Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines

Memoirs of Philip de Commines is in Late Medieval Books.

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 1

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 1 Chapter 5

1465. The King's Brother the Duke of Berry, and the Duke of Bretagne, join with the Count of Charolois against the King.

1465. The next day, early in the morning, the Count of Charolois called a great and splendid council of war, at which all the princes and their chief officers assisted, to consult what measures were best to be taken; and as they were of different parties and not all obeying the same lord (which is very much to be desired in such assemblies), their sentiments were also different; but of all that was said, nothing was so much taken notice of as some expressions of the Duke of Berry, who was but young, and had seen nothing of the war. By his words he seemed to be weary already, taking occasion to mention the great number of wounded men whom he had observed in the count's army, and by way of compassion he declared he had rather the war had never been begun, than that so much mischief should be occasioned through liis means and on his account. Which language was very unpleasing to the count and his party, as I shall show afterwards. Nevertheless, the result of this council was, that they should march towards Paris, to try if they could bring that city to join with them for the good of the kingdom, for which (as they pretended) they had taken up arms; and they w^ere all of them fully persuaded, that if the capital would listen to them, all the rest of tlie towns in the kingdom would follow its example. As I said before, the speech in council of the Duke of Berry so startled the Count of Charolois and his party, that they asked one another, "Did you hear this young duke? He is astonished at the sight of 700 or 800 wounded men in the town, who are nothing to him, nor does he know them; he would certainly be more troubled where he was concerned; and he would be a likely man to make his peace upon small invitation, and leave us in the lurch." And the Count of Charolois further said, " that on account of the ancient wars which had long continued in time past between King Charles (the Duke of Berry's father) and the Duke of Burgundy (his own father), it was to be feared they would easily unite, and turn all their forces against us; for which reason it would be necessary to look out for allies in time." And it was purely on this suspicion that Messire William of Cluny1, the prothonotary (who died afterwards Bishop of Poictiers) was despatched into England to the court of King Edward IV.2, who then reigned; and who had been always the mortal enemy of the Count of Charolois, who had supported against him the house of Lancaster, from which, by the mother's side, he was descended.3

Note 1. William de Cluny, born about 1423, was the son of Henry de Cluny, Lord of Conforgieu, and Penette Collot, Lady of Sagy. He was a councillor of the Duke of Burgundy, and prothonotary of the Holy See. He was appointed to the bishopric of Poitiers in 1479, and died about a year afterwards.

Note 2. Edward IV., son of Edward, Duke of York, and Cicely Neville, daughter of the Earl of Westmoreland; he married Lady Elizabeth Woodville in 1464, and died on the 9th of April, 1483.

Note 3. Isabella of Portugal, the mother of the Count of Charolois, was the daughter of John, King of Portugal, by Philippa, daughter of John, Duke of Lancaster.

Jul 1465. In his [Charles "Bold" Valois Duke Burgundy (age 31)] private instruction, lie had orders to propose a marriage with Margaret (age 19)1, the King of England's sister; but to treat only and negotiate, without coming to any conclusion: for the Count of Charolois, who knew how desirous the King of England was of this match, believed by this means, either to bring him over to his side, if he should have any occasion for his assistance, or at least to hinder him from attempting anything against him. However, though he had no real intention at first to consummate the marriage, upon account of his inveterate hatred to the house of York, yet affairs were so managed, that several years after, the match was concluded; and he moreover accepted the order of the garter2, and wore it to his death.

Note 1. Margaret of York married Charles of Burgundy, in pursuance of a treaty signed at Brussels on the 16th of February, 1467 (O. S.); and the marriage was celebrated at Dan, on the 3rd of July, 1468. She died on the 28th of November, 1503. Unless Commines is in error with regard to the time at which William of Cluny was despatched on his mission, the Count of Charolois contemplated this new alhance whilst his second wife Avas still living; for Isabella of Bourbon did not die until the 26th of September, 1465, two months after the battle of Montlhery.

Note 2. In Rymer, vol, v. part ii. p. 1 73., is a letter from Duke Charles, acknowledging the receipt of the garter from the English ambassadors.

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 2

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 2 Chapter 7

This last Earl of Warwick conveyed the Earl of March (since called King Edward) to Calais by sea, with some few forces which remained of that battle: the Earl of Warwick espoused the interest of the House of York, and the Duke of Somerset that of Lancaster; but the civil wars lasted so long, that all those of the houses of Warwick and Somerset were either slain in battle or lost their heads.

[18 Feb 1478]. King Edward caused his brother the Duke of Clarence, to be drowned in a butt [original France pipe] of malmsey, charging him with a design of endeavouring to dethrone him;

[Aug 1483]... but after King Edward's death, his second brother, the Duke of Gloucester, caused his two sons to be murdered, declared his daughters to be illegitimate, and had himself crowned king.

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3 Chapter IV

1470. Of the Civil Wars between the Princes in England, during the Difference between Louis XL and Charles, Duke of Burgundy.

In mentioning the preceding passages, I had almost forgotten to speak of Edward, King of England; for those three great princes. King Louis XI. of France, King Edward IV., and Charles, Duke of Burgundy, were contemporaries. I shall not here observe the method and order of writing which is usual among historians, nor name the years and moments of time when every action happened; neither shall I produce any examples out of history (of which you know enough, and it would be like talking Latin to monks). I shall only give you a plain account of what I have seen, known, and heard of these three great princes above mentioned. In my judgment, you that live in the age when these affairs were transacted, liave no occasion of being informed of the exact hours when everything was done.

I have formerly1 mentioned the reasons that prevailed with the Duke of Burgundy to marry the sister of Edward, King of England, and it was principally to strengthen his alliance against the King of France; otherwise he would never have done it, for the love he bore to the house of Lancaster, to which he was allied by his mother, who was Infanta of Portugal, but her mother2 was the Duke of Lancaster's daughter; wherefore his kindness for the house of Lancaster was as great as his hatred to that of York. At the time of this marriage, the house of Lancaster was quite depressed, and of the house of York there was no great talk; for Edward, who was both Duke of York and King, enjoyed the peaceable possession of the kingdom. In the war between these two contending houses, there had been seven or eight3 memorable battles in England; in which threescore or fourscore persons of the blood-royal of that kingdom were cruelly slain, as is said before in these Memoirs. Those that survived were fugitives, and lived in the Duke of Burgundy's court; all of them young gentlemen (wliose fathers had been slain in England) whom the Duke of Burgundy had generously entertained before this marriage, as his relations of the house of Lancaster. Some of them were reduced to such extremity of want and poverty before the Duke of Burgundy received them, that no common beggar could have been poorer. I saw one of them, who was Duke of Exeter4 (but he concealed his name), following the Duke of Burgundy's train bare-foot and bare-legged, begging his bread from door to door. This person was the next of the house of Lancaster; he had married King Edward's sister, and being afterwards known, had a small pension allowed him for his subsistence. There were also some of the family of the Somersets5, and several others, all of them slain since, in the wars. The fathers and relations of these persons had plundered and destroyed the greatest part of France, and possessed it for several years, and afterwards they turned their swords upon themselves, and killed one another; those who were remaining in England, and their children, have died as you see; and yet there are those who affirm that God does not punish men as he did in the days of the children of Israel, but suffers the wickedness both of princes and people to remain unpunished. I do believe, indeed, he does not speak and converse with mankind as he did formerly; for he has left them examples enough in the world to instruct them; but you may see, by the sequel of this discourse, and by reflecting on what you know besides, that of those bad princes, and others, who cruelly and tyrannically employ the power that is in their hands, none, or but few of them, die unpunished, though, perhaps, it is neither in the same manner, nor at the same time, that those who are injured desire.

Note 1. See Book 1. Chap. 5.

Note 2. Philippa of Lancaster, daughter of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Blanche his wife. She married John, King of Portugal; and died on the 19th of June, or 18th of July, 1415.

Note 3. There had been twelve, viz, at St. Albans, in 1455; at Bloreheath, in 1459; at Northampton and Wakefield, in 1460; at Mortimer's Cross, Barnerheath and Towton, in 1461; at Hexham, in 1463; at Banbury and Stamford, in 1470; at Barnet, in 1471; and at Tewkesbury, in 1471.

Note 4. Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter, was the son of John, Duke of Exeter, and Anne, daughter of Edmund, Earl of Stamford. He married Anne, sister of Edward IV., whom he divorced on the 12th of November, 1472. He was found dead at sea between Dover and Calais, in 1475.

Note 5. The Duke of Somerset was with the Count of Charolois at the battle of Montlhery; and again, at Ghent, in 1469.

But to return to King Edward. The greatest support of the house of York was the Earl of Warwick; and the greatest partisan of the house of Lancaster was the Duke of Somerset. This Earl of Warwick, in respect of the eminent services he had done him, and tlie care he had taken of his education, might have been well called King Edward's father; and indeed he was a very great man; for besides his own patrimony, he was possessed of several lordships which had been given him by the king, some of crown lands, and some that were confiscated. He was made Governor of Calais1, and had other great offices, so that I have heard he received annually in pensions and that kind of profits, 80,000 crowns, besides his inheritance. By accident the Earl of Warwick had fallen out2 with his master the year before the Duke of Burgundy's expedition against Amiens.3 The Duke of Burgundy had indeed, in some measure, been the occasion of the breach between them, as he disliked the mighty sway and authority that the earl bore in England. Besides, there was no good understanding between them, for the Earl of Warwick held constant correspondence with the King of France our master. In short, about this very time, or a little before, the Earl of Warwick was grown so exorbitant in his power, that he imprisoned his master King Edward4, put the Queen's5 father6 (the Lord Rivers) and two of his sons to death, and the third was in great danger (though all of them were great favourites of the king.) He also caused several knights to be put to death. For some time he used the king very honourably, and put new servants about him, hoping that he would have forgotten the old, for he looked upon his master as a very weak prince.

Note 1. He received this appointment immediately after the first battle of St. Albans, which was fought on the 23rd of May, 1455.

Note 2. The Earl of Warwick, finding that his influence with Edward was on the decline, excited insurrections in the north of England, in the hope thereby to regain his power. As one of his daughters was married to the king's brother, the Duke of Clarence, he made common cause with that prince, and they both betrayed Edward's confidence by marching against him with the troops which they had received orders to fight in his name. This was in March, 1470.

Note 3. On the 6th of March, 1471.

Note 4. About the beginning of 1470, the king and the earl were nearly coming to blows, when an attempt was made to reconcile them; while the king, trusting to these negotiations of peace, had relaxed his vigilance, the Earl of Warwick fell suddenly on his camp, and took him prisoner. Edward was conveyed to Middleham Castle, but speedily made his escape from captivity.

Note 5. Elizabeth Woodville was married 1. to Sir John Grey of Groby, who fell in the second battle of St. Albans, on the 17th of February, 1461; and 2. to Edward IV. She had two children by her first marriage, Thomas, Marquis of Dorset, and Richard. She married King Edward in 1465; and in 1486, was confined in Bermondsey Abbey, where she died some years afterwards.

Note 6. Richard Woodville, Earl Rivers, married Jacquetta of Luxembourg, widow of the Duke of Bedford, brother of King Henry V. He was taken prisoner in 1469, with his son, John Woodville, and conducted to Northampton, where they were both beheaded.

The Duke of Burgundy was extremely concerned at what had happened, and privately contrived a way for King Edward's escape, and that he might have an opportunity of speaking with him: and their plot succeeded so well, that King Edward escnped out of prison, raised men, and defeated a great body of the Earl of Warwick's troops. King Edward was very fortunate in his battles, for he fought at least nine pitched battles (always on foot), and was always conqueror.

The Earl of Warwick finding himself too weak to oppose King Edward, having first given instructions to his private friends what they were to do in his absence, put to sea with the Duke of Clarence (age 1), who had married his daughter1, and was then of his faction, notwithstanding that he was brother to the king; and carrying with them their wives and children, and a great number of forces, he appeared before Calais. There were at that time several of the earl's servants in the town, and one in the quality of his lieutenant, Lord Wenlock (age 51)2, who, instead of receiving him, fired his great guns upon him.

Note 1. Isabella, daughter of the Earl of Warwick (age 22), and Anne Beauchamp (age 25), his wife, was born at Warwick Castle [Map] on the 5th of September, 1451. She was married at Calais on the 11th of July, 1469.

Note 2. John, Lord Wenlock, Chief Butler of England, was appointed Lieutenant of Calais in 1470, and was killed at the battle of Tewkesbury on the 4th of May, 1471.

[Around 14 Apr 1470] Whilst they lay at anchor before the town, the Duchess of Clarence (age 18) (who was daughter to the Earl of Warwick) was brought to bed of a son1, and great entreaties had to be used before Wenlock and the rest could be persuaded to send her two flagons of wine, which was great severity in a servant to use towards his master; for it is to be presumed tlie earl thought himself secure of that place, it being the richest treasure belonging to England, and the best captaincy in the world (or at least in Christendom); and this I know, for I was there several times during their differences, and was told by the chief officer of the staple for cloth, that he would willingly farm the government of the town from the King of England at 15,000 crowns per annum; for the Governor of Calais receives all profits on that side of the sea, and has the benefit of all convoys, and the entire disposal and management of the garrison.

Note 1. This child probably died very young, for Dugdale makes no mention of him.

The King of England was extremely pleased, and well satisfied with Lord Wenlock for refusing his captain, and sent him a patent to constitute him governor, in the Earl of Warwick's room; for he was an old experienced officer, a wise gentleman, and of the Order of the Garter. The Duke of Burgundy was also well pleased with him for this action, and being at St. Omer1, he sent me to Lord Wenlock, to assure him of a pension of 1000 crowns, and to desire him to continue that affection which he had already shown to the King of England. I found him fixed and resolved to be so, and in the Hotel de I'Etape in that town, he swore solemnly to me, that he would serve the King of England against all opposers whatsoever; and when he had done, all the garrison and townsmen took the same oath. I was near two months going and coming to and from him, to keep him steady in his allegiance: but the most part of that time I was with him, the Duke of Burgundy was come to Boulogne, and had his residence there2, in order to the setting out a great fleet against the Earl of Warwick, who, at his departure from Calais, had taken several ships belonging to the Duke of Burgundy's subjects, which was partly the occasion of the war between the King of France and him. For the Earl of Warwick's soldiers selling all their booty in Normandy, the Duke of Burgundy, by way of reprisal, seized upon all the French merchants who came to the fair at Antwerp.

Note 1. On the 28tb of June, 1470.

Note 2. He had been there ever since the 26th of July.

Since it is as absolutely necessary to be acquainted with the examples of the deceit and craftiness of this world, as with instances of integrity (not to make use of them, but to arm ourselves against them), I shall in this place lay open a trick, or piece of policy (but, call it what you please, it was certainly wisely managed), by which you may understand the juggling of our neighbours, as well as our own, and that there are good and bad people in all places of the world. When the Earl of Warwick came to Calais, which he looked upon as his principal refuge, and expected to be received, Lord Wenlock, being a person of great prudence, sent him word, that if he entered he was a lost man, for all England and the Duke of Burgundy would be against him; besides, the inhabitants of the town would be his enemies, as well as a great part of the garrison, as Monsieur de Duras1, who was the King of England's marshal, and several others, who had great interest in the place, were hostile to him. Wherefore he advised him, as the best thing he could do, to retire into France, and not to concern himself for Calais, for of that he would give him a fair account upon the first opportunity. He did his captain good service by giving him that counsel, but none at all to his king. Certainly no man was ever guilty of a higher piece of ingratitude than Lord Wenlock, considering the King of England had made him Governor in chief of Calais, and the Duke of Burgundy settled a large pension upon him.

Note 1. Galhard de Durfort, Lord of Duras, retired to England in 1453, was made a Knight of the Garter, and appointed Governor of Calais. He was recalled to France in 1476, by Louis XI, and was killed in that king's service in Burgundy, in 1487. He married Anne, daughter of the Duke of Suffolk.

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3 Chapter V

May 1470. How the Earl of Warwick, by the Assistance of Louis, King of France, drove King Edward IV. out of England, to the great Displeasure of the Duke of Burgundy, who received him into his Countries.

May 1470. The Earl of Warwick, who followed Wenlock's counsel, landed in Normandy1, and was kindly received by the King of France, who furnished him with great sums of money to pay his troops. The Duke of Burgundy had at this time a great fleet abroad, infesting the king's subjects both by land and sea; and this fleet was so powerful, that none durst oppose it. The king ordered the Bastard of Bourbon2, Admiral of France, with a strong squadron3, to assist the English against any attempt that should be made upon them by the Duke of Burgundy's fleet. All this happened the season before the surrender of St. Quentin and Amiens, which was in the year 1470. The Duke of Burgundy was stronger at sea than the Earl of Warwick and the king together; for at Sluys he had seized upon several great ships belonging to Spain and Portugal, and two Genoese vessels, besides many hulks from Germany.

Note 1. Between Honfleur and Harfleur, in May, 1470.

Note 2. Louis, Bastard of Bourbon, a natural son of Charles I., Duke of Bourbon, by Jeanne de Bournan, was legitimated in September, 1463; hi; married Jeanne, a natural daughter of Louis XL, and died on the 19ih of January, 1486.

Note 3. According to Chastellain, it consisted of "sixty fine and powerful ships."

King Edward was not a man of any great management or foresight, but he was of an invincible courage, and the handsomest prince my eyes ever beheld. The Earl of Warwick's landing in Normandy did not so much affect him as it did the Duke of Burgundy, who presently perceiving there were great transactions in England in favour of the Earl of Warwick, gave frequent information of it to that king, but he never heeded it; which in my opinion was great weakness, considering the mighty preparations the King of France had made against him, for he fitted out all the ships he could get, and well manned and victualled them, and ordered the English fugitives to be equipped.

13 Dec 1470. By his management also a marriage was concluded between the Earl of Warwick's second daughter (age 14) and the Prince of Wales1, which prince was the only son to King Henry VI. (who was at that time alive, and prisoner in the tower.) An unaccountable match! to dethrone and imprison the father, and marry his only son to the daughter of him that did it. It was no less surprising that he should delude the Duke of Clarence, brother to the king whom he opposed, who ought in reason to have been afraid of the restoration of the house of Lancaster; but affairs of so nice a nature are not to be managed without great cunning and artifice.

Note 1. Edward, son of Henry VI. and Margaret of Anjou. He married Anne, youngest daughter of the Earl of Warwick, and was killed in the battle of Tewkesbury, on the 4th of May, 1471. His widow afterwards married the Duke of Gloucester, who subsequently ascended the throne as Richard III.

During the whole time of this preparation, I stayed at Calais to keep Lord Wenlock firm to his allegiance; but I could discover nothing of his juggling, though he had been at it for three months. My business with him then was, to desire that he would order twenty or thirty of the Earl of Warwick's servants who were there, to depart the town; for I was assured the king's fleet, in conjunction with the earl's, was ready to set sail from Normandy, and if they should land suddenly in England, it might happen that those servants of the Earl of Warwick's might raise some tumult or other in the town of Calais, that he might not be able to appease, for which reason I was very earnest for their being turned out. Before, he had always promised me he would, but then he took me aside, and told me that he would keep the town well enough, but he had something else to impart to me, and that was, that I would acquaint the Duke of Burgundy, that if he desired to show himself a friend to England, he would advise him to employ his good offices rather in mediating peace, than endeavouring to promote war; and this he said in respect of the preparations which the Duke of Burgundy had made against the Earl of Warwick. He told me farther, that it would be no hard matter to compass an accommodation, for that very day there was a lady passed by Calais into France, with letters to the Duchess of Clarence, and in them overtures of peace from King Edward; and he said truly; but as he had done with others, so the lady dissembled with him; for her business was of another kind of importance, which she accomplished at last, to the prejudice of the Earl of "Warwick and all his party.

You cannot be better informed by any other person of the secret contrivances and subtle collusions which happened on our side of the water, than by me, especially as to the transactions of these last twenty years.

The secret affair to be managed by this lady, was to solicit the Duke of Clarence not to contribute to the subversion of his own family, by endeavouring to restore the house of Lancaster; that he would remember their old insolences, and the hereditary hatred that was between them, and not be so infatuated as to imagine that the Earl of Warwick, who had married his daughter to the Prince of Wales, and sworn allegiance to him already, would not endeavour to place him upon the throne. This lady managed the affair that was committed to her charge, with so much cunning and dexterity, that she prevailed with the Duke of Clarence to promise to come over to the king's party as soon as he was in England.

This lady was no fool, nor loquacious; and being allowed the liberty of visiting her mistress the Duchess of Clarence, she for that reason was employed in this secret, rather than a man. Wenlock was a cunning man, and shrewd enough; yet this lady was too hard for him, wheedled him, and carried on her intrigues till she had effected the ruin of the Earl of Warwick and all his faction; for which reason it is no shame for persons in his condition to be suspicious, and keep a watchful eye- over all comers and goers; but it is a great disgrace to be outwitted, and to lose anything tlirough one's own negligence; however, our suspicions ought to be grounded on some foundation, for to be over-suspicious is as bad the other way.

13 Sep 1470. You have already been informed that the Earl of Warwick's fleet, with the squadron the King of France had sent to convoy him, was ready to sail, and that the Duke of Burgundy's navy lay ready at Havre to engage them; but it pleased God to order it so, that a great storm arising that night, the Duke of Burgundy's navy was driven by stress of weather, some into Scotland, some into Holland, and all of them dispersed; after which, in a short time, the weather coming about fair for the Earl of Warwick, he took his opportunity, and sailed safely to England.

Sep 1470. The Duke of Burgundy had sent King Edward word of the port where the earl designed to land, and had persons constantly about him, to put him in mind of taking care of himself, and putting his kingdom in a posture of defence. But he never was concerned at anything,- but still followed his hunting, and nobody was so trusted by him as the Archbishop of York1 and the Marquis of Montague2, both the Earl of Warwick's brothers, who had sworn to be true to him against their brother, and all opposers whatsoever; and the king put an entire confidence in them.

Note 1. George Neville, Chancellor of the University of Oxford, was created Bishop of Exeter on the 25th of November, 1455, before he had attained his twentieth year. He became Lord Chancellor of England in 1460, and Archbishop of York in 1465; and he died on the 8th of June, 1476.

Note 2. John Neville (age 39), Marquis of Montague, married Isabella (age 29), daughter of Sir Edmond Ingoldsthrop of Borough Green, and was killed in the battle of Barnet on the 30th of April, 1471.

13 Sep 1470. Upon the Earl of Warwick's landing1, great numbers came in to him; and King Edward when he heard it, was much alarmed; and (when very late) he began to look about him, and sent to the Duke of Burgundy to desire that his fleet might be ready at sea to intercept the Earl of Warwick on his return to France, for on land he knew how to deal with him. The Duke of Burgundy was not well pleased with these words, for he looked upon it as a greater piece of policy to have hindered the earl from landing, than to be forced to run the hazard of a battle, to drive him out again. The Earl of Warwick had not been landed above five or six days before the whole country came in to him, and he encamped within three leagues of the king, whose army was superior to the earl's (had they been all true to his interest), and waited on purpose to give him battle: the king was possessed of a fortified village or house1, to which (as he told me himself) there was no access but by one bridge, which proved of great service to him; the rest of his forces were quartered in the neighbouring villages. As he sate at dinner, news was suddenly brought him that the Marquis of Montague, the Earl of Warwick's brother, and several other persons of quality, were mounted on horseback, and had caused their soldiers to cry, "God bless King Henry." At first King Edward would give no credit to it, but despatched other messengers to inquire, and in the meantime armed himself, and posted guards to defend the bridge in case of any assault. There was with him at that time a very prudent gentleman called the Lord Hastings2, High Chamberlain of England, in great authority with the king; and he deserved it, for though his wife was the Earl of Warwick's sister, he continued loyal to his king, and was then in his service (as he told me afterwards) with a body of 3000 horse. There was likewise with him the Lord Scales3 (brother to King Edward's queen) besides several good knights and gentlemen who began to think that all was not well, for the messengers confirmed what had been told the king before, and that the enemy was marching boldly on, with a design to surprise him in his quarters.

Note 1. Rapin states that Edward was at Lynn at this time.

Note 2. William, Lord Hastings, son of Richard Hastings, and Alice, daughter of Lord Camoys. He married Catherine, daughter of Richard Neville, last Earl of Salisbury; and was beheaded by order of Richard III on the 13th of June, 1483.

Note 3. Anthony Woodville, Lord Scales and Earl Rivers, was the son of Richard Woodville and Jacquetta of Luxembourg. He married 1. Elizabeth, daughter of Lord Scales, and 2. Mary, daughter of Henry Fitz Lewes. He was beheaded in 1483,

It happened by God's grace that King Edward's quarters were no great distance from the sea, and some ships that followed with provisions for his army, lay at anchor with two Dutch merchant vessels hard by. King Edward had but just time to get aboard one of them; his chamberlain stayed a little behind, and advised his lieutenant and the rest of the officers to go in with their men to the Earl of Warwick, but conjured them to retain their old affection and allegiance to the king and himself; and then he also went aboard the ship with the others, which were just ready to set sail. It is the custom in England, when a battle is won, to give quarter, and no man is killed, especially of the common soldiers (for they know everybody will join the strongest side), and it is but seldom that they are ransomed; so that when the king had made his escape, not one of his men was put to the sword. King Edward told me, that in all the battles which he had gained, his way was, when the victory was on his side, to mount on horseback, and cry out to save the common soldiers, and put the gentlemen to the sword, by which means none, or very few of them, escaped.

02 Oct 1470. And thus King Edward made his escape in the year 1470, by the assistance of a small vessel of his own and two Dutch merchantmen, attended only by 700 or 800 men, without any clothes but what they were to have fought in, no money in their pockets, and not one of them knew whither they were going. It was very surprising to see this poor king (for so he might justly be called) run away in this manner, and be pursued by his own servants. He had indulged himself in ease and pleasures for twelve or thirteen years together, and enjoyed a larger share of them than any prince in his time. His thoughts were wholly employed upon the ladies (and far more than was reasonable), hunting, and adorning his person. In his summer-hunting, his custom was to have several tents set up for the ladies, where he treated them after a magnificent manner; and indeed his person was as well turned for love-intrigues as any man I ever saw in my life: for he was young, and the most handsome man of his time; I mean when he was in this adversity, for afterwards he grew very corpulent. But see now how, on a sudden, he is fallen into the calamities of the world! He sailed directly for Holland. At that time the Easterlinjzs1 were at war both with the English and French; they had many ships at sea, and were dreaded by the English, and upon good grounds; for they were good soldiers, had done them much prejudice that year already, and bad taken several of their ships. The Easterlings at a great distance descried the ships which were with the king, and about seven or eight of them began to give them chase; but being far before them, he gained the coast of Holland, or rather some thing lower, for he put into Friesland, not far from a little town called Alquemare2, where he came to an anchor, and, it being low water, the king could not get into the harbour, but ran himself as near the town as he could. The Easterlings came as near him as they could possibly make, and dropt their anchors, intending to board him the next tide.

Note 1. Easterlings, in French Ostrelins, was the name given to the merchants of the Hanseatic League,

Note 2. Alkmaar, the capital of North Holland, distant about twenty miles from Amsterdam.

Misfortune and danger never go alone: the king's success and his courage were now strangely altered. A fortnight before that man would have been looked upon as mad, who should have told him, "The Earl of Warwick shall drive you out of England, and in eleven days have the supreme power and dominion in his own hands" (for it cost him no more time to bring the whole kingdom to obedience). Besides, he laughed at the Duke of Burgundy for squandering his money in the defence of the sea, giving out, that he wished his adversary were landed in England; but what excuse could he make for himself after such a loss, and by his own fault, unless this, " That I did not think it possible?" and, if a prince be but arrived to years of discretion, he ought to blush at such an excuse, for it will not serve his turn. So that this is a fair example for such princes as think it beneath them to be afraid, or have a watchful eye on their enemies, and are fond of such courtiers as flatter and indulge them in that opinion; and think they are the more valued and esteemed for it, and that it is a proof of their courage and resolution to despise and laugh at danger. I know not what they may say to their faces, but I am sure wise nien account such expressions great folly. It is honourable to fear where there is occasion, and provide against it with all the caution imaginable. A wise man in a prince's court is a great treasure to his master, if the one has liberty to speak truth, and the other discretion enough to believe him, and follow his advice.

11 Oct 1470. By chance the Lord de la Gruthuse1, the Duke of Burgundy's governor in Holland, was at that place where and when King Edward wished to land; who, by some persons put on shore, was immediately informed of his miserable condition, and the danger he was in by reason of the Easterlings. The governor sent immediately to the Easterlings to charge them to lie still, and went on board the king's ship himself, and invited him on shore; whereupon the king landed, with his brother the Duke of Gloucester (who was called afterwards King Richard III.), and about 1500 men in their train. The king had no money about him, and gave the master of the ship a gown lined with beautiful martens, and promised to do more for him whenever he had an opportunity; but sure so poor a company was never seen before; yet the Lord de la Gruthuse dealt very honourably by them, for he gave many of them clothes, and bore all their expenses till they came to the Hague, to which place he safely conducted them.2 He then despatched the news of his arrival to the Duke of Burgundy, who was much surprised when he heard it, and would have been much better pleased if it had been news of his death; for he was in great apprehension of the Earl of Warwick, who was his enemy, and at that time absolute in England. The earl, immediately after his landing, had prodigious numbers of people flock in to him3; even the king's own party, some for love, and others through fear, submitted to him wholly; so that every day his army increased, and not long after he marched to London.

Note 1. Louis de Bruges, Lord de la Gruthayse, Prince of Stecnhuysc, Knight of the Golden Fleece, was the son of Jean de Bruges and Marguerite de Steenhuyse. He was created Earl of Winchester for his eminent services to King Edward IV.; and he died ou the 24th of November, 1492.

Note 2. King Edward arrived at the Hague on the 11th of October, 1470; and the Duke of Burgundy gave him 500 golden crowns per month for his support. Lenglet, ii. 196.

Note 3. The number of Warwick's partisans was very great, especially in London. He had obtained them, according to Oliver de la Marche, by three ways, which do honour to his ability, if not to his honesty. " The first, by flatteries, and feigned humility to the people of London, by whom he Avas much loved. Secondly, he was master of the five ports of England, where he allowed great injury to be done; and never, in his time, was justice done in England to any foreigner who had suffered loss; wherefore he was beloved by the English freebooters, whom he thus contributed to support. And thirdly, he kept the city of London on his tide by always owing 300,000 or 400,000 crowns to different citizens; and those whose debtor he was desired his life and prosperity, that they might be paid their dues." La Marche, ii. 276.

A great number of good knights and squires, who were in King Edward's interest, fled to the sanctuaries in London, and did the king good service afterwards; and this did the queen his wife, who, in great want of all things that were necessary, was there1 brought to bed of a prince.2

Note 1. She went to "St. Catherine's Abbey, say some, but others say to the sanctuary at Westminster." Chastellain, 486.

Note 2. Edward V., born on the 4th of November, 1470.

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3 Chapter VI

1470. How the Earl of "Warwick released Henry VI, King of England, out of the Tower.

The Earl of Warwick, immediately upon his arrival in London, went directly to the Tower (which is the castle), and released King Henry, whom long before he had committed thither himself. When he imprisoned him, he went before him, crying "Treason, treason, and behold the traitor!" but now he proclaimed him king, attended him to his palace at Westminster, and restored him to his royal prerogative, and all in the Duke of Clarence's presence, who was not at all pleased with the sight. Immediately he despatched 300 or 400 men over to Calais to overrun the Boulonnois, which party was well received by the Lord Wenlock, whom I mentioned before, and the affection which he had always borne to his master, the Earl of Warwick, was at that time very conspicuous. That very day on which the Duke of Burgundy received the news of King Edward's being in Holland, I was come from Calais, and found him at Boulogne, having heard nothing of that, or of King Edward's defeat. The first news the Duke of Burgundy heard of him was, that he was killed, and he was not at all concerned at it, for his affection was greater for the house of Lancaster than for York, and there were at that very time in his court the Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, and several others of King Henry's party; so that he thought by their means to be easily reconciled to that family; but he dreaded greatly the Earl of Warwick. Besides he knew not after what manner to carry himself to King Edward (whose sister he had married); and moreover they were brethren of the same orders, for the king wore the Golden Fleece, and the duke the Garter.

The duke despatched me presently back to Calais, and a gentleman or two with me, who were of King Henry's party. He gave me instructions how I was to proceed with this new set, and pressed me very earnestly to go, assuring me the business required good service. I went as far as Tourneghem (a castle near Guynes), but durst venture no farther; for I found the people flying from the English, who had sent out a strong party to plunder and harass the country. I sent immediately to the Lord Wenlock for a passport; though before I used to go without any such thing, and was always honourably entertained, for the English are naturally of a free and generous temper.

This was a new phase of affairs to me, for I had never seen such mutations in the world before. That night I sent the duke word of the danger which hindered me from proceeding in my journey; but not knowing what answer I should receive from Wenlock, I did not say that I had sent for a passport. He sent me a signet ring from off his finger, commanding me to go on, and if I was taken prisoner, he would ransom me. He made no scruple to expose any of his servants to danger, when he thought it for his advantage; but I had well provided for myself by sending for a passport, which I received with very gracious letters from the Lord Wenlock, assuring me that I should have the liberty of coming and going as formerly. Upon these letters I went on to Guynes; where I found the captain at the gate, who presented me with a glass of wine, yet did not invite me into the castle as he was wont, but showed me great respect, and treated the gentlemen who were with me, who were of King Henry's party, very nobly. From thence I went to Calais, but nobody came out to meet me, as formerly; all were in the Earl of Warwick's livery. At the gate of my lodgings, and the door of my chamber, the people had made more than a hundred white crosses with certain rhymes underneath, signifying that the King of France and Earl of Warwick were all one; all which I thought very surprising. I sent, however, to Gravelines (which is about five leagues from Calais), requiring them to seize all English merchants and their effects because of all the mischief done us in their incursions into the Boulonnois. The Lord Wenlock sent to me to dine with him; I found him well attended, with a ragged staff of gold upon his bonnet, which was the cognizance of the Earl of Warwick; all the rest had ragged staffs likewise, but they who could not be at the expense of gold, had them of cloth. I was informed at dinner, that within a quarter of an hour after the arrival of an express from England with the news, the whole town had got this livery, so hasty and sudden was the change; and this was the first time that I had ever seen or considered such an instance of the instability of all human affairs.

The Lord "Wenlock made me many compliments, and some excuses in behalf of his captain the Earl of Warwick, from whom, as he told me, he had received many favours; but for the rest who were with him, I never heard people talk so extravagantly. ^ Those whom I had looked upon as the king's greatest friends, were the most bitter and invective against him; yet I am apt to think some did it for fear, though others spoke the real sentiments of their hearts. Those whom I formerly endeavoured to have turned out of the town (as being servants to the earl) were now in great reputation; yet they never knew of my ever having spoken anything against them to the Lord Wenlock. I told them upon all occasions that King Edward was dead, and that I had certain information of it (though indeed I well knew to the contrary); I added, likewise, that if he were not dead, it was of no great importance, for the Duke of Burgundy's alliance was with the king and kingdom of England, so that this accident could not infringe it; for whomever they declared their king, should be so to us: and in consideration of such revolutions in times past, they had put in these very words, "with the king and the kingdom;" and we were to have four of the chief towns in England as a security for performance of these articles. The merchants pressed very hard that I might be detained, because their goods had been seized at Gravelines, and, as they pretended, by my express command. At length we came to this composition, that they should pay for, or restore, all the cattle which had been plundered; for by agreement with the house of Burgundy they had liberty to take what cattle they wanted, for the necessary provision of the town, out of certain grounds that were appointed, on paying a certain price; and for prisoners, they had taken none. Hereupon it was concluded between us, that the alliance which we had made with the crown of England should stand good, only we were to put in Henry instead of Edward.

This accommodation was extremely welcome to the Duke of Burgundy; for the Earl of Warwick was sending 4000 men over to Calais, to make war upon him, and furiously invade his territories, and no way could be found out to pacify him. But the great merchants of London (many of whom were then at Calais) diverted him from that undertaking, because it was the staple1 of their wools, and it is almost incredible what prodigious returns they make from thence twice every year; there their wool lies till the merchants come over, and their chief vent is into Flanders and Holland: for which reason, therefore, they were very solicitous to promote this accommodation, and stop the forces which the Earl of Warwick was sending over. This treaty fell out very luckily for the Duke of Burgundy; for it happened at the same time that the King of France had taken Amions and St. Quentin, and if he had been forced to have maintained war with both these kings at a time, he had certainly been ruined. He tried all the ways imaginable to pacify the Earl of Warwick; declaring himself of the house of Lancaster, and that he would do nothing to the prejudice of King Henry; and making use of such other expressions as he thought would serve his turn best.

Note 1. The staple of wool at Calais Avas established by King Edward III. Rapin, iii. 231.

In the meantime King Edward arrived at the Duke of Burgundy's court at St. Pol1, and pressed very hard for supplies to enable him to recover his kingdom; for he assured him of the great interest he had in England, and entreated him, for God's sake, not to abandon him, since he had married his sister, and they were besides brethren of the same orders. The Dukes of Somerset and Exeter violently opposed it, and used all their artifice to keep him firm to King Henry's interest. The duke was in suspense, and knew not which side to favour; he was fearful of disobliging either, because he was engaged in a desperate war at home; but at length he struck in with the Duke of Somerset and the rest of that party, upon certain promises which they made him, against the Earl of Warwick, their ancient enemy. King Edward was present at the place, and was much dissatisfied to see how unsuccessfully his affairs went on; yet they gave him all the fair words imaginable, and told him that all was but dissimulation, to keep off a war against two kingdoms at once; for if the duke were ruined, he would not be in a capacity to assist him afterwards, if he should be ever so inclinable to do it. However, finding King Edward bent upon his return to England, and being unwilling, for several reasons, absolutely to displease him, he pretended publicly that he would give him no assistance, and issued out a proclamation forbidding any of his subjects to go along with him; but privately and underhand he sent him 50,000 florins with St. Andrew's cross2, furnished him with three or four great ships, which he ordered to be equipped for him at La Vere3 in Holland, which is a free port where all persons are received; besides which, he hired secretly fourteen Easterling ships for him, which were well armed, and had promised to transport him into England, and serve him fifteen days afterwards; which supply was very great, considering those times.

Note 1. On Wednesday, the 2nd of January, 1471, the Duke of Burgundy left Hesdin and went to Aire, where he met the King of England. He remained there on the 3rd, and returned to Hesdin, after dinner, on the 4th. Lenglet, ii. 197.

Note 2. Equal to more than 200,000 pounds sterling.

Note 3. Now Weer, or Ter Veere, a town in the province of Zealand, on the eastern coast of the island of Walcheren.

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 3 Chapter VII

1471. How King Edward returned into England, where he defeated the Earl of Warwick in Battle, and the Prince of Wales afterwards.

14 Mar 1471. King Edward set sail for England in the year 1471, at the same time as the Duke of Burgundy marched towards Amiens against the King of France. The duke was of opinion that the affairs of England could not go amiss for him, since he was sure of friends on both sides. King Edward was no sooner landed, but he marched directly for London, where he had above 2000 of his party in sanctuary; among whom were 300 or 400 knights and esquires, who were of great advantage to his affairs, for he brought over with him a small number of forces.

Note 1. He embarked at Ter Veere on the 2nd of March, 1471, and landed at Ravenspur on the 14th of the same month.

11 Apr 1471. The Earl of Warwick was at that time in the north with a powerful army, but upon the news of King Edward's landing, he marched back again with all speed towards London, in hopes to have got thither before him. However, he presumed the city would have been true to him, but he was mistaken; for King Edward was received into the city on Maunday Thursday1, with the universal acclamation of the citizens, contrary to the expectation of most people, for everybody looked upon him as lost: and without dispute, if the citizens had but shut their gates against him, he had been irrecoverably lost, for the Earl of Warwick was within a day's march of him. As I have been since informed, there were three things especially, which contributed to his reception into London. The first was, the persons who were in the sanctuaries, and the birth of a young prince, of whom the queen was there brought to bed. The next was, the great debts which he owed in the town, which obliged all the tradesmen who were his creditors to appear for him. The third was, that the ladies of quality, and rich citizens' wives with whom he had formerly intrigued, forced their husbands and relations to declare themselves on his side.

Note 1. April 11. 1471.

14 Apr 1471. He stayed but two days in the town, for on Easter-eve he marched with all the forces he could collect to give the Earl of Warwick battle: the next day, being Easterday, they met1, and as they were drawn up, and stood in order of battle one against the other, the Duke of Clarence went over to his brother King Edward, and carried with him near 12,000 men, which was a great discouragement to the Earl of Warwick, and a mighty strengthening to King Edward, who before was but weak.

You have already heard how the negotiation with the Duke of Clarence was managed; yet, for all this, the battle was sharp and bloody: both sides fought on foot; and the king's vanguard suffered extremely in this action, and the earls main battle advanced against his, and so near, that the king himself was engaged in person, and behaved himself as bravely as any man in either army. The Earl of Warwick's custom was never to fight on foot, but when he had once led his men to the charge, he mounted on horseback himself, and if he found victory inclined to his side, he charged boldly among them; if otherwise, he took care of himself in time, and provided for his escape. But now at the importunity of his brother, the Marquis of Montague (who was a person of great courage), he fought on foot, and sent away his horses. The conclusion of all was, that the earl, the Marquis of Montague, and many other brave officers, were killed, for the slaughter was very great. King Edward had resolved, at his departure from Flanders, to call out no more to spare the common soldiers, and kill only the gentlemen, as he had formerly done; for he had conceived a mortal hatred against the commons of England, for having favoured the Earl of Warwick so much, and for other reasons besides, so that he spared none of them at that time. This battle was bravely fought, and on the king's side there were killed 1500 men.

Note 1. The battle was fought upon a plain near Barnet, between London and St. Albans, known by the name of Gladsmore Heath,

14 Apr 1471. The very day on which this fight happened, the Duke of Burgundy, being before Amiens, received letters from the duchess, his wife, that the King of England was not at all satisfied with him1; that the assistance he had given him was not done frankly and willingly, but as if for a very little cause he would have deserted him; and. to speak plainly, there was never great friendship between them afterwards; yet the Duke of Burgundy seemed to be extremely pleased at the news, and published it everywhere.

Note 1. Edward nevertheless wrote, on the 28th of May, 1471, a letter in which he thanked the duke for the valuable and brotherly assistance he had given him in his distress. See Salazard, iv. 306.

21 May 1471. I had almost forgotten to acquaint you that King Edward, finding King Henry in London, took him along with him to the fight. This King Henry was a very ignorant prince and almost an idiot; and (if what was told me be true) after the battle was over, the Duke of Gloucester (who was King Edward's brother, and afterwards called King Richard) slew this poor King Henry with his own hand, or caused him to be carried into some private place, and stood by while he was killed.1

Note 1. King Henry VI., says Hume, " expired in the Tower a few days after the battle of Tewkesbury, but whether he died a natural or violent death is uncertain. It is pretended, and was generally believed, that the Duke of Gloucester killed him with his own hands; but the universal odium which that prince has incurred, inclined perhaps the nation to aggravate his crimes, without any sufficient authority. It is certain, however, that Henry's death was sudden; and, though he laboured under an ill state of health, this circumstance, joined to the general manners of the age, gave a natural ground of suspicion, which was rather increased than diminished by the exposing of his body to public view."

14 Apr 1471. The Prince of Wales (of whom I have spoken before) had landed in England before this battle, and had joined his forces with those of the Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, and several others of their family and party; so that in all (as I have been informed by those who were in that army) they amounted to above 40,000 men. If the Earl of Warwick had stayed till he had been joined by those forces, in all probability they had won the day. But the fear he had of the Duke of Somerset, whose father and brother he had put to death1, and the hatred he bore to Queen Margaret, mother to the Prince of Wales, induced him to fight alone, without waiting for them. By this example we may observe how long old animosities last, how highly they are to be feared in themselves, and how destructive and dangerous they are in their consequences.

Note 1. The Earl of Warwick was not personally the cause of their death. Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, lost his life at the battle of St. Albans, on the 23rd of May, 1455, commanding the army opposed to that of which Warwick was the leader. The two sons of this Duke of Somerset, Edmund and John, were slain in the battle of Tewkesbury.

04 May 1471. As soon as King Edward had obtained this victory, he marched against the Prince of Wales, and there he had another great battle1; for though the Prince of Wales's army was more numerous than the king's, yet King Edward got the victory; and the Prince of Wales2, several other great lords, and a great number of common soldiers, were killed upon the spot, and the Duke of Somerset, being taken, was beheaded the next day. In eleven days the Earl of Warwick had gained the whole kingdom of England, or at least reduced it to his obedience. In twenty-one days King Edward recovered it again, but it cost him two great and desperate battles to regain it. And thus you have an account of the revolutions of England. King Edward caused numbers of persons to be put to death in many places, especially those that were guilty of any confederacy against him. Of all nations in the world, the English are most inclined to such battles. After this fight. King Edward enjoyed continual peace till his death, yet not without some troubles and afflictions of mind; but I shall forbear saying any more about English affairs, till I can do it more conveniently in another place.

Note 1. This battle was fought near Tewkesbury, in Gloucestershire, on the 4th of May, 1471.

Note 2. "Queen Margaret and her son," says Hume, " were taken prisoners, and brought to the king, who asked the prince, in an insulting manner, how he dared to invade his dominions? The young prince, more mindful of his high birth than of his present fortune, replied that he came thither to claim his just inheritance. The ungenerous Edward, insensible to pity, struck him on the face with his gauntlet: and the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, Lord Hastings, and Sir Thomas Gray, taking the blow as a signal for further violence, hurried the prince into the next apartment, and there despatched him with their daggers." Commines says erroneously that he fell on the field.

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 4

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 4 Chapter VIII

29 Aug 1475. How a Truce for nine Years was negotiated between the Kings of France (age 52) and England (age 33), notwithstanding the Difficuhies and Impediments interposed by the Constable and the Duke of Burgundy. —1475.

As you have heard, our ambassadors met on the day after the return of our herald, for we were within four leagues of one another, or even less. Our herald was well treated, and had his money, and the office in the Isle of Re, where he was born. Many overtures passed between our ambassadors. The English at first demanded, according to their custom, the crown of France, and by degrees they fell to Normandy and Guienne; our commissioners replied as became them: so that the demand was well urged on the one side, and well refused on the other: yet, from the very first day of the treaty, there was great prospect of an accommodation, for both parties seemed very inclinable to hearken to reasonable proposals: our commissioners came back, and the others returned to their camp. The king was informed of their demands, and the final resolution1 was, to have 72,000 crowns paid them down before they left the kingdom; a marriage was to be concluded between our present king and the eldest daughter2 of King Edward, who is now Queen of England, and for her maintenance either the duchy of Guienne was to be assigned2, or a pension of 50,000 crowns, to be paid annually during nine years, in the Tower of London; at the end of which term, the present king and his queen were to enjoy quietly the whole revenue of Guienne, and our king was to be discharged from paying the pension for the future. There were several other articles; but, as they were of no great weight or importance, I shall pass them over; only this I shall add that in this peace, which was to continue nine4 years between the two crowns, the allies on both sides were to be comprehended if they pleased, and the Dukes of Burgundy and Bretagne were named expressly by the English. The King of England offered (which was strange) to make a discovery of some persons who (as he said) were traitors to our king and his crown, and to produce proofs of their treason under their own hands.

Note 1. The terms finally agreed upon by the Kings of France and England are contained in four distinct acts, reported in Kymer (vol. v. part 3. pp. 65 — 68), and all dated on the 29th of August, 1475. Their provisions may be thus briefly stated: 1. King Edward engages to return to England with his army as soon as Louis XL has paid him the sum of 75,000 crowns. 2. A truce of seven years, commencing at the date of the treaty, and finishing at sunset on the 29th of August, 1482, is concluded between the two sovereigns. 3. The Kings of France and England undertake to mutually assist each other in case either prince should be attacked by his enemies or by his rebellious subjects; and to make this alliance still closer, Prince Charles, son of Louis XL, is to wed the Princess Elizabeth (age 16), daughter of Edward IV., as soon as they are both of marriageable age. 4. The King of France engages to pay annually to the King of England, in two instalments, the sum of 50,000 crowns; such payment to continue only during the life-time of either prince.

Note 2. Elizabeth, born in 1466, married Henry VII., King of England, on the 18th of January, 1486, and died on the Uth of February, 1503.

Note 3. It will be seen by the previous note, that no reference was made to this demand in the final treaty.

Note 4. This is a mistake; the truce was to last seven years.

King Louis was extremely pleased with the progress that our commissioners had made in this affair. He held a council to consult what measures to take, and I was present at it: some were of opinion all this was but a trick and artifice in the English: but the king was of another mind, and he inferred it from the time of the year (it being pretty near winter), and their being unprovided with any place for a secure quarter; as also from the delays and disappointments which they had suffered from the Duke of Burgundy, who had (as it were) forsaken them already; and as for the Constable, he was well assured he would not deliver up any of his towns, for the king sent every hour to entertain and wheedle him, and prevent him from doing any harm. Besides, our king was perfectly acquainted with the King of England's temper, and that he loved to indulge himself in ease and pleasures: so that, by consequence, it plainly appeared that his majesty spoke more wisely, and had a better judgment of these affairs, than any of his council. Whereupon he resolved to raise the money with all expedition, and after debating the means of raising it, it was resolved it should be done by a loan, and that every one should advance something for greater despatch. The king declared he would do anything in the world to get the King of England out of France, except putting any of his towns into his possession; for rather than do that, he would hazard all.

The Constable began to perceive these intrigues, to fear he had offended all parties, and to be jealous of the designs which he knew had been concluded against him at Bouvines; for which reason he sent very frequently to the king. At this very hour there arrived at court a servant of the Constable's, named Louis de Creville, and one of his secretaries, named John Richer, who are both still alive, who were ordered by the king to deliver their message to the Lord du Bouchage and to me. The message which they brought to the king pleased his majesty extremely; for he resolved to make his advantage of it, as you shall hear. The Lord of Contay, who (as I have already mentioned) was a servant to the Duke of Burgundy, had not long since been taken prisoner before Arras; and he travelled upon his parole between the duke and the king, who had promised him not only his liberty, but a considerable sum of money, if he could dispose his master to a peace. It happened that he was just returned from waiting on the Duke of Burgundy the very day the two gentlemen above mentioned arrived from the Constable. The king- caused the Lord of Contay and myself to hide ourselves behind a great old screen that stood in his chamber, that the Lord of Contay might hear and report to the Duke of Burgundy the language with which the Constable and his creatures treated him. The king seated himself upon a stool near the screen, that we might more distinctly hear what the said Louis de Creville (with whom none of the king's servants except the Lord du Bouchage were admitted) had to say; and he and his colleague began their discourse, telling the king that their master had sent them lately to wait on the Duke of Burgundy, and that they had used many arguments to induce him to a rupture with the English, and that they had found him in so great a passion against the King of England, that they were in a fair way to prevail upon him, not only to abandon, but also to fall upon and destroy his army, in their retreat; and to please the king the more, as he thought, when he spoke those words, Louis de Creville, in imitation of the Duke of Burgundy, stamped with his foot, swore by St. George, called the King of England Blancborgne, the son of an archer who bore his name, with as many invectives besides, as could possibly be used against any man. The king pretended to be highly pleased at the relation, and desired him to tell him it over again, and to raise his voice, for of late he was grown a little deaf; De Creville was not backward, but began again, and acted it to the life.

The Lord of Contay, who was with me behind the screen, was the most surprised person in the world, and all the arguments that could have been used could never have made him believe it, had he not overheard it himself. In the conclusion, they advised his majesty, in order to prevent the imminent danger that threatened his affairs, to make a truce; and promised that the Constable should do all that lay in his power to forward the negotiation; and, to satisfy the English in some measure, they proposed that the king should give them a small town or two for their winter quarters, which could not be so bad but they would be glad of them; yet, naming no towns, it was presumed tley intended St. Valery and Eu. By this means the Constable thought to reconcile himself to the English, and expiate the affront which he had put upon them by refusing to admit them into his towns. The king, having sufficiently acted his part, and made the Lord of Contay hear every word that was spoken, gave them no uncivil answer, but only told them that he would send to his brother, and give him an account of his affairs; and then they took their leave, and withdrew.

One of them swore to the king, that whatever secret he might be intrusted with that concerned his majesty's affairs, he would certainly discover it to him. The king could scarce dissemble his resentment at their advising him to give the English the towns; but, fearing lest it might provoke the Constable to do worse, he would not make such a reply as might lead them to suspect that he disliked the proposition; but he sent a messenger of his own to the Constable, for the way was but short, and it took up no great time to go thither and return. When the ambassadors were gone out, the Lord of Contay and I came from behind the screen, and found the king very pleasant, and laughing heartily; but the Lord of Contay was out of all patience to hear such fellows speak so disrespectfully of his master the Duke of Burgundy, especially considering the great transactions which were at that time pending between the Constable and him. The Lord of Contay was impatient to be on horseback, and to make a relation of it to his master; and he therefore was immediately despatched, with a copy of instructions written with his own hand, and a letter of credence under the king's hand.

Our negotiation with the English was already concluded, as you have heard, and all these intrigues were carried on at one time. The King of France's commissioners, who had had a conference with the English, reported their proposals, and the King of England's envoys returned to their camp. At last it was agreed upon by the ambassadors on both sides, that the two kings should have an interview, and swear mutually to the performance of the articles; after which the King of England should return into his own country, upon the receipt of 72,000 crowns, and that the Lord Howard and Sir John Chene1, his Master of the Horse, should be left as hostages till he was arrived in England. Lastly, a pension of 16,000 crowns a year was promised to the privy councillors of the King of England — viz., to the Lord Hastings, 2000 crowns a year, who would never give an acquittance for it2; to the Chancellor3, 2000; and the rest to the Lord Howard, the Master of the Horse, Chalanger, Sir Thomas Montgomery4, and several others; besides a great deal of ready money and plate that was distributed among the rest of the King of England's retinue.

Note 1. Sir John Cheyne was, at the period of his visit to France, Master of the Horse. He was created a Knight of the Bath by Richard III. on the 5th of July, 1483. He afterwards joined the party of the Earl of Richmond, and was wounded at the battle of Bosworth Field on the 22nd of August, 1485.

Note 2. Lord Hastings was not always so scrupulous, for he gave receipts for a pension granted him by the Duke of Burgundy in 1471. Lenglet, iii. 617.

Note 3. See note, p. 276.

Note 4. Sir Thomas Montgomery was a Knight of the Garter, and one of King Edward's council. He was created a Knight of the Bath by Richard III. on the 5th of July, 1483.

Note 5. On the 18th of August, he slept at Peronne, and proceeded on the following day to Iving Edward's camp near Saint Christ, on the Somme. Lenglet, ii. 217.

The Duke of Burgundy, who was then at Luxemburg, having notice of these proceedings, came in mighty haste1 to the King of England, attended only with sixteen horse in his retinue. The King of England was extremely surprised

Note 1. On the 18th of August, he slept at Peronne, and proceeded on the following day to Iving Edward's camp near Saint Christ, on the Somme. Lenglet, ii. 217.

at his unexpected arrival, and demanded what it was that brought him thither, for he saw by his countenance that he was angry. The duke told him he was come to discourse with him. The King of England asked whether it should be in public or private? Then the duke asked him if he had made a peace; the king told him, he had made a truce for nine years, in which the Duke of Bretagne and himself were comprehended, and he desired they would accept of that comprehension. The duke fell into a violent passion, and in English, a language that he spoke very well, began to commemorate the glorious achievements of his predecessors on the throne of England, who had formerly invaded France, and how they had spared no pains, nor declined any danger, that might render them famous, and gain them immortal honour and renown abroad. Then he inveighed against the truce, and told the king he had not invited the English over into France out of any necessity he had of their assistance, but only to put them in a way of recovering their own right and inheritance; and to convince them he could subsist without their alliance, he was resolved not to make use of the truce till the king had been three months in England1; and having delivered himself after this manner, he took his leave of the king, and returned to Luxemburg. The King of England and his council were extremely displeased with his language, but others who were adverse to the peace highly extolled it.

Note 1. He nevertheless made a proposal for a truce of nine years with the king, on the 13th of September following. See Lenglet, iii. 409.

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 4 Chapter IX

How the King entertained the English in Amiens, and of the Place appointed for the Interview of the two Kings. — 1475.

In order to bring the peace to a conclusion, the King of England advanced within half a league of Amiens, and the King of France being upon one of the gates1, saw his army marching at a great distance. To speak impartially, his troops seemed but raw and unused to action in the field; for they were in very ill order, and observed no manner of discipline. Our king sent the King of England 300 cartloads of the best wines in France as a present; and I think the carts made as great an appearance as the whole English army. Upon the strength of the truce, numbers of the English came into the town, where they behaved themselves very imprudently, and without the least regard to their prince's honour; for they entered the town all armed, and in great companies, so that if the King of France could havti dispensed with his oath, never was there so handsome an opportunity of cutting off a considerable number of them; but his majesty's design was only to entertain them nobly, and to settle a firm and lasting peace, that might continue during his reign. The king had ordered two large tables to be placed on each side of the street, at the entrance of the town gate, which were covered with a variety of good dishes of all sorts of food most proper to relish their wine, of which there was great plenty, and of the richest that France could produce; and abundance of servants to wait on them, but not a drop of water was drunk. At each of the tables the king had placed five or six boon companions, persons of rank and condition, to entertain those that had a mind to take a hearty glass; amongst these were the Lord of Craon, the Lord of Briquebec2, the Lord of Bressure3 the Lord de Villiers, and several others. Those English who were within sight of the gate, saw the entertainment, and there were persons appointed on purpose to take their horses by the bridles, and lead them to the tables, where every man was treated handsomely as he came, in his turn, to their very great satisfaction. When they had once entered the town, wherever they went, or whatever they called for, nothing was to be paid; there were nine or ten taverns liberally furnished with all that they wanted, where they had whatever they had a mind to call for, without paying for it, according to the King of France's orders, who bore all the expense of that entertainment, which lasted three or four days.

Note 1. Louis XI. arrived at Amiens on the 22nd of August. See Dupont, i. 362.

Note 2. Jean d'Estouteville, Knight, was Lord of Briquebec, Hambie, Gasce, and Mesnil-Seran, and Castellan of Ga-vte.

Note 3. Jacques de Beaumont, Lord of Bressuire and La Motte-Sainte-Heraye, and Seneschal of Poitou, was the son of Andre de Beaumont and Jeanne de Torsay. He married Jeanne de Roebechouart. He was one of the chamberlains of Louis X.

You have already heard how dissatisfied the Duke of Burgundy was with the truce, but the Constable was much more 80; for having deceived all parties, he could expect nothing but inevitable ruin. He sent therefore his confessor to the King of England with letters of credence to this purpose, to desire him for God's sake not to depend on the oaths and promises of the King of France, but for the present to accept of Eu and St. Valery for his winter quarters, for in two months time he would manage affairs so as that his troops should be better accommodated; but he said nothing about security, he only gave him great hopes: and lest the want of money should have forced the king to consent to this truce, he offered to lend hira 50,000 crowns, and made him several other fair proposals besides. By this time the King of France had ordered the two towns of Eu and St. Valery to be burnt, because the Constable had proposed to deliver them up to the English, and the English were informed of it. However, the King of England returned this answer to the Constable, that the truce was already concluded, and could not be altered; but if he had performed his promise, it had never been made. Which answer stung the Constable to the very soul, and made him desperate on all sides.

I have already given you an account of the king's noble entertainment of the English at Amiens. One night the Lord of Torcy1 came to the king, and told him their numbers in the town were so considerable, that he apprehended there might be some danger in it; but his majesty was angry with him for it, so everybody else was silent. The next day was Childermas-day, on which the king neither spoke himself, nor permitted any one else to apply to him about business, but took it as an ill omen, and would be very pettish when any such thing was proposed, especially by those who waited on him, and knew his temper. However, on the morning I speak of, when the king was dressed, and bad gone in to his devotions, one came to me with news that there were at least 9,000 English in the town. I resolved to risk his displeasure, and acquaint him with this fact; whereupon, entering into his closet, I said, "Sir, though it be Childermas-day, I think myself bound in duty to inform your majesty of what I have heard." Then I gave him an account of the number of troops already in the town, and that more were coming in every moment; that they were all armed, and that nobody durst shut the gate upon them for fear of provoking them. The king was not offended, but left his prayers, and told me, that for once he would put off the devotions of that day. He commanded me immediately to get on horseback, and endeavour to speak with some of the English officers of note, to desire them to order their troops to retire; and if I met any of his captains, to send them to him, for he would be at the gate as soon as I.

Note 1. Jean d'Estouteville, Lord of Torcy, Blainville and Ondeauville, and grand master of the cross-bow-men of France, was the son of Guillaume de Torcy and Jeanne d'Ondeauville; he married Françoise de la Rochefoucauld, and died on the 11th of September, 1494.

I met three or four English commanders of my acquaintance, and spoke to them according to the king's directions; but for one that they commanded to leave the town, there were twenty came in. After me, the king sent the Lord of Gie1 (now Marshal of France), and having found me, we went together into a tavern, where, though it was not nine o'clock, there had already been 111 reckonings to pay that morning. The house was filled with company, some were singing, some were asleep, and all were drunk; upon seeing which, I concluded there was no danger, and sent to inform the king of it; who came immediately to the gate, well attended, and ordered 200 or 300 men-at-arms to be armed privately in their captains' houses, and some of them he posted at the gate by which the English entered. The king ordered his dinner to be brought to the porter's lodgings at the gate, where his majesty dined, and did several English officers the honour of admitting them to dinner with him. The King of England had been informed of this disorder, and was much ashamed of it, and sent to the King of France to desire his majesty to admit no more of his troops into the town. The King of France sent him word back, he would not do that, but if he pleased to send a

Note 1. Pierre de Rohan, Knight, Count of Marie and Porcien, and Lord of Gie, was the son of Louis de Rohan and Marie de Montauban. He was created Marshal of France in 1475, and died on the 22nd of April, 1513.

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 4 Chapter XX

Examples of Misfortunes that have happened to Princes, and Kevolutions that have been brought to pass in States by the Judo-ment of God.

Have we not seen in our own days such examples among our neighbours? Have we not seen King Edward IV of England, the head of the house of York, supplant the house of Lancaster, under which his father and he had lived a long time; and though he had actually sworn allegiance to Henry VI, who was of the Lancastrian line, yet afterwards this Edward kept King Henry a prisoner for many years in the Tower of London (the metropolis of that kingdom), and at last put him to death?

Have we not seen the Earl of Warwick, the chief manager of all King Edward's affairs (after having put all his adversaries to death, and particularly the Dukes of Somerset), at length turn rebel against his master King Edward, marry his daughter to the Prince of Wales, son to King Henry VI.; endeavour to restore the house of Lancaster; and return into England, where he was defeated, and slain in battle himself, his brothers, and relations; besides many others of the nobility of England, who not long before had vanquished and put to death their adversaries? Afterwards, times changed, and the children revenged the destruction of their parents. It is not to be imagined that such judgments proceeded from anything but the Divine justice. But (as I observed before) England enjoyed this peculiar mercy above all other kingdoms, that neither the country, nor the people, nor the houses, were wasted, destroyed, or demolished; but the calamities and misfortunes of the war fell only upon the soldiers, and especially on the nobility, of whom they are more than ordinarily jealous; for nothing is perfect in this world.

As soon as King Edward had settled his affairs in this kingdom, he received of our master 50,000 crowns a year1, constantly paid him in the Tower of London, and was grown as rich as his ambition could desire, on a sudden he died2 (and as was supposed) of melancholy for our present king's3 marriage with Margaret4, the Duke of Austria's daughter (his distemper seizing him upon the news of it), for then he found himself outwitted as to his own daughter5 to whom he had given the title of Dauphiness. Upon this marriage the pension, which he called tribute, was stopped, though indeed it was neither pension nor tribute, as I have declared before. King Edward left his wife with two sons (one called the Prince of Wales, and the other the Duke of York) and two daughters. The Duke of Gloucester, King Edward's brother, took upon him the protectorship of his nephew the Prince of Wales (who was then about ten years old), swore allegiance to him as his sovereign, and brought him to London, pretending to crown him; but his design was only to entice the Duke of York out of the sanctuary6, where he was at that time with his mother, who had conceived some suspicion of his intentions. In short, the conclusion was this; by the assistance of the Bishop of Bath7, (who had been formerly King Edward's chancellor, but falling afterwards into disgrace, had been removed from his place, thrown into prison, and paid a round sum for his ransom), he executed his designs, as you shall hear by and by.

Note 1. By the terms of the treaty of the 29th of August, 1475. See note, book iv. chap. viii.

Note 2. On the 9th of April, 1483, "he died of apoplexy, say some; but others say that he was poisoned by drinking some good wine of Challuau, which Louis XI. had given him." Lenglet, ii. 169.

Note 3. Charies VIII. of France.

Note 4. Margaret of Austria, daughter of the Emperor Maximilian and Mary of Burgundy, was born at Brussels on the 10th of January, 1470. In July, 1483, she was married to the Dauphin, afterwards Charles VIII. at Amboise. After having been considered Queen of France for ten years, she was sent back to her father on the 12th of June, 1493, She afterwards married John, Infante of Castile, in 1497, and Philibert, Duke of Savoy, in 1501. She died on the 1st of December, 1530, after a widowhood of twenty-six years.

Note 5. The Princess Elizabeth.

Note 6. Westminster Abbey.

Note 7. Robert Stillington was appointed chancellor on the 20th of June, 1467. He appears to have been of humble origin, but he gained a great name at Oxford, where with much applause he took the degree of Doctor of Laws. He was a zealous legitimist, and on the succession of Edward IV. he was a special favourite with that prince, who successively mr.de him Archdeacon of Taunton, Bishop of Bath and Wells, Keeper of the Privy Seal, and finally Lord Chancellor. He held this last office for six years, with the exception of the few months when Edward was obliged to fly the kingdom, and the sceptre Avas again put into the feeble hands of Henry VI. He resigned the chancellorship from ill health on the 8th of June, 1473. After the coronation of Henry VII, Stillington showed his never-dying enmity to the house of Lancaster, by taking up the cause of Lambert Simnel; but being detected in this conspiracy, and expecting no mercy from the king, he fled for refuge to Oxford. The university consented to deliver him up on condition that his life should be spared; and he was conducted to Windsor, where he remained a prisoner till his death, in June, 1491 See Lord Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors, vol. i. pp. 385—391

This bishop [Bishop Robert Stillington] discovered to the Duke of Gloucester that his brother King Edward had been formerly in love with a beautiful young lady§, and had promised her marriage, upon condition lie might lie with her; the lady consented, and, as the bishop affirmed, he married them when nobody was present but they two and himself. His fortune depending upon the court, he did not discover it, and persuaded the lady likewise to conceal it, which she did, and the matter remained a secret. After this King Edward married the daughter of an English gentleman, called the Lord Rivers; this lady was a widow, and had two sons. The Bishop of Bath, as I said before, discovered this matter to the Duke of Gloucester, and gave his assistance in the execution of the barbarous designs of the duke, who murdered his two nephews, and made himself king, by the name of Richard III2. He caused the two daughters to be declared illegitimate by parliament, took their coats of arms from them, and put all his brother's faithful servants to death, at least all he could get into his power. But his cruel reign did not last long; for, being at the height of his pride, in greater pomp and authority than any King of England for a hundred years before, when he had beheaded the Duke of Buckingham^, and assembled a numerous army under his own command, God Almighty raised him up an enemy that destroyed him, and that was the Earl of Richmond, a person of no power, and one who had been long prisoner in Bretagne; but he is now King of England, and is of the house of Lancaster, though, as I am informed, not the next heir to the crown.

Note 1. Harrington mentions two ladies whom public rumour indicated as having been seduced by the king, Lady Elizabeth Lucy and Lady Eleanor Butler. Lord Campbell indignantly denies the charge brought against Stillington by Commines, but has adduced no evidence in support of his denial.

Note 2. Richard III. was proclaimed king on the 22nd of June, 1483.

Note 3. The English parliament, at a meeting held at Westminster, on the 23rd of January, 1484, declared that the marriage of Edward IV. with Elizabeth Woodville had been effected in contravention of the customs of the Anglican Church, seeing that, by a previous contract, the King had plighted his troth to Lady Eleanor Butler, and that consequently, Edward and Elizabeth had lived in adultery, and their children were evidently bastards, and as such unable to inherit the crown.

Note 4. Henry, Duke of Buckingham, was son of Humphry, Earl of Stafford, and Margaret, daughter of Edmund, Duke of Somerset. He married Catharine, daughter of Richard Woodville, Earl of Rivers. Being detected in a conspiracy against Richard III., he was beheaded at Salisbury ou All Saints' Day, 1483.

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 6

Late Medieval Books, Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 6 Chapter 8

Of the Conclusion of the Marriage between the Dauphin and Margaret of Flanders, and how she was brought into France; upon which Edward IV., King of England, died with displeasure. — 1482-3.

But to return to our principal design, and to the conclusion of these Memoirs, and the affairs of all the illustrious persons of the age in which they were transacted, it is absolutely necessary for us to speak of the conclusion of the marriage between our present king (then Dauphin of France) and the daughter of the Duke and Duchess of Austria, which was effected by the mediation of the citizens of Ghent, to the great displeasure of the King of England, who found himself deluded in the hopes he had entertained of marrying his daughter to the Dauphin, of which marriage both himself and his queen were more ambitious than of any other match in the world; and never would believe any man, whether subject or foreigner, that endeavoured to persuade them that our king's intentions were not sincere and honourable. For the Parliament of England had remonstrated to King Edward several times, when our king was in Picardy, that after he had conquered that province he would certainly fall upon Calais and Guynes, which are not far off". The ambassadors from the Duke and Duchess of Austria, as also those from the Duke of Bretagne, who were continually in England at that time, represented the same thing to him, but to no purpose; for he would believe nothing of it1, and he suffered greatly for his incredulity: yet I am entirely of opinion his conduct proceeded not so much from ignorance as avarice, for he was afraid to lose his annual pension of fifty thousand crowns, which our master paid very punctually; and, besides, he was unwilling to leave his ease and pleasures, to which he was extremely given.

Note 1. He was probably satisfied by the letter of Louis XI to Lord Hastings. See p. 40.

There was a conference held at [alots], in Flanders, about this marriage, at which the Duke of Austria (now King of the Romans) was present, with several commissioners from the three Estates of Flanders, Brabant, and other territories belonging to the Duke and his children. There the Gantois did several things contrary to the Duke's inclination; for they banished his officers, removed old servants from about his son, told him their desire to have the marriage concluded, in order to establish peace, and forced him to an accommodation, whether he would or not. The Duke was very young, and but scantily provided with sense; for all belonging to the house of Burgundy were either slain or revolted to France, or at least the greatest part, I mean of such as were capable of advising him; so that coming thither with a small retinue, and having lost his duchess, who was sovereign in those provinces, he durst not speak so boldly to his subjects as when she was alive. In short, the King was informed of all these proceedings by the Lord des Cordes, and was very well pleased; and a day was set for the young lady to be conducted to Hesdin.

A few days before, in the year 1481, Aire was delivered up, for a sum of money1, to the Lord des Cordes, by the Lord de Cohem (a gentleman of Artois), who had held it under his captain, the Lord de Beurs2, for the Duke of Austria, a good while. The surrender of this town, which was very strong, and situated in Artois, at the very entrance into their country, helped the Flemings to hasten the marriage, for though they were well enough pleased at the diminution of the Duke's power, yet they did not care to have the King so near them upon their frontiers. As soon as measures were concerted, as I said before, ambassadors were sent to the King from Flanders and Brabant2; but all depended upon the Gantois, by reason of their strength, and because the Duke's children were in their hands, and they were always the most forward in every commotion. With them there came in behalf of the King of the Romans, certain young noblemen much about his own age, and but indifferently qualified to make terms of peace for their country; Monsieur John de Berghes 3 was one, and Monsieur Baudouin de Lannoy4 was the other, besides some few secretaries. Our king was then very ill, and had no inclination to be seen, and pretended great difficulty about swearing to the treaties in the manner agreed on; but it was only because he was unwilling they should see him. However, he swore to them at last, which was much to his advantage; for whereas in all his former overtures for the match, lie demanded only the county of Artois or Burgundy, or whichever of the two they pleased to assign him: now, the States of Ghent (as he called them) were contented he should have both, and the counties of Maconnois, Charolois, and Auxerrois, into the bargain; and if they could have delivered Hainault, Namur, and all the subjects of that family who speak the French language, they would willingly have done so, on purpose to weaken their sovereign.

Note 1. Aire surrendered on the 28th July, 1482. It was sold by the Lord de Cohen for an annual pension of ten thousand crowns. — Molinet, ii. 306.

Note 2. These ambassadors arrived at Paris on Saturday, the 3rd of January, 1483, and proceeded on the following Monday to Amboise, where the King was then residing. — Lenglet, ii. 168.

Note 3. J John de Berghes, knight, Lord of Cohen and Olhain, and governor of the town of Aire for the Archduke Maximilian.

Note 4. Baudoin de Lannoy, second of the name, Lord of Molembrais, Knight of the Golden Fleece, chamberlain and steward of the Archduke Maximilian. He died on the 7th of May, 1501.

Our master was a cunning politician, and understood well enough that Flanders was of little importance to him, unless he could have Artois with it, which lies betwixt France and them, and is as it were a bridle to the Flemings, affording good soldiers upon occasion, to correct their wantonness and folly; and therefore in taking from the Earl of Flanders the county of Artois, he would leave him the most inconsiderable prince in Europe, without either subjects or authority, except by the permission of the Gantois; whose commissioners, William Ryn and Coppenole, whom I mentioned before (governors of Ghent), were at that time principal in the embassy. Upon the return of the ambassadors, the Lady Margaret (age 2) was conducted to Hesdin, and delivered into the hands of the Lord des Cordes, in the year 1483, and with her came Madame de Eavestain, Duke Philip of Burgundy's natural daughter, and they were received by the present Monsieur and Madame de Bourbon1, the Lord d'Albret2, and others from the king; and they brought her to Amboise, where the dauphin met her3. If the Duke of Austria could have taken her from her convoy, he would willingly have done it before she left his dominions; but the Gantois had placed too strong a guard about her, for they had begun to abate much of their obedience to him, and many considerable persons joined with them, as having the custody of the young heir, and power of placing and displacing whom they pleased. Among the nobility who were resident in Ghent, there was the Lord of Ravestain, brother to the Duke of Cleves, and chief governor to the young prince, whose name is Philip, still living, and like to possess vast territories, if it please God to spare his life.

Note 1. Anne of France (age 21), daughter of Louis XI (age 59) and Charlotte of Savoy (age 41), married Pierre de Bourbon, Lord of Beaujeu, in 1474, and assumed the title of Duchess of Bourbon in 1488. She died on the 14th of November, 1522, after having governed the kingdom with great prudence and energy during the minority of Charles V1IL

Note 2. Alain le Grand (age 43), son of Jean d'Albret, Viscount de Tartas, succeeded his grandfather Charles II in 1471. He married Frances, daughter of Jean de Blois, Count of Penthievre; and in virtue of this marriage, set up a claim to the duchy of Brittany, and became a competitor for the hand of Anne of Brittany. He died in October, 1522. [Note. This note appears incorrect? Alain married Francois Chatillon, daughter of William Viscount of Limoges.]

Note 3. Margaret was then three years and a half old, and the Dauphin rather more than twelve. Their meeting took place on Sunday, the 22nd of June, 1483, at a place called Metairie le Rayne, near Amboise. "The Dauphin," says a contemporary letter, "left the Castle of Amboise, dressed in a robe of crimson satin, lined with black velvet, and mounted on a hackney, and attended by thirty archers. At the bridge he dismounted, after having saluted the ladies, and changed his dress and put on a long robe of cloth of gold... Presently the Dauphiness arrived, and descended from her litter; and immediately they were betrothed by the prothonotary, nephew of the Grand Seneschal of Normandy, who demanded of the Dauphin in a loud voice, so that all could hear him, If he would have Margaret of Austria in marriage? and he answered, Yes; and a similar question was put to the Dauphiness, who gave the same answer. Upon which, they joined hands, and the Dauphin kissed the Dauphiness twice; and then they returned to their lodgings. And the streets of Amboise were hung with cloth, and in the market place was a figure of a Siren, who spouted forth white wine and red from her breasts." The next day, the young couple went through the ceremony of marriage in the chapel of the castle.— Dupont, iii. 345. 352.

But whoever was pleased with this match, the King of England was highly affronted; for he thought himself disgraced and baffled, and in danger of losing his pensioner tribute, as the English called it. He feared likewise it would render him contemptible at home, and occasion some rebellion, more especially because he had rejected the remonstrances of his council. Besides, he saw the King of France ready to invade his dominions with a very great force; which made such a deep impression upon his spirits, that he fell sick immediately upon hearing the news, and died not long after, though some say he died of a catarrh. But let them say what they please, the general opinion was, his grief at the consummation of this marriage, caused the illness which killed him in the month of April, 14831. It is a great fault in a prince to be obstinate, and rely more upon his own judgment than on the opinion of his council; and sometimes it occasions such losses and disappointments as are never to be repaired.

Note 1. King Edward IV died on the 9th of April, and the Dauphin's marriage did not take place until the 22nd of June, more than two months later; so that the supposition of Commines that he died of grief at the disappointment of his own daughter, who had long been contracted to the Dauphin, is evidently erroneous. His dissolute mode of life renders it exceedingly probable that he died of a surfeit, according to the popular report. "He was a prince," says Hume, "more splendid and showy than either prudent or virtuous; brave, though cruel; addicted to pleasure, though capable of activity in great emergencies, and less fitted to prevent ills by wise precautions, than to remedy them after they took place, by his vigour and enterprise."

Jun 1483. Our King was quickly informed of King Edward's death; but he expressed no manner of joy upon hearing the news. Not long after, he received letters from the Duke of Gloucester (age 30), who had made himself king1, styled himself Richard III., and barbarously murdered his two nephews2 [King Edward V of England (age 12) and Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York (age 9)]. This King Richard desired to live in the same friendship with our king as his brother had done, and I believe would gladly have had his pension continued; but our king looked upon him as an inhuman and cruel person, and would neither answer his letters nor give audience to his ambassador; for King Richard, after his brother's death, bad sworn allegiance to his nephew, as his king and sovereign, and yet committed that inhuman action not long after; and, in full Parliament, caused two of his brother's daughters to be degraded and declared illegitimate, upon a pretence which he justified by means of the Bishop of Bath (age 63), who, having been formerly in great favour with King Edward, had incurred his displeasure, was dismissed, imprisoned, and fined a good sum for his releasement3. This bishop affirmed, that King Edward being in love with a certain lady whom he named, and otherwise unable to have his desires of her, had promised her marriage; and caused the bishop to marry

Note 1. Richard III did not assume the title of King until the 26th of June, 1483; after the death of his nephew Edward V.

Note 2. Molinet (ii. 402.) gives the following account of the murder of the princes: "The eldest was simple and very melancholy, aware of the wickedness of his uncle, but the youngest was joyous and witty, nimble, and ever ready for dances and games; and he said to his brother, who wore the order of the garter, 'My brother, learn to dance:' and his brother answered, 'It would be better for us to learn to die, for I think we shall not long remain in the world!' They were prisoners for about five weeks; and Duke Richard had them secretly slain by the captain of the Tower. And when the executioners came, the eldest was asleep, but the youngest was awake, and he perceived their intention, and began to say, 'Ha! my brother, awake, for they have come to kill you,' Then he said to the executioners, 'Why do you kill my brother? kill me, and let him live.' But they were both killed and their bodies cast into a secret place."

Note 3. See notes, vol. i. pp. 395, 396.