. Elizabeth, born in 1466, married Henry VII., King of England, on the 18th of January, 1486, and died on the Uth of February, 1503.

Note 3. It will be seen by the previous note, that no reference was made to this demand in the final treaty.

Note 4. This is a mistake; the truce was to last seven years.

The Constable began to perceive these intrigues, to fear he had offended all parties, and to be jealous of the designs which he knew had been concluded against him at Bouvines; for which reason he sent very frequently to the king. At this very hour there arrived at court a servant of the Constable's, named Louis de Creville, and one of his secretaries, named John Richer, who are both still alive, who were ordered by the king to deliver their message to the Lord du Bouchage and to me. The message which they brought to the king pleased his majesty extremely; for he resolved to make his advantage of it, as you shall hear. The Lord of Contay, who (as I have already mentioned) was a servant to the Duke of Burgundy, had not long since been taken prisoner before Arras; and he travelled upon his parole between the duke and the king, who had promised him not only his liberty, but a considerable sum of money, if he could dispose his master to a peace. It happened that he was just returned from waiting on the Duke of Burgundy the very day the two gentlemen above mentioned arrived from the Constable. The king- caused the Lord of Contay and myself to hide ourselves behind a great old screen that stood in his chamber, that the Lord of Contay might hear and report to the Duke of Burgundy the language with which the Constable and his creatures treated him. The king seated himself upon a stool near the screen, that we might more distinctly hear what the said Louis de Creville (with whom none of the king's servants except the Lord du Bouchage were admitted) had to say; and he and his colleague began their discourse, telling the king that their master had sent them lately to wait on the Duke of Burgundy, and that they had used many arguments to induce him to a rupture with the English, and that they had found him in so great a passion against the King of England, that they were in a fair way to prevail upon him, not only to abandon, but also to fall upon and destroy his army, in their retreat; and to please the king the more, as he thought, when he spoke those words, Louis de Creville, in imitation of the Duke of Burgundy, stamped with his foot, swore by St. George, called the King of England Blancborgne, the son of an archer who bore his name, with as many invectives besides, as could possibly be used against any man. The king pretended to be highly pleased at the relation, and desired him to tell him it over again, and to raise his voice, for of late he was grown a little deaf; De Creville was not backward, but began again, and acted it to the life.

Our negotiation with the English was already concluded, as you have heard, and all these intrigues were carried on at one time. The King of France's commissioners, who had had a conference with the English, reported their proposals, and the King of England's envoys returned to their camp. At last it was agreed upon by the ambassadors on both sides, that the two kings should have an interview, and swear mutually to the performance of the articles; after which the King of England should return into his own country, upon the receipt of 72,000 crowns, and that the Lord Howard and Sir John Chene¹, his Master of the Horse, should be left as hostages till he was arrived in England. Lastly, a pension of 16,000 crowns a year was promised to the privy councillors of the King of England — viz., to the Lord Hastings, 2000 crowns a year, who would never give an acquittance for it²; to the Chancellor³, 2000; and the rest to the Lord Howard, the Master of the Horse, Chalanger, Sir Thomas Montgomery⁴, and several others; besides a great deal of ready money and plate that was distributed among the rest of the King of England's retinue.

Note 1. Sir John Cheyne was, at the period of his visit to France, Master of the Horse. He was created a Knight of the Bath by Richard III. on the 5th of July, 1483. He afterwards joined the party of the Earl of Richmond, and was wounded at the battle of Bosworth Field on the 22nd of August, 1485.

Note 2. Lord Hastings was not always so scrupulous, for he gave receipts for a pension granted him by the Duke of Burgundy in 1471. Lenglet, iii. 617.

Note 3. See note, p. 276.

Note 4. Sir Thomas Montgomery was a Knight of the Garter, and one of King Edward's council. He was created a Knight of the Bath by Richard III. on the 5th of July, 1483.

Note 5. On the 18th of August, he slept at Peronne, and proceeded on the following day to Iving Edward's camp near Saint Christ, on the Somme. Lenglet, ii. 217.

In order to bring the peace to a conclusion, the King of England advanced within half a league of Amiens, and the King of France being upon one of the gates¹, saw his army marching at a great distance. To speak impartially, his troops seemed but raw and unused to action in the field; for they were in very ill order, and observed no manner of discipline. Our king sent the King of England 300 cartloads of the best wines in France as a present; and I think the carts made as great an appearance as the whole English army. Upon the strength of the truce, numbers of the English came into the town, where they behaved themselves very imprudently, and without the least regard to their prince's honour; for they entered the town all armed, and in great companies, so that if the King of France could havti dispensed with his oath, never was there so handsome an opportunity of cutting off a considerable number of them; but his majesty's design was only to entertain them nobly, and to settle a firm and lasting peace, that might continue during his reign. The king had ordered two large tables to be placed on each side of the street, at the entrance of the town gate, which were covered with a variety of good dishes of all sorts of food most proper to relish their wine, of which there was great plenty, and of the richest that France could produce; and abundance of servants to wait on them, but not a drop of water was drunk. At each of the tables the king had placed five or six boon companions, persons of rank and condition, to entertain those that had a mind to take a hearty glass; amongst these were the Lord of Craon, the Lord of Briquebec², the Lord of Bressure³ the Lord de Villiers, and several others. Those English who were within sight of the gate, saw the entertainment, and there were persons appointed on purpose to take their horses by the bridles, and lead them to the tables, where every man was treated handsomely as he came, in his turn, to their very great satisfaction. When they had once entered the town, wherever they went, or whatever they called for, nothing was to be paid; there were nine or ten taverns liberally furnished with all that they wanted, where they had whatever they had a mind to call for, without paying for it, according to the King of France's orders, who bore all the expense of that entertainment, which lasted three or four days.

Note 1. Louis XI. arrived at Amiens on the 22nd of August. See Dupont, i. 362.

Note 2. Jean d'Estouteville, Knight, was Lord of Briquebec, Hambie, Gasce, and Mesnil-Seran, and Castellan of Ga-vte.

Note 3. Jacques de Beaumont, Lord of Bressuire and La Motte-Sainte-Heraye, and Seneschal of Poitou, was the son of Andre de Beaumont and Jeanne de Torsay. He married Jeanne de Roebechouart. He was one of the chamberlains of Louis X.

As soon as King Edward had settled his affairs in this kingdom, he received of our master 50,000 crowns a year¹, constantly paid him in the Tower of London, and was grown as rich as his ambition could desire, on a sudden he died² (and as was supposed) of melancholy for our present king's³ marriage with Margaret⁴, the Duke of Austria's daughter (his distemper seizing him upon the news of it), for then he found himself outwitted as to his own daughter⁵ to whom he had given the title of Dauphiness. Upon this marriage the pension, which he called tribute, was stopped, though indeed it was neither pension nor tribute, as I have declared before. King Edward left his wife with two sons (one called the Prince of Wales, and the other the Duke of York) and two daughters. The Duke of Gloucester, King Edward's brother, took upon him the protectorship of his nephew the Prince of Wales (who was then about ten years old), swore allegiance to him as his sovereign, and brought him to London, pretending to crown him; but his design was only to entice the Duke of York out of the sanctuary⁶, where he was at that time with his mother, who had conceived some suspicion of his intentions. In short, the conclusion was this; by the assistance of the Bishop of Bath⁷, (who had been formerly King Edward's chancellor, but falling afterwards into disgrace, had been removed from his place, thrown into prison, and paid a round sum for his ransom), he executed his designs, as you shall hear by and by.

Note 1. By the terms of the treaty of the 29th of August, 1475. See note, book iv. chap. viii.

Note 2. On the 9th of April, 1483, "he died of apoplexy, say some; but others say that he was poisoned by drinking some good wine of Challuau, which Louis XI. had given him." Lenglet, ii. 169.

Note 3. Charies VIII. of France.

Note 4. Margaret of Austria, daughter of the Emperor Maximilian and Mary of Burgundy, was born at Brussels on the 10th of January, 1470. In July, 1483, she was married to the Dauphin, afterwards Charles VIII. at Amboise. After having been considered Queen of France for ten years, she was sent back to her father on the 12th of June, 1493, She afterwards married John, Infante of Castile, in 1497, and Philibert, Duke of Savoy, in 1501. She died on the 1st of December, 1530, after a widowhood of twenty-six years.

Note 5. The Princess Elizabeth.

Note 6. Westminster Abbey.

Note 7. Robert Stillington was appointed chancellor on the 20th of June, 1467. He appears to have been of humble origin, but he gained a great name at Oxford, where with much applause he took the degree of Doctor of Laws. He was a zealous legitimist, and on the succession of Edward IV. he was a special favourite with that prince, who successively mr.de him Archdeacon of Taunton, Bishop of Bath and Wells, Keeper of the Privy Seal, and finally Lord Chancellor. He held this last office for six years, with the exception of the few months when Edward was obliged to fly the kingdom, and the sceptre Avas again put into the feeble hands of Henry VI. He resigned the chancellorship from ill health on the 8th of June, 1473. After the coronation of Henry VII, Stillington showed his never-dying enmity to the house of Lancaster, by taking up the cause of Lambert Simnel; but being detected in this conspiracy, and expecting no mercy from the king, he fled for refuge to Oxford. The university consented to deliver him up on condition that his life should be spared; and he was conducted to Windsor, where he remained a prisoner till his death, in June, 1491 See Lord Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors, vol. i. pp. 385—391

This bishop [Bishop Robert Stillington] discovered to the Duke of Gloucester that his brother King Edward had been formerly in love with a beautiful young lady§, and had promised her marriage, upon condition lie might lie with her; the lady consented, and, as the bishop affirmed, he married them when nobody was present but they two and himself. His fortune depending upon the court, he did not discover it, and persuaded the lady likewise to conceal it, which she did, and the matter remained a secret. After this King Edward married the daughter of an English gentleman, called the Lord Rivers; this lady was a widow, and had two sons. The Bishop of Bath, as I said before, discovered this matter to the Duke of Gloucester, and gave his assistance in the execution of the barbarous designs of the duke, who murdered his two nephews, and made himself king, by the name of Richard III². He caused the two daughters to be declared illegitimate by parliament, took their coats of arms from them, and put all his brother's faithful servants to death, at least all he could get into his power. But his cruel reign did not last long; for, being at the height of his pride, in greater pomp and authority than any King of England for a hundred years before, when he had beheaded the Duke of Buckingham^, and assembled a numerous army under his own command, God Almighty raised him up an enemy that destroyed him, and that was the Earl of Richmond, a person of no power, and one who had been long prisoner in Bretagne; but he is now King of England, and is of the house of Lancaster, though, as I am informed, not the next heir to the crown.

Note 1. Harrington mentions two ladies whom public rumour indicated as having been seduced by the king, Lady Elizabeth Lucy and Lady Eleanor Butler. Lord Campbell indignantly denies the charge brought against Stillington by Commines, but has adduced no evidence in support of his denial.

Note 2. Richard III. was proclaimed king on the 22nd of June, 1483.

Note 3. The English parliament, at a meeting held at Westminster, on the 23rd of January, 1484, declared that the marriage of Edward IV. with Elizabeth Woodville had been effected in contravention of the customs of the Anglican Church, seeing that, by a previous contract, the King had plighted his troth to Lady Eleanor Butler, and that consequently, Edward and Elizabeth had lived in adultery, and their children were evidently bastards, and as such unable to inherit the crown.

Note 4. Henry, Duke of Buckingham, was son of Humphry, Earl of Stafford, and Margaret, daughter of Edmund, Duke of Somerset. He married Catharine, daughter of Richard Woodville, Earl of Rivers. Being detected in a conspiracy against Richard III., he was beheaded at Salisbury ou All Saints' Day, 1483.

A few days before, in the year 1481, Aire was delivered up, for a sum of money¹, to the Lord des Cordes, by the Lord de Cohem (a gentleman of Artois), who had held it under his captain, the Lord de Beurs², for the Duke of Austria, a good while. The surrender of this town, which was very strong, and situated in Artois, at the very entrance into their country, helped the Flemings to hasten the marriage, for though they were well enough pleased at the diminution of the Duke's power, yet they did not care to have the King so near them upon their frontiers. As soon as measures were concerted, as I said before, ambassadors were sent to the King from Flanders and Brabant²; but all depended upon the Gantois, by reason of their strength, and because the Duke's children were in their hands, and they were always the most forward in every commotion. With them there came in behalf of the King of the Romans, certain young noblemen much about his own age, and but indifferently qualified to make terms of peace for their country; Monsieur John de Berghes ³ was one, and Monsieur Baudouin de Lannoy⁴ was the other, besides some few secretaries. Our king was then very ill, and had no inclination to be seen, and pretended great difficulty about swearing to the treaties in the manner agreed on; but it was only because he was unwilling they should see him. However, he swore to them at last, which was much to his advantage; for whereas in all his former overtures for the match, lie demanded only the county of Artois or Burgundy, or whichever of the two they pleased to assign him: now, the States of Ghent (as he called them) were contented he should have both, and the counties of Maconnois, Charolois, and Auxerrois, into the bargain; and if they could have delivered Hainault, Namur, and all the subjects of that family who speak the French language, they would willingly have done so, on purpose to weaken their sovereign.

Note 1. Aire surrendered on the 28th July, 1482. It was sold by the Lord de Cohen for an annual pension of ten thousand crowns. — Molinet, ii. 306.

Note 2. These ambassadors arrived at Paris on Saturday, the 3rd of January, 1483, and proceeded on the following Monday to Amboise, where the King was then residing. — Lenglet, ii. 168.

Note 3. J John de Berghes, knight, Lord of Cohen and Olhain, and governor of the town of Aire for the Archduke Maximilian.

Note 4. Baudoin de Lannoy, second of the name, Lord of Molembrais, Knight of the Golden Fleece, chamberlain and steward of the Archduke Maximilian. He died on the 7th of May, 1501.

Our master was a cunning politician, and understood well enough that Flanders was of little importance to him, unless he could have Artois with it, which lies betwixt France and them, and is as it were a bridle to the Flemings, affording good soldiers upon occasion, to correct their wantonness and folly; and therefore in taking from the Earl of Flanders the county of Artois, he would leave him the most inconsiderable prince in Europe, without either subjects or authority, except by the permission of the Gantois; whose commissioners, William Ryn and Coppenole, whom I mentioned before (governors of Ghent), were at that time principal in the embassy. Upon the return of the ambassadors, the Lady Margaret (age 2) was conducted to Hesdin, and delivered into the hands of the Lord des Cordes, in the year 1483, and with her came Madame de Eavestain, Duke Philip of Burgundy's natural daughter, and they were received by the present Monsieur and Madame de Bourbon¹, the Lord d'Albret², and others from the king; and they brought her to Amboise, where the dauphin met her³. If the Duke of Austria could have taken her from her convoy, he would willingly have done it before she left his dominions; but the Gantois had placed too strong a guard about her, for they had begun to abate much of their obedience to him, and many considerable persons joined with them, as having the custody of the young heir, and power of placing and displacing whom they pleased. Among the nobility who were resident in Ghent, there was the Lord of Ravestain, brother to the Duke of Cleves, and chief governor to the young prince, whose name is Philip, still living, and like to possess vast territories, if it please God to spare his life.

Note 1. Anne of France (age 21), daughter of Louis XI (age 59) and Charlotte of Savoy (age 41), married Pierre de Bourbon, Lord of Beaujeu, in 1474, and assumed the title of Duchess of Bourbon in 1488. She died on the 14th of November, 1522, after having governed the kingdom with great prudence and energy during the minority of Charles V1IL

Note 2. Alain le Grand (age 43), son of Jean d'Albret, Viscount de Tartas, succeeded his grandfather Charles II in 1471. He married Frances, daughter of Jean de Blois, Count of Penthievre; and in virtue of this marriage, set up a claim to the duchy of Brittany, and became a competitor for the hand of Anne of Brittany. He died in October, 1522. [Note. This note appears incorrect? Alain married Francois Chatillon, daughter of William Viscount of Limoges.]

Note 3. Margaret was then three years and a half old, and the Dauphin rather more than twelve. Their meeting took place on Sunday, the 22nd of June, 1483, at a place called Metairie le Rayne, near Amboise. "The Dauphin," says a contemporary letter, "left the Castle of Amboise, dressed in a robe of crimson satin, lined with black velvet, and mounted on a hackney, and attended by thirty archers. At the bridge he dismounted, after having saluted the ladies, and changed his dress and put on a long robe of cloth of gold... Presently the Dauphiness arrived, and descended from her litter; and immediately they were betrothed by the prothonotary, nephew of the Grand Seneschal of Normandy, who demanded of the Dauphin in a loud voice, so that all could hear him, If he would have Margaret of Austria in marriage? and he answered, Yes; and a similar question was put to the Dauphiness, who gave the same answer. Upon which, they joined hands, and the Dauphin kissed the Dauphiness twice; and then they returned to their lodgings. And the streets of Amboise were hung with cloth, and in the market place was a figure of a Siren, who spouted forth white wine and red from her breasts." The next day, the young couple went through the ceremony of marriage in the chapel of the castle.— Dupont, iii. 345. 352.