The Expedition into Scotland of the most worthily fortunate Prince Edward, Duke of Somerset, uncle unto our most noble sovereign lord, the King's Majesty Edward VI, Governord of His Highness's person, and Protector of His Grace's realms, dominions and subjects; made in the first year of His Majesty's most prosperous reign: and set out by way of Diary by W. Patten, Londoner. Vivat Victor.

Unto the Right Honourable Sir William Paget, Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter, Comptroller of the Kings Majesty's Household, one of His Highnesses Privy Council, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; and his most benign fautor and patron: William Patten most heartily wisheth felicity.

Having in these last wars against Scotland, that never were any with better success achieved, made notes of [the] acts there done, and disposed the same, since my coming home, into order of Diary, as followeth; as one that would show some argument of remembrance, Right Honourable Sir I of your most benign favour that, as well while I was with the Right Honourable my very good Lord and late master, the Earl of Arundel, as also since, ye have vouchsafed to bear me: I have thought meetest to dedicate my travail unto your Honour.

How smally I either am or have been, by any means, able to merit the same your gentleness, by so much the less have I need here to show; as your humane generosity, your willing benignity andpromptness to profit all men, is unto all men so commonly known: for the which,your name and honour is so familiar and well esteemed with foreign princes abroad, and so worthily well beloved of all estates at home. For who was he, of any degree or country, that had any just suit or other ado with our late sovereign Lord, the King's Majesty deceased, (when His Highness, in these his latter years, for your approved wisdom, fidelity, trust, and diligence, had committed the special ministry and despatch of his weighty affairs unto your hands) that felt not as much then, as I have found since? or who findeth not, still, a constant continuance thereof, where the equity of his suit may bear it? Right many, sure[ly], of the small knowledge I have, could I myself reckon both of then and since, which here all willingly I leave unattempted to do; both because my rehearsal should be very unnecessary and vain to you that know them better than I; and also that I should tell the tale to yourself. Whom, for the respect of your honour, as I have a reverence, with vanities from your grave occupations [not] to detain; so have I, for honesty's sake, a shame to be suspect[ed\, by any means, to flatter.

That same, your singular humanity wherewith ye are wont also so gently to accept all things in so thankful a part, and wherewith ye have bound me so straightly to you, did first, to say the truth now, embolden me in this theme to set pen to the book; and now after, in this wise, to present my work unto you. The which if it shall please your Honour to take well in worth, and receive into your tuition, as the thing shall more indeed be dignified by having such a patron than your dignity gratified by receiving so unworthy a present; even so what fault shall be found therein I resume, as clearly coming of myself. But if ought shall be thought to be aptly said, pleasant, anything savouring of wit or learning, I would all men should know it as I acknowledge it myself, that it must wholly be referred to you, the encouraging of whose favour hath ministered such matter to my wit, that like as Ovid said to Cesar of his, so may I say to you of mine —

Fastor, i. Ingenium vultu statque caditque tuo. [Talent rises and falls by your expression]

But now no further, with my talk, to trouble you. Thus, with increase of honour unto your Worthiness, most heartily, I wish the same continuance of health and wealth.

Your most bounden client and pupil,

W. Patten.

A Preface, serving, for much part, instead of Argument for the matter of the Story ensuing.

Howbeit, if we call to mind, how first Allhallowentide was five year, [November] 1542, his Grace, lying as Lord Warden in our Marches against Scotland, by the drift of his device, both the great invasion of the late Scottish King James V. was stoutly then withstood at Solmon Moss [Solway Moss], the King's death's wound given him, and the most part of all his nobility taken. How, the next year after, [1544] he, being accompanied by my Lord of Warwick and with but a handful [of men], to speak of, did burn both Leith and Edinburgh [see pages 39-47] and returned thence triumphantly home; but with an easy march travelling fortyfour long miles through their mainland. Whose approved valiance, wisdom, and dexterity in the handling of our Prince's affairs, how can we be but sure that it did not smally advance or cause [bring] about the conclusion of an honourable peace between France and us, although it did not then strait ensue? when his Grace in the same year, soon after his return out of Scotland, was deputed Ambassador to treat with the Bishop of Bellay and others the French King's Commissioners, at Hardilow Castle.

In the year [1545] how his Grace, about August, so invaded the Scottish borders, wasted and burnt Teviotdale and their Marches, that even yet they forthink [grieve over] that inroad.

In February [1545] then next, how, being appointed by our late sovereign Lord to view the fortifications in the Marches of Calais, the which his Grace having soon done with diligence accordingly, he so devised with my Lord the Earl of Warwick, then Lieutenant of Boulogne, and took such order with the garrisons there, that with the hardy approach of but seven thousand men he raised [the camp of] an army of twenty-one thousand Frenchmen that had encamped themselves over the river by Boulogne, and therewith then wan all their ordnance, carriage, treasure, and tents in their camp, wholly as it stood; with the loss but of one man. And from thence, returning by land to Guisnes, wan in his wayrwithin the gunshot and rescue of Andes, the Castle of Outings, called otherwise, the Red Pile.

How hereto, by his force, 1545, was Picardy invaded and spoiled, the forts of Newhaven, Blaknestes, and Boulogneberg begun, built, and so well plied in work; that in a few weeks, ere his departing thence, they were made and left defensible.

Calling to mind, I say, (I speak not of his unwearied diligence in the mean time) these his valiant incursions, his often overthrowings and notable victories over our enemies. And yet though this his last be far to be preferred above them all, having been so great, and achieving so much in so little time, the like not heard nor read of; and, but that there be so many witnesses, half incredible: yet is it none other sure but such as makes his Grace's virtue rather new again than strange, and rather famous than wonderful. We wonder not, ye wot! but at things strange and seldom seen or heard; but victory to his Grace seems no less common and appropried [appropriate] than heat to the fire, or shadow to the body. That, like as the well keeping of the Pallady¹ in Troy was ever the conservation and defence of the city; even so in warfare the presence of his person is a certain safeguard of the host and present victory over the enemy; for the which I have heard many, of right honest behaviour, say that "for surety of themselves, they had rather, in [the] field, be a mean soldier under his Grace than a great captain under any other." And, sure[ly], but that by my profession I am bound, and do believe all things to be governed, not by fortune or hap (although we must be content, in common speech to use the terms, of our formers [predecessors] devised) but by the mighty power of Almighty God, without whose regard a sparrow lighteth not upon the ground, I could count his Grace a prince that way most fortunate of any living.

Note 1. Palladium was an ancient wooden image wooden image in Troy, Where, upon Appolo by oracle did prophesy that then should destroyed, when that was had out of the city. This not unknown to the Greeks; Diomedes and Ulysses, in the time of the siege there, scaledd the tower walls where the image was, killed the warders and brought the image away with them. Whereupon the city was soon after destroyed.

But now remembering my religion, and what Fortune's force is, and hereto seeing his Grace's godly disposition and behaviour, in the fiercest time of war seeking nothing more than peace, neither cruel upon victory, nor insolent upon good success, but with most moderate magnanimity, upon the respect of occasion, using, as the poet saith,

Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos. [To show mercy to the conquered and to subdue the proud.] See Aeneid Book 6 Lines 847 853.

In peace again, wholly bent to the advancement of God's glory and truth, the King's honour, and the common's quiet and wealth. And herewith conferring the benefits and blessings and that by the prophet David, the Lord assureth to all them that so stand in love and dread of Him: I am compelled to think his Grace, as least happy by Fortune, so most blessed by God; and sent to us, both King and commons, as a Minister by whom the merciful majesty of the Lord, for our entire comfort, of both soul and body, will work His divine will. That, if, without offence, I may openly utter that which I have secretly thought, I have been often at a great muse with myself whether the King's Majesty, of such an uncle and Governor; we, of such a Mediator and Protector, or his Grace again, of such a Prince and cousin, might most worthily think themselves happiest.

But since I am so certain the excellency of his acts, and the baseness of my brain to be so far at odds, as ought that I could utter in his praise, should rather obscure and darken them, and, as it were, wash ivory with ink; than give them their due light and life: let no man look that I will here enterprise to deal with the worthiness of his commendations, who, both have another matter in hand, and they again being such as might by themselves be an ample theme for a right good wit; wherein to say either little or insufficiently were better, in my mind, left unattempted and to say nothing at all.

Though I plainly told ye not that my friend's name was Armigil Wade; yet, ye that know the man his good literature, his wit and dexterity in all his doings, and mark the well couching of his clue, might have a great guess, of whose spinning the thread were.

But why these wars by our late sovereign Lord, the King's Majesty deceased (a Prince most worthy of eterne fame, whose soul God have!), were, in his days, begun; and yet continued? Forasmuch as by sundry publications of divers writings, as well then as since, the just title of our King unto Scotland, and the Scots often deceits, untruths of promise, and perjury hath been among other [things] in the same writings so manifestly uttered; I intend not here now to make it any part of my matter, which is but only a Journal or Diary of this Expedition into Scotland: wherein I have digested out every day's deeds orderly, as they were done, with their circumstances, so nigh as I could, from the time of my Lord Protector's Grace's coming to Newcastle until our breaking up of the camp from Roxburgh. And herein I doubt not but many things, both right necessary and worthy to be uttered, I shall leave untold; but, sure[ly], rather of ignorance than of purpose. Although indeed I know it were meetest for any writer in this kind to be ignorant of fewest and writing of most, yet trust I again it will be considered that it is neither possible for one man to know all, nor shame to be ignorant in ihat he cannot know. But as touching deeds well done, being within the compass of my knowledge; as, so God help me! I mind to express no man's for flattery, so will I suppress no man's for malice.

Thus battle and field now, which is the most principal part of my matter, the Scots and we are not yet agreed how it shall be named. We call it Musselburgh Field, because that is the best town, and yet bad enough, nigh the place of our meeting. Some of them call it Seaton Field, a town therenigh too, by means of a blind prophecy of theirs, which is this, or some such toy.

Between Seaton and the sea

Many a man shall die that day.

Some will have it Fauxside Bray Field, of the hill (for so they call a Bray) upon the side whereof our Foreward stood, ready to come down and join. Some others will have it Underesk [Inveresk] Field; in the fallows whereof, they stood and we met. Some will have it Walliford Field: and some no "Field" at all, for that they say "there were so few [English] slain, and that we met not in a place by certain appointment, according to the order and manner of battle," with such like fond arguments. Marry, the hinderers of this meeting, I think for their meaning, have small sin to beshrew. They, of this haste, hoped to have had the whole advantage. For what they did appoint upon: without warning, then so early to dislodge, and so hastily to approach, who cannot judge? And whether they meant to make a Field of their fight, or meant to fight at all or not, judge ye! by this that after ye hear.

Certain it is that against their assembly and our encounter (for they were not un[a]ware of our coming) in the former part of the year, they had sent letters of warning to the Estates of their realm; and then caused the Fire Cross in most places of their country to be carried: whereof the solemnity is never used but in an urgent need, or for a great power, either for defence of themselves or invasion of us. And this is a Cross, as I have heard some say, of two brands' ends carried across upon a spear's point, with Proclamation of the time and place when and whither they shall come, and with how much provision of victail. Some others say, it is a Cross painted all red, and set for certain days in the fields of that Barony, whereof they will have the people to come; whereby all, between sixty and sixteen, are peremptorily summoned, that if they come not, with their victail according, at the time and place then appointed, all the land there is forfeited straight to the King's use, and the tamers taken for traitors and rebels.

By reason of which letters and Fire Cross, there were assembled in their camp, as I have heard some of themselves, not of the meanest sort, to confess, above twenty-six thousand fighting footmen, beside two thousand horsemen, " prickers " as they call them: and hereto four thousand Irish archers brought by the Earl of Argyle. All of which, saving certain we had slain the day before, came out of their camp to encounter with us. Now, where they will have it no Field, let them tell their cards, and count their winning! and they shall find it a Field. Howbeit, by mine assent, we shall not herein much stick with them: since both without them the truth shall have place; and also, by the courtesy of gaming, we ought somewhat to suffer, and ever let the losers have their liberty of words.

But whatsoever it were, Field or no Field, I dare be bold to say, not one of us all is any whit prouder of it than would be the tooth that hath bit the tongue, otherwise than in respect that they were our mortal enemies, and would have done as much or more to us; nor are nothing so fain to have beaten them as enemies, as we would rejoice to receive them as friends; nor are so glad of the glory of this Field, as we would be joyful of a steadfast atonement [at-one-ment i.e. of one mind]: whereby like countrymen and countrymen, like friend and friend, nay, like brother and brother, we might, in one perpetual and brotherly life, join, love, and live together, according as thereto, both by the appointment of God at the first, and by continuance of Nature since, we seem to have been made and ordained; separate by seas, from all other nations; in customs and conditions, little differing; in shape and language, nothing at all. The which things other nations viewing in charts [maps] and reading in books; and therewith hearing of this tumult, this fighting, these incursions and intestine wars between us, do thereat no less marvel, and bless them, than they would, to hear Gascoigny fight with France; Arragon, with Spain; Flanders, with Brabant; or (to speak more near and naturally) friend with friend, brother with brother, or rather hand with hand.

That no little, both wonder and woe it is to me, my countrymen! for I can vouchsafe ye well the name! to consider what thing might move ye? what tale might incense ye? what drift, force ye? what charm, enchant ye? or what fury, conjure ye? so fondly to fly from common sense, as ye should have need to be exhorted to that for the which it were your parts chiefly to sue; so untowardly to turn from human reason as ye will be the hinderers of your own weals; and so untruly to sever from the bonds both of promise and covenant as ye will needs provoke your friends tc plain revengement of open war!

Your friends indeed, nay, never wink at the word! tha'; have so long before these wars foreborn our quarrels so just that were so loath to begin, and since, that suffered so many injuries unrevenged, entreating [treating] your men taken, not as captives of our mortal enemies, but as ambassadors of our dearest friefids!

O, how may it be thought to be possible that ye should ever forget, or else not ever remember the great munificence of our most magnificent Prince, our late Kingl that when, with most cruelty, by slaughter of subjects and burning of towns, your last king, Jamy, with all your nobility, had invaded his realm; and, soon after, the invincible policy of my Lord Protector's Grace, the lying at Alnwick, as Lord Warden of our Marches, by the sufferance of God's favour (which, thanks to His Majesty! hath not yet left us), at Solom Moss, made them captive and thrall to our Prince's own will. With whom, for their deeds, if His Highness had dealt then as they had deserved, what should have blamed him? or who could have controlled? since what he could do, they could not resist: and what he should do, they had set him a sample [an example].

But his Majesty, among the huge heap of other his princely virtues (being ever of nature so inclined to clemency as never, of will, to use extremity), even straight forgetting who they were, and soon forgiving what they had done; did not only then receive them into His Highness's grace; place every of them with one of his nobility or council, not in prison like a captive; pardon them their raundsommes [ransoms], wherewith, if they be ought worth, some Prince might have thought himself rich; and hereto most friendly, for the time they were here, entertain them: but also, of his princely liberality, imparting treasure at their departing to each of them all, did set them frank and free at their own doors! Touching their silks, their chains, and their cheer beside; I mind not here, among matters of weight, to tarry on such trifles. Marry, there be among us that saw their habit [dress] and port [state, or attendance], both at their coming and at their departing! Take it not, that I hit you here in the teeth, with our good turns! (yet know I no cause, more than for humanity's sake, why ye should be forborne!) but as a man may sometimes, without boast of himself, say simply the thing that is true of himself, so may the subject without obbraid [upbraiding] of benefits, recount the bounty of his Prince's largesse: although, perchance, it were not much against manners flatly to break courtesy with them, who, either of recklessness forget their friends' benignity, or else of ingratitude will not acknowledge it.

To my matter now! What would Cyrus, Darius, or Hannibal, (noble conquerors, and no tyrants) in this case, have done? But why so far off? What would your own King Jamy have done? Nay, what King else would have done as our King did? But somewhat to say more. As our Prince in cases of pity, was, of his own disposition, most merciful; so wanted there not then of Councillors very near about His Highness, that showed themselves their friends; and furthered his affects in that behalf to the uttermost: being thus persuaded, that as ye of the Nobility appeared men, neither rude of behaviour, nor base of birth; so ye would never show yourselves inhuman and ingrate towards him, to whom ye should be so deeply bound.

And though since that time, God hath wrought His will upon His Majesty (a loss to us, sure[ly], worthy never enough to have been lamented; but that His mercy hath again so bountifully recompensed us with an image so nigh representing his father's majesty and virtues, and of so great hope and towardness); yet be there left us most of the Councillors we had, who, upon occasion, will bend both power and will to show you further friendship. In part of proof thereof, how many means and ways hath my Lord Protector's Grace, within his time of governance, under the King's Majesty that now is, attempted and used to shun these wars, and show himself your friend? What policy hath he left unproved? What shift unsought? or what stone unstirred?

Touching your weals now! Ye mind not, I am sure, to live lawless and headless, without a Prince! but so to bestow your Queen, as whose mate must be your King! And is it then possible ye can so far be seduced and brought to believe, that in all the world there should be any so worthy a Prince as our King? as well for the nobility of his birth, for his rare comeliness of shape, his great excellency of qualities, his singular towardness to all godliness and virtues! any likely to be so natural a Prince for you, as His Majesty born, bred and brought up under that hemisphere and compass of element, and upon that soil that both ye and we be all, any so meet for her, as your Princess's own countryman, a right Briton, both bred and born? a Prince also by birth, of so great a power, and of so meet an age? the joining of whom both the Kings, their fathers, did vow in their lives; and ye, since, agreed upon in parliament, and promised also after their deaths?

Than which thing, taking once effect, what can be more for your universal commodities, profits, and weals? whereby, even at once, of foreign foes, ye shall be accepted as familiar friends 1 of weak, ye shall be made strong! of poor, rich! and of bond, free! And whether this now be rather to be offered of us or sued for by you, I make yourselves the judges! What we are able alone to do, both in peace and war, as well without you as against you, I need not here to brag. Yet seek we not the Mastership of you, but the Fellowship! for if we did, we have, ye wot, a way of persuasion of the rigorous rhetoric, so vengeably vehement (as I think ye have felt by an Oration or two) that if we would use the extremity of argument, we were soon able so to beat reason into your heads or about your heads, that I doubt not ye would quickly find what fondness it were to stand in strife for the mastery with more than your match.

We covet not to keep you bound, that would so fain have you free, as well from the feigned friendship of France (if I may call it any friendship at all, that for a few crowns do but stay you still in store for their own purpose) whereunto now, both ye seem subject, and your Queen ward (which friendship, nevertheless, whatsoever it be, we desire not ye should break with them, for the love of us; but only in case where ye should be compelled to lose either them or us, and, in that case, perchance, we may be content again to lose them for you); as well from the semblance or rather dissembling of this feigned friendship, I say, we covet to quit ye! as also from the most servile thraldom and.bondage under that hideous monster, that venemous aspis and very Antichrist, the Bishop of Rome, in the which, of so long time, ye have, and yet do most miserably abide! Whose importable pride and execrable arrogancy, as well most presumptuously against all the sacred Estates of Princes upon earth, as also most contumeliously against the High Majesty of God Himself; with fastidious and utter contempt, both of God and man, both the context andtenourof his own decrees, decretals, canons, and Extravagants (made and conspired at the Congregations, Councils, and Synods, at sundry times, for the maintenance and augmenting of his Antichristian authority, in his Holiness's name assembled) [demonstrate]. And hereto his wicked blasphemy against God, his devilish dispensations against His Divine laws, his obstinate rebellion against all powers, his outrageous usurpation in Prince's lands, his cruel tyranny for keeping of his kingdom, his covert hypocrisy at at home, his crafty conspiracies abroad, his insatiable avarice, his subtle superstition,, his mischievous malice, his privy theft, his open rapine, his sacred simony, his profane whoredom, his ambition, sacrilege, extortion, idolatry, and poisonings; with many other his cardinal virtues besides. And also the undoubted witness of Holy Writ, in both the Testaments, doth most certainly show, and plainly make clear to the eyes of all, if ye will not wilfully wink at that ye should cafi.Ta. willingly see! Of him, hardily spake the prophet Daniel. He shall be lift up a high, and magnified against all that is God; and shall speak presumptuous words, and shall be set in a course until wrath be fulfilled against him. In the same chapter. He shall set at nought the God of their fathers; and shall be in the daliances and desires of women, and shall pass nought for God; but shall obstinately be stubborn, and rise against all. And tKe holy prophet Ezekibl. Thy heart was lift up very high, and saidest, "I am God, and sit in God's seat;" where thou art but man, and not God, and nevertheless hast framed thy heart like the heart of God! The apostle Saint Paul also, in whom the graces of God did so plentifully abound, seemed not utterly to forget this prelate, when, in his Epistle to the Thessalonians, he said, The Lord Jesu shall not come till first there be a failing, and that wicked man be discovered, the Child of Perdition; who is adversary and exalted against all that is called God, in such sort, as he sticks not to sit in the temple, vaunting himself that he is God. And addeth, a little after, Whom the Lord Jesu shall quell with the spirit of His holy mouth.

Of him and his abominable behaviour is there much in both the Holy Testaments; and a great deal more, I must confess, than I know my cunning can Apo^^JwiL. recite; so plain in sense, and easy to be understood, that if ye confer the words of the same with the acts of his life, ye shall have no more cause to doubt whether he be the only Antichrist; than ye may have whether He were the only Christ, of whom Saint John the Baptist said, Behold the Lamb of God I and the Centurion, This was, sure[ly], the very Son of God!

I speak neither of spite, nor of speciality of this precious prelate, Paul IV., that now is alone; but of him and his whole ancestry, of these many years past. Of whom, sureflyj, who list to say aught, it were meet they said truth; and who list to say truth, can say no good. For their acts by their office, and their lives by their profession, are not less certain! j known unto all the world to be thus, than is the lion, as they say, by the paw; or the day, by the sunshine. The trees of that stock never bear other fruit. And therefore was it that neither the Greeks, the Ruthens [Russians], nor many nations in the J2ast parts besides (whom we cannot but count Christians) could never be brought once so much as to taste of it: and would never abide the presumptuous usurpation of his insolent Impery; but utterly, at the first, did wisely refuse the unwieldy weight of so heavy a burden, and the painful wringing of so uneasy a yoke.

The Bohemians and Germans, of later years, have quite rejected, and cast him up. [PREFACE CONTINUES AT LENGTH]

Officers upon the Sea.

The Lord Clinton (age 35), Lord Admiral of the Fleet: which was of sixty vessels; whereof the Galley and thirty - four more good ships were perfectly appointed for war, and the residue for carriage of munition and victail.

Sir William Woodhouse Knight, his Vice Admiral.

There in the Army, of great ordnance, drawn forth with us, by horses, Fifteen pieces. And of carriages; 900 carts, besides many waggons.

The Story and process of the Journey

Satuday the 27th of August [1547]. My Lord Protector's Grace, (whom neither the length nor weariness of the way did any whit let [kinder], speedily to further that he had deliberately taken in hand) riding all the way from London, his own person, in post, accompanied by [Lord Grey (age 38)] my Lord Marshal, and Sir Francis Bryan (age 57), was met a six mile on this side of Newcastle by my Lord Lieutenant [the Earl of Warwick], and Master Treasurer [Sir Ralph Sadler (age 40)] (who for the more speedy despatch of things were come to town there, three or four days before), and all the nobles, knights, and captains of the army, on horseback, attending upon them.

And coming thus to town, my Lord's Grace was honourably, for the dignity of the place, with gun shot and the presence of the Mayor, Aldermen, and commoners there, about three o'clock in the afternoon, received and welcomed: and lay at the house of one Peter Ryddell.

Sunday the 28th of August [1547]. This day morning, in the fields in the north-east side of the town, muster was made of such Demi-lances and Light Horsemen as were come; whereat my Lord's Grace was himself, with my Lord Lieutenant and other of the council of the army.

In the afternoon, came the Laird of Mangerton, with a forty Scottish gentlemen of the East borders, and presented themselves to my Lord, at his lodging: whom his Grace did gently accept.

It should not be forgotten, and it were but for example's sake, how a new pair of gallows were set up in the market place; and a soldier hanged for quarrelling and fighting.

Monday the 29th of August [1547]. All Captains with their bands, that had been mustered, were commanded forward. My Lord's Grace himself did early also then depart the town; dined at Morpeth [Map], twelve miles on the way; and lay that night at Alnwick Castle [Map], with Sir Robert Bowes (age 55) Knight Lord Warden of the Middle Marches; being twelve miles further. Where neither lacked any store of guests, nor of good cheer to welcome them with; in the provision whereof, a man might note great cost and diligence, and in the spending, a liberal heart.

Tuesday the 30th of August [1547]. This day, his Grace, having journeyed in the morning a ten mile, dined at Bamborough Castle [Map]; whereof one Sir John Horsley Knight is Captain. The plot of this castle standeth so naturally strong, that hardly can anywhere, in my opinion, be found the like. Inaccessible on all sides, as well for the great height of the crag whereon it standeth; as also for the outward form of the stone whereof the crag is, which, not much amiss perchance, I may liken to the shape of long bavens [a brush faggot bound with only one withe] standing on end with their sharper and smaller ends upward. Thus is it fenced round about: and hath hereto, on the east side, the sea, at flood, coming up to the hard walls. This castle is very ancient, and was called in Arthur's day, as I have heard, Joyous Gard.

Hither came my Lord Clinton (age 35) from shipboard to my Lord.

In the afternoon, his Grace rode to Berwick, fourteen miles further; and there received with the Captains, garrisons, and with the officers of the town, lay in the Castle [Map], with Sir Nicholas Strellby Knight, the Captain there.

Wednesday the 31st of August [1547]. Much part of this day, his Grace occupied m consultation about orders and matters touching this Voyage and army.

This day, to the intent we might save the store of the victail we carried with us in the army by cart, and to be sure rather, among us, to have somewhat too much than any whit too little; and also that we should not need to trouble our ships for victail till we came to the place, by my Lord's Grace appointed: every man of the army, upon general commandment, made private provision for himself, for four days' victail.

Thursday the 1st of September [1547]. His Grace, with not many more than his own band of horsemen, rode to a town in the Scottish borders, standing upon the sea coast, a six mile from Berwick, and is called Eyemouth [Map]: where there runneth a river [Eye Mill water] into the sea, the which he caused to be sounded; and perceiving then the same to be well able to serve for a haven, hath since caused building to be made there, whereof both Master and Captain is Thomas Gower, Marshal of Berwick.

Friday the 2nd of September [1547]. Upon commandment generally given, by sound of trumpet, all save the council, departed the town; and encamped a two flight-shots off, upon the sea-side, toward Scotland.

This day, my Lord Clinton (age 35) with his fleet took the seas from Berwick toward Scotland, and herefore the rather, that though they might not have always wind at will to keep their course still with us; yet, and it were but with the driving of tides, they might, upon any our need of munition or victail, not be long from us.

My Lord Lieutenant and Master Treasurer, who remained at Newcastle after my Lord's Grace, for the full despatch of the rest of the army, came this day to Berwick.

But to this now, that my Lord's Grace dreamt one thing, and the contrary came to pass; writers upon the exposition of dreams, and specially Artemidorous do make two special kinds of dreams. The one, Speculative, whereby we see things, the next day after (for the most part), much like as we saw them in dream: the other Allegoric, which warneth us, as it were by riddle, of things more than a day, at the least, after to come. And in these Allegoric dreams, he saith, "the head betokeneth the father, the foot the servant, the right hand signifieth the mother, the left, the wife," and so forth. And sometimes one contrary is meant by he other, as to seem for some cause to weep or be sorry is a token of gladness to come; and again to joy much is a sign of care; to see foul water coming into the house is a sign to see the house burning. Apollonides, a surgeon, thought he went out, and wounded many: and soon after he healed many.

Of which sort of dreams, this of my Lord's Grace was, that showed that he had done nothing, and signified, as we may now be held to conster, he should do so much as it were scant possible to do more. Howbeit, as I would have no man so much to note and esteem dreams, as to think there are none vain, but all significative; a thing indeed, both fondly superstitious, and against the mind of God uttered in the Old Law so would I have no man so much to contemn them as to think, we can at no time, be warned by them; a thing also both of too much incredulity, and Actsii. against the promise of God rehearsed in the New Law, by Peter out of the prophet Joel.

But least, with my dreams, I bring you a sleep [asleep]; I shall here leave them, and begin to march with the army.

Sunday the 4th of September [1547]. My Lord's Grace came from out of the town, and the army raised from out of the camp.

And after this disposition of order. That Sir Francis Bryan (age 57), the Captain of Light Horsemen, with a four hundred of his band, should tend to the scout, a mile or two before; the carriage to keep along by the seacoast; and the Men of arms and the Demi-lances (divided into three troops, answering the three Wards) so to ride, in array, directly against the carriages a two flight shot asunder from them.

Our three Battles kept order in pace between them both. The Foreward, foremost; the Battle, in the midst; and the Rereward, hindermost: each Ward, his troop of horsemen, and guard of ordnance; and each piece of ordnance, his aid of Pioneers, for amendment of ways, where need should be found.

We marched a six mile, and camped by a village called Roston [Reston] [Map] in the barony of Bonkendale,

Monday the 5th of September [1547]. We marched a seven mile, till we came to a P!ace called The Peaths [Pease Bridge] [Map]. It is a valley running from a six mile west, straight eastward and toward the sea; a twenty score [400 yards] broad from bank to bank above, and a five score [100 yards] in the bottom, wherein runs a little river. So steep be these banks on either side, and deep to the bottom, that he who goeth straight down shall be in danger of tumbling; and the comer up so sure of puffing and pain. For remedy whereof, the travellers that way, have used to pass it, not by going directly, but by paths and footways leading slopewise: from the number of which paths they call it, somewhat nicely indeed, "The Peaths."

A bruit [rumour], a day or two before, was spread among us, that hereat the Scots were very busy a working; and how we should be stayed and met withal by them: whereunto, I heard my Lord's Grace vow that "he would put it in proof, for he would not step one foot out of his appointed course."

At our coming, we found all in good peace. Howbeit the sideways, on either side, most used for ease, were crossed and cut off in many places with the casting of traverse trenches, not very deep indeed, and rather somewhat hindering than utterly letting [preventing]. For whether it were more by policy or diligence, as I am sure neither of both did want, the ways, by the Pioneers, were soon so well plained, that our army, carriage, and ordnance were quite set over, soon after sunset, and there as then we pight [pitched] our camp.

But while our army was thus in passage, my Lord's Grace (willing to lose no time, and that the Scots, as well bydeedasby bruit, should know he was come) sent a Herald to summon a castle of George Douglas, called Dunglas, that stood at the end of the same valley, nearer the sea, and a mile from the place of our passage.

The Captain thereof, Matthew Home, a brother's son of Lord Home, upon this summons, required to speak with my Lord's Grace. It was granted, and he came. To whom, quoth his Grace, "Since it cannot be, but that ye must be witting, both of our coming into these parts, and of our Proclamation sent hither before and proclaimed also since; and ye Jiave not yet come to us, but keep this Hold thus: we have cause to take you as our mere enemy. And therefore, be ye at this choice (for we will take none advantage of your being here now)! whether ye and your company will render your Hold, and stand, body and goods, at the order of our will! or else to be set in it, as ye were: and we will assay, to win it as we can."

The Captain, being brought in great doubt, about this riddle, what answer well to make, and what best to do; at last, stricken with the fear of cruelty that by stubbornness he should well deserve, and moved, again, with the hope of mercy that by submission he might hap to have, was content to render [surrender] all at his Grace's pleasure: and thereupon commanded to fetch his company, returned to the castle.

In the time of tarrying for fetching his guard, we saw our ships, with a good gale and fair order, sailing into their Frith; which is a great arm of the sea, and runneth westward into their country above four mile. Upon this standeth Leith, Blackness, Stirling, and Saint John's road; and all the best towns else in the south part of Scotland.

This Captain came, and brought with him his band to my Lord's Grace, which was of twenty-one sober soldiers, all so apparelled and appointed, that, so God help me! I will say it for no praise, I never saw such a bunch of beggars come out of one house together in my life. The Captain, and six of the Worshipful of the Company were stayed, and com« manded to the keeping of the Provost Marshal, more, (hardly), to take "Monday's handsell " than for hope of advantage. The residue were licensed to "gae their gate," with this lesson that if they were ever known to practice or do aught against the army, while it was in the country, and thereupon taken, they should be sure to be hanged.

After this surrender, my Lord John Grey, being Captain of a number (as for his approved worthiness, right well he might be) was appointed to seize and take possession of the Manor "with all and singular the appurtenances in and to to the same belonging." With whom, as it hapt, it was my chance to go thither. The spoil was not rich, sure[ly], but of white bread, oaten cakes, and Scottish ale; whereof was indifferent good store, and soon bestowed among my Lord's soldiers accordingly. As for swords, bucklers, pikes, pots, pans, yarn, linen, hemp, and heaps of such baggage besides, they were scant stopped for, and very liberally let alone: but yet, sure, it would have rued any good housewife's heart to have beholden the great unmerciful murder that our men made of the brood geese and good laying hens that were slain there that day; which the wives of the town had penned up in holes in the stables and cellars of the castle ere we came.

In this meantime, my Lord's Grace appointed that the house should be overthrown. Whereupon [John Bren] the Captain of the Pioneers, with a three hundred of his labourers were sent down to it; whom he straight set a digging about the foundation.

In the town of Dunglas, which we left unspoiled and unburnt, we understood of their wives (for their husbands were not at home) that it was George Douglas's device and cost to cast those cross trenches at The Peaths; and it stood him in four Scottish pounds, which are as much sterling as four good English crowns of five shillings a piece [ — almost £10 in all, now]. A meet reward for such a work!

Tuesday the 6th of September [1547]. Our Pioneers were early at their work again about the castle; whose walls were so thick and foundation so deep, and thereto set upon so craggy a plot, that it was not an easy matter soon to underdig them.

Our army dislodged, and marched on. In the way we should go, a mile and a half from Dunglas northwards, there were two Piles or Holds, Thornton and Anderwick, [Innerwick] both set on craggy foundation, and divided, a stone's cast asunder, by a deep gut, wherein ran a little river.

Thornton belonged to the Lord Home, and was kept then by one Tom Trotter. Whereunto, my Lord's Grace, over night, for summons, sent Somerset his Herald. Towards whom, four or five of this Captain's prickers [Light horseman], with their gads ready charged, did right hastily direct their course: but Trotter both honestly defended the herald, and sharply rebuked his men; and said, for the summons, "he would come and speak with my Lord's Grace himself."

Notwithstanding, he came not; but straight locked up a sixteen poor soldiers, like the soldiers of Dunglas, fast within the house, took the keys with him, and commanding them they should defend the house and tarry within (as they could not get out) till his return, which should be on the morrow with munition and relief; he, with his prickers, pricked quite his ways.

Anderwick [Innerwick] pertained to the Lord of Hambleton [i.e. Hamilton], and was kept by his son and heir (whom, of custom, they call, the Master of Hambleton), and eight more with him; gentlemen, for the most part, we heard say.

My Lord’s Grace, at his coming nigh, sent unto both these Piles; which, upon summons, refusing to render, were straight assailed. Thornton, by a battery of four of our great pieces of ordnance, and certain of Sir Peter Mewtys's hackbutters to watch the loopholes and windows on all sides; and Anderwick, by a sort [company] of these hackbutters alone. Who so well bestirred them [selves], that where these keepers had rammed up their outer doors, cloyed and stopped up their stairs within, and kept themselves aloft for defence of their house about the battlements; the hackbutters got in, and fired the underneath, whereby being greatly troubled with smoke and smother, and brought in desperation of defence, they called pitifully, over their walls, to my Lord's Grace, for mercy: who, notwithstanding their great obstinacy and the ensample others of the enemy might have had by their punishment, of his noble generosity, and by these words, making half excuse for them, "Men may sometimes do that hastily in a gere [business], whereof, after, they may soon repent them," did take them to grace, and therefore sent one straight to them. But, ere the messenger came, the hackbutters had got up to them, and killed eight of them aloft. One leapt over the walls, and, running more than a furlong after, was slain without, in a water.

Tuesday the 6th of September [1547]. All this while, at Thornton, our assault and their defence was stoutly continued: but well perceiving how on the one side they were battered, mined at the other, kept in with hackbutters round about, and some of our men within also occupying all the house under them, for they had likewise shopped [shut] up themselves in the highest of their house, and so to do nothing, inward or outward, neither by shooting of base [small cannon], whereof they had but one or two, nor tumbling of stones, the things of their chief annoyance, whereby they might be able any while to resist our power or save themselves; they plucked in a banner that afore they had set out in defiance, and put out over the walls, a white linen clout tied on a stick's end, crying all, with one tune, for "Mercy!" but having answer by the whole voice of the assailers, "They were traitors! It was too late!" they plucked in their stick, and sticked [stuck] up the banner of defiance again, shot off, hurled stones, and did what else they could, with great courage on their side, and little hurt of ours. Yet then, after, being assured by our eamesty that we had vowed the winning of their hold before our departure, and then that their obstinacy could deserve no less than their death, they plucked in their banner once again, and cried upon "Mercy!" And being generally answered, "Nay, nay! Look never for it! for ye are arrant traitors!" then, made they petition that "If they should needs die, yet that my Lord's Grace would be so good to them, as they might be hanged: whereby they might somewhat reconcile themselves to God, and not to die in malice, with so great danger of their souls!" A policy, sure[ly], in my mind, though but of gross heads, yet of a fine device, Sir Miles Partridge being nigh about this Pile, at the time, and spying one in a red doublet, did guess he should be an Englishman; and, therefore, the rather came and furthered this petition to my Lord's Grace. Which then took effect. They came and humbled themselves to his Grace: whereupon, without more hurt, they were but commanded to the Provost Marshal.

It is somewhat here to consider, I know not whether the destiny or hap of man's life. The more worthy men, the less offenders, and more in the Judge's grace, were slain; and the beggars, the obstinate rebels that deserved nought but cruelty, were saved.

To say on now. The house was soon after so blown with powder, that more than one half fell straight down to rubbish and dust, the rest stood, all to be shaken with rifts and chinks. Anderwick was burned, and all the houses of office [servants' rooms], and stacks of corn about them both.

While this was thus in hand, my Lord's Grace, in turning but about, saw the fall of Dunglas, which likewise was undermined and blown with powder.

This done, about noon, we marched on, passing soon after within gunshot of Dunbar, a town standing long-wise upon the seaside: whereat is a castle, which the Scots count very strong, that sent us divers shots as we passed; but all in vain.

Their horsemen showed themselves in their fields beside us; towards whom Barteville, with his eight men, all hackbutters on horseback (whom he had right well appointed), and John De Ribaude, with divers others, did make: but no hurt on either side, saving that a man of Barteville's slew one of them with his piece. The skirmish was soon ended.

We went a four mile further, and having travelled that day a ten mile, we camped nigh Tantallon; and hath, at night, a blind [false] alarm.

Here had we, first, certain advertisement that the Scots were assembled in camp at the place where we found them.

Wednesday the 7th of September [1547]. Marching this morning a two mile, we came to a fair river called Lyn [now catted Tyne] running all straight eastward to wards the sea. Over this river there is a stone bridge, that they name Linton Bridge, of a town thereby on our right hand, and eastward as we went, that stands on the same river.

Our horsemen and carriages passed through the water, for it was not very deep: our footmen over the bridge. The passage was very straight for an army; and therefore the longer in setting over.

Beyond this bridge, about a mile westward, for so methought, as then we turned, upon this same river, on the south side, stands a proper house and of some strength belike. They call it Hailes Castle. It pertaineth to the Earl Bothwell; but was kept, as then, by the Governor's appointment, who held the Earl in prison.

Above the south side of this castle lieth a long hill east and west, whereupon did appear, in divers plumps, about three hundred of their prickers: some making towards the passage to be in wait there to take up stragglers and cut off the tail of our host. My Lord's Grace and my Lord Lieutenant did stay awhile [over] against the castle, upon a hill over which we should pass; as well for the army, that was not all come, as also to see a skirmish that some of these prickers by coming over the river towards us, began to make, but did not maintain. Whereupon our Foreward marching softly afore1] his Grace then took his way after: at whom, out of the Castle there were roundly shot off, but without hurt, six or seven pieces; which before that (though some of our men had been very nigh) yet kept they all covert.

In this meantime, did there arise a very thick mist, my Lord the Earl of Warwick, then Lord Lieutenant, as I told you, of the Army, did so nobly quit himself upon an adventure that chanced then to fall, as that his accustomed valiance might well be acknowledged; whereby first, and first of all men (a little but not without purpose now to digress) being Lord Lieutenant of Boulogne next after it was won [in 1544] — beaten [battered]on all sides, weak without, ill harbour within, and (now to say truth, for the danger is past) scant tenable as it was — did so valiantly defend it against the Dauphin then, and all his power; that, as I remember, was reckoned at fifty-two thousand. Of whom, in a camisado [? night attack] then, as they had slain many of our men and won the base [lower] town; his Lordship killed above eight hundred, counted [accounted] of the best soldiers in all France; drave the rest away; and recovered the town from them again.

And the next year after [1545], occupying his Office of Lord Admiral upon the sea, in person himself, what time the great Fleet of France, with all their galleys, which was no small power, came to invade our coasts; he preferred battle unto the French Admiral and all his navy: which fight, I will not say how cowardly, he utterly refused. His Lordship repelled their force, and made them fain to fly back again home with their brags and cost in vain.

And, the same year, but with a seven thousand, whereof not five thousand landed, maugre all France, he burnt Treport and divers villages there beside; and returned to ship again, with the loss but of one David Googan, and no more.

And the year then next after, 1546, his diligence so well showed among the rest of the Commissioners, that an honourable and friendly peace was concluded between France and us; his Lordship was sent over, by our late sovereign Lord, to receive the oath of the late French King, for confirmation of the same peace. In which journey, how nobly, he did advance his port [state] for the King's Majesty's honour and estimation of the realm, and yet not above his degree, all men that saw it will easily confess with me, that it was too much then to be showed in few words here.

Having come over the water, in the way that my Lord should pass, they had couched behind a hillock about a two hundred of their prickers, a forty had they sent beside, to search where my Lord was: whom when they found, part of them pricked very nigh; and, these again, a ten or twelve of my Lord's small company, did boldly encounter, and drave them well nigh home to their ambush, flying, perchance, not so much for fear of their force, as for falsehood to trap [entrap] them.

But hereby informed that my Lord was so nigh, they sent out a bigger number, and kept the rest more secret: upon this purpose, that they might either, by a plain onset, have distressed him; or that not prevailing, by feigning of flight, to have trained him under their ambush. And thus instructed, they came pricking towards his Lordship apace.

"Why," quoth he, "and will not these knaves be ruled? Give me my staff [spear]!" With the which, then, with so valiant a courage, he charged at one, (as it was thought, Dandy Car, a Captain among them) that he did not only compel Car to turn, but himself chased him above twelve score, i.e., 240 yards] together, all the way, at the spear point; so that if Car's horse had not been exceeding good and wight [swift], his Lordship had surely run him through in this race. He also, with his little band, caused all the rest to flee amain.

After whom then, as Henry Vane, a gentleman of my Lord's, and one of this company, did fiercely pursue; four or five Scots suddenly turned, and set upon him. And though they did not altogether 'scape his hands, free; yet by hewing and mangling his head, body, and many places else, they did so cruelly intreat [treat] him, as if rescue had not come the sooner, they had slain him outright. But saved as he was, I dare be bold to say, many a thousand in war or elsewhere, have died with less than half the less hurt.

Here was Barteville run at sideling [sideways] and hurt in the buttock: and one of our men slain. Of Scots again, none slain; but three taken: whereof one was Richard Maxwell, hurt in the thigh. Who had been long in England, not long before, and had received right many benefits, as I heard himself confess, both of the late King's Majesty, and of my Lord Lieutenant, and of many other nobles and gentlemen in the Court beside; and there* fore for his ingratitude and traiterous untruth threatened to be hanged. But as otherwise he had a great deal too much more than he deserved, so had he here somewhat too little: for how my Lord's Grace bestowed him, I wot not; but hanged indeed he was not.

To make my tale perfect: it is certainly thought that if my Lord Lieutenant had not thus valiantly encountered them ere they could have warned their ambush how weakly as he was warded, he had been beset round about by them, ere ever he could have been [a]ware of them or rescued of us; where now hereby his Lordship showed his wonted worthiness, saved his company, and discomfited the enemy.

Soon after, he overtook my Lord Protector, being as then set at dinner; to whom he presented these prisoners, and recounted his adventures.

Whose Grace, in the meantime, had happed upon a fellow like a man, but I wot not of what sort; small of stature, red headed, curled round about and shedded [parted] afore, of a forty year old, and called himself Knockes. To say somewhat of his [be]haviour, his coat was of the colour of a well burnt brick (I mean not black), and well worth twenty pence a broad yard. It was prettily fresed, half with an ado; and hemmed round about very suitably with pasmain lace of green caddis [worsted ribbon]. Methought, he represented the state of a sumner in some city or of a pedler in some borough. How far soever he had travelled that day, he had not a whit filed [defiled] his boots; for he had none on. Harmless, belike, for he wore no weapon. He rode on a trotting tit [horse], well worth a couple of shillings; the loss whereof, at his taking, he took very heavily: yet did my Lord's Grace cause him to be set on a better.

I take his learning was but small, but his utterance was great, sure[ly], for he never leaved babbling, very moist mouthed, and somewhat of nature disposed to slaver; and therefore fain, without a napkin to wipe his lips, to supp at every word. Some said it was no fault in the man; but the manner of the country. Indeed they have many moist mists there. No lack of audacity or store of wit; for being taken, and brought in for a spy, and posed in that point, whither he went: neither by the honesty of his errand, nor goodness of his wit was he able to make any likely excuse. The tenour of his talk so tempered throughout, and the most of his matter so indifferently mingled, as, if they make him not both, it was hard for any there to judge whether they might count him a foolish knave or a knavish fool. At whom, my Lord's Grace and others had right good sport.

As Barteville, that day, had right honestly served, so did the Lord's right honourably quite [requite] it. For straight upon the overtaking of my Lord's Grace, my Lord Lieutenant did get him a surgeon. Dressed he was, and straight after laid and conveyed in my Lord Grace's own chariot, that was both right sumptuous for cost, and easy for carriage. The rest that were hurt, Scots and others, were here also dressed.

We had marched that day a nine mile, and camped at night, by a town upon the Frith, called Lang Nuddrey [Longniddry] [Map].

Here we found a gentlewoman, some said a Lady, the wife of one Hugh Douglas. She was great with child, and, in a house of hers, there abode her good time of deliverance; and had with her, an ancient gentlewoman her mother, a midwife, and a daughter: whose estate, the council understanding, my Lord's Grace and my Lord Lieutenant took order, that all night, without danger or damage, she was well preserved. But soon after our departure in the morning, I heard that some of our northern prickers had visited her; not much for her profit, nor all for their honesty; that had they then been caught with their kindness, they should have been sure of thanks accordingly. Good people be they; but given much, as they say, to the spoil.

Thursday the 8th of September [1547]. This morning, in the time of our dislodging, sign was made to some of our ships (whereof the most part and chiefest [biggest] lay a ten or twelve mile in the Frith beyond us, over against Leith and Edinburgh) that the Lord Admiral should come ashore to speak with my Lord's Grace.

In the meantime, somewhat early, as our Galley was coming towards us, about a mile or more beyond our Cape, the Scots were very busy a wafting her ashore towards them, with a banner of Saint George that they had. But my Lord Lieutenant soon disappointed that policy: for making towards that place where. my Lord Admiral should land, our men on the water, by the sight of his presence, did soon discern their friends from their foes.

By and by then, my Lord Clinton, the Admiral, came to land: who, with my Lord Lieutenant rode back to my Lord's Grace; among whom order was taken, that our great ships should remove from before Leith, and lie before Musselburgh, and their camp: and our smaller vessels, that were victuallers, to lie nearer us. This thus appointed, my Lord Admiral rode back to take the water again.

And as our army had marched onward a mile or two, there appeared upon a hill that lay longwise east and west, and on the south side of us, a six hundred of their horsemen prickers, whereof some were within a two flight shot directly against us, upon the same hill: but the most further off. Towards these, over a small bridge, for there ran a little river also by us, very hardily did ride about a dozen of our hackbutters on horseback, and held them at bay so nigh to their noses, that whether it were by the goodness of our men or badness of theirs, the Scots did not only not come down to them, but also very courteously gave place, and fled to their fellows. And yet I know they lack no heart; but they cannot so well away with these cracks.

Our army went on, but so much the slower, because our way was somewhat narrow, by means of the Frith on the one side, and certain marshes nigh on the other.

The Scots kept always pace with us, upon their hill; and showed themselves, upon sundry brunts, very crank and brag. At whom, as our captains did look to the ordering and arraying again of the Battles; my Lord Protector's Grace appointed two field pieces to be turned. Each piece shot off twice, whereof one Gold, the Master Gunner there, 'discharged one, and did so well direct it, that, at his former shot, he struck off the leg of a black horse, right fair, and as it was thought the best in the company; and, at his next shot, he killed a man.

Hereby, rather somewhat calmed than fully content, they went their ways; and we saw no more of them, till the time of our camping.

Then showed they themselves very lordly aloft upon this hill again, over against us, as though they stood there to take a view of our camping and muster of our men. My Lord Marshal [Lord Grey] minding to know their commission, did make towards them with a band of horsemen: but they went wisely their way, and would never abide the reasoning of the matter.

In the way, as we came, not far from this place, George Ferrers, a gentleman of my Lord Protector's, and one of the Commissioners of the Carriages in the army, happened upon a cave in the ground; the mouth whereof was so worn with the fresh print of steps, that he seemed to be certain there were some folk within: and having gone down to try, he was readily received with a hackbut or two. Yet he left them not till he had known, whether they would be content to yield and come out. Which they fondly [foolishly] refusing: he went to my Lord's Grace, and upon utterance of the thing, got licence to deal with them as he could; and so returned to them, with a score or two of pioneers.

Three vents had their cave, which we were [a]ware of. He first stopped up one. Another he filled full of straw and set it a fire; whereat they within did cast water apace: but it was so well maintained without, that the fire prevailed, and they within, fain to get them, belike, into another parlour.

Then devised we, for I happened to be with him, to stop the same up; whereby we should either smother them, or find their vents, if they had any more. As this was done, at another issue, about a twelve score [240 yards] off, we might see the fume of our smoke to come out. The which continued with so great a force and so long a while, that we could not but think they within, must needs get them out or smother. And forasmuch, as we found not that they did the one: we thought it for certain, they were sure of the other. So we had done that we came for, and so left them.

By this time, our ships (taking mannerly their leave of Leith with a score of shot or more; and, as they came by, saluting the Scots, in their camp, also with as many) came and lay, according to appointment.

Thursday the 8th of September [1547]. We had gone this day about a five mile, and camped, towards night, nigh a town they call Salt Preston by the Frith [Prestonpans] [Map]. Here one Charleton, a man, before time, banished out of England, and continuing all the while in Scotland, came in, and submitted himself to my Lord's Grace; who took him to mercy.

James¹ of the Sink-hole, saving your reverence! a friar, forsooth, that wrote the Legendaury, telleth me a very preposterous order in good cookery, of one Gorgon and his fellow Dorotheus that were first sauced with vinegar and salt, and after that, then broiled on a girdiron [grid-iron]. But to be plain, as it is best for a man to be with his friends, he hath farced [stuffed] his book so full of lies, that it is quite out of credit in all honest company. And, for my part, I am half ashamed to say that I saw it: but since it is said, and somewhat to tell you what I saw, he makes me Thomas the traitor, Lupus the lecher, Peter the knave, if I may call a conjuror so, all to be his high and holy saints in heaven; and that with such prodigal impudency, and so shameless lying, as I may safely think he had either a Bull to make saints of devils, or else a Placard to play the knave as he list.

But as for Gorgon, be he as he may be, it makes no great matter: for he shall have my heart while he stands in the calendar; he hath been ever so lucky! But what saint soever he be, he is, sure[ly], no Scotsman's friend: but a very angry saint towards them.

For, upon his day, thirty-four years past, they had a great overthrow by us at Flodden Field, and their King Jamy the Fourth slain: and therefore is this day not smally marked among them.

Note 1. Jacobus de Voraigne.

To tell our adventures that befell now upon it, I think it very meet that first I advertise how as we here lay.

Our camp and theirs were either [each] within the sight and view of others [each other]; and, in distance, as I guessed, a two mile and [a] little more asunder. We had the Frith on the north; and this hill, last remembered, as I said, on the south; the west end whereof is called Fauxside Bray [now Falside Brae], whereupon standeth a sorry castle and half a score of houses of like worthiness by it. We had west ward, before us, them lying in camp.

Along this hill, being about a mile from us, were they very busy pranking up and down, all the morning: and fain would have been of counsel with the doings of our camp. We, again, because their army seemed to sit to receive us, did diligently prepare that we might soon go to them; and therefore kept our camp all that day: my Lord's Grace and the council sitting in consultation; and the captains and officers providing their bands with store of victail and furniture of weapons, for furtherance whereof, our vessels of munition and victuals were here already come to the shore.

The Scots continued their bravery on the hill; the which we not being so well able to bear, made out a band of Light Horsemen and a troop of Demi-lances to back them. Our men gat up on the hill, and thereby, of even ground with the enemy, rode straight towards them, with good speed and order; whom, at the first, the Scots did boldly countenance and abide; but, after, when they perceived that our men would needs come on, they began to prick [ride away], and would fain have begone ere they had told their errand. But our men hasted so speedily after, that, even straight, they were at their elbows, and did so stoutly then bestir them, that, what in the onset at the first, and after in the chase, which lasted a three mile, well-nigh to as far as the furthest of their camp on the south side, they had killed of the Scots, within a three hours, above the number of thirteen hundred, and taken the Master of Home, Lord Home's son and heir, two priests and six gentlemen (whereof one, I remember, by Sir Jacques Granado): and all, upon the highest, and well nighest towards them, of the hill; within the full sight of their whole camp.

Of our side, again, one Spanish hackbutter was hurt: and Sir Ralph Bullmer Knight, Thomas Gower, Marshal of Berwick, and Robert Crouch (all Captains of several bands of our Light Horsemen, and men of right good courage and approved service) were taken at this time; distressed by their own forwardness, and not by the enemy's force.

After this skirmish, it was marvelled on their side, that we used so much cruelty; and doubted, on ours, that we had killed so many. Their marvel was answered, that they had picked the quarrel first themselves, and showed us a precedent at Paniarhough [Penial Heugh]; where, of late years, without any mercy, they slew the Lord Evers and a great company with him. Our doubt was cleared by the witness of their own selves, who confessed that there were two thousand that made out of their camp (fifteen hundred horsemen for skirmish and five hundred footmen to lie close in ambush, and be ready at need) and that of all these, for certain, not seven hundred returned home.

After this skirmish, we also heard that the Lord Home himself, for haste in this flight, had a fall from his horse, and burst so the canell bone [collar bone] of his neck, that he was fain to be carried straight to Edinburgh, and his life was not a little despaired of.

Then, also, my Lord's Grace, my Lord Lieutenant, and other of the council, with but a small guard, did take, upon this Fauxside Bray (where the slaughter, as I said, was made), about half a mile south-east of them, full view of their camp: whereof the tents, as I noted them, were divided into four several orders and rewes [rows] lying east and west, and a prickshot asunder; and mustered not unlike, as methought, unto four great ridges of ripe barley.

The plot where they lay was so chosen for strength, as in all their country, some thought there was not a better. Safe on the south, by a great marsh; and on the north by the Frith; which side also they fenced with two field pieces and certain hackbuts a crock, lying under a turf wall. Edinburgh, on the west, at their backs: and eastward, between us and them, they were strongly defended by the course of a river, called the Esk, running north into the Frith; which, as [though] it was not very deep of water, so [yet] were the banks of it so high and steep (after the manner of the Peathes mentioned in our Monday's journey), as a small sort [company] of resistants might have been able to keep down a great number of comers-up.

About a twelve score [240 yards] off from the Frith, over the same river, is there a stone bridge, which they did keep also; well warded with ordnance.

From this hill of Fauxside Bray, my Lord's Grace, my Lord Lieutenant, and the others descended along before their camp; within less than two flight shots into a lane or street of a thirty foot broad, fenced on either side with a wall of turf, an ell in height; which way did lead straight northward, and nigh to a church called Saint Michael's of Underesk [Map] [Inveresk], standing on a mean rising hill somewhat higher than the site of their camp.

Thus this viewed, they took their return directly homeward to our tents. At whom, in the way, the Scots did often shoot: but with all their shots, and of all our company, they killed but one horse in the midst of three, without any hurt of the rider.

These messengers had their answers, and therewith leave to depart.

It is an ancient order in war, inviolably observed, that the Heralds and trumpeters, at any time, upon necessary messages, may freely pass to and fro between the enemies, without hurt or stay of any, as privileged with a certain immunity and freedom of passage" likewise that, during the time of any such message, hostility on both sides should utterly cease.

The Scots, notwithstanding (what moved them, I know not, but somewhat besides the rules of stans puer ad mensam) shot three or four shot at us, in the midst of this message doing" but as hap was, wide enough.

On the morrow after, they had everyone of their guns taken from them" and put into the hands of them that could use them with more good manners.

It becometh me not, I wot, apertly [openly] to tax their Governor, with the note [slur] of Dissimulation" for however he be our enemy, yet is he a man of honourable estate, and worthy, for aught I know, of the office he bears.

Howbeit, touching this message sent by the Herald, to say as I think, I am fully persuaded he never sent it either because he thought it would be received by my Lord's Grace, whose courage, of custom, he knew to be such that would never brook so much dishonour as to travel so far to return in vain" or else that he meant any sparing or pity of us, whom, in his heart, he had already devoured. But only to show a colour [appearance] of kindness, by the refusal whereof he might first, in his sight, the more justly, as he should list, use extremity against us" and then, upon victory, triumph with more glory. For he thought himself 'no less sure of victory than he was sure he was willing to fight. And that which makes me, in this case, now to be so quite out of doubt, were these causes; whereof I was after certainly informed.

And they were, first, his respect of our only strength, as be thought, our horsemen" which (not so much upon policy to make his men hardy against us, as for that he plainly so took it) he caused to be published in his host, that " they were wholly but of very young men, unskilful of the wars, and easy to be dealt withal."

And, then, his regard to the number and place of our power and his" the which, indeed, were far unequal.

And hereto, his assured hope of twelve galleys and fifty ships that he always looked to be sent out of France, to come in at our backs.

He, with his host, made themselves hereby so sure of the matter, that in the night of this day, they fell aforehand to playing at dice for certain of our noblemen and captains of fame. For as for all the rest, they thought quite to despatch us, and were of nothing so much afraid as lest we should have made away out of the country ere they and we had met; bruiting among them, that our ships, the day before, removed from before Leith only to take in our footmen and carriages, to the intent our horsemen then, with more haste and less cumber, might thence be able to hie them homeward. For the fear hereof also, they appointed, this night, to have given us a camisado [night attack] in our camp, as we lay" whereof, even then, we happened to have an inkling" and therefore late in the night, entrenched our carriages and waggonborough, and had good scout without and sure watch within" so that if they had kept appointment (as what letted [hindered] them, I could not learn) they should not have been unwelcomed nor unlooked for.

Yea, the great fear they had of our hasty departure made them so hasty, as the next morrow, being the day of the battle, so early to come towards us, out of their camp: against whom, then, though they saw our horsemen readily to make" yet would they not think, but that it was for a policy to stay them, while our footmen and carriage might be stowed a shipboard.

Marvellous men" They would not believe there were any bees in the hive, till they came out and stang them by the nose. They fared herein (if I may compare great things to small, and earnesty to game) like as I have wist a good fellow, ere this, that hath come to a dicing board, very hastily thrusting, for fear lest all should be done ere he could begin" and hath soon been shred [stripped] of all that ever he brought" but, after, when he hath come from the board with his hands in his bosom, and remembered there was never a penny in his purse, he could quickly find that the fondness was not in tarrying too long, but in coming too soon.

We are warned, if we were wise, of these witless brunts, by the common proverb that saith, "It is better to sit still, than rise up and fall." But, belike, they know it not.

In the night of this day, my Lord's Grace appointed that early in the next morning, part of our ordnance should be planted in the lane I spake of, under the turf wall next to their camp" and some also to be set upon the hill, nigh to Underesk Church, afore remembered: and these to the intent we should, with our shot, cause them either wholly to remove their camp or else much to annoy them as they lay. It was not the least part of our meaning, also, hereby to win from them certain of their ordnance that lay nearest this Church.

It will be no great breach of order I trust" though here I rehearse the thing that not till after, I heard touching the trumpeter's message from the Earl Huntley: which was, as I heard the Earl himself say, that he never sent the same to my Lord's Grace, but George Douglas, in his name. And this was devised by him, not so specially for any challenge sake, as that the messenger should maintain, by mouth, his talk to my Lord's Grace, while his eyes were rolling to toote [glance] and pry upon the state of our camp, and whether we were packing or not" as, indeed, the fellow had a very good countenance to make a spy.

But my Lord's Grace (of custom, not using so readily to to admit any kind of enemy to come so nigh) had despatched them both, with their answers, as I said, ere ever they came within a mile of our camp.

As I happed, soon after, to rehearse the excuse of the Earl, and this drift of Douglas, a gentleman Scot that was a prisoner and present, sware "By the mis [mass]! it was like enough: for he kenned George full well," and said "he was a meet man to pick quarrels for other men to fight for."

To the intent I would show my good will to make all things as easy to the sense of the reader as my knowledge could instruct" and forasmuch as the assault, especially of our horsemen at the first" their retire again" and our last onset, pursuit, and slaughter of the enemy cannot all be showed well in one plot" I have devised and drawn, according to my cunning, three several views of them [see pp. 114, 115, 118, 119], placed in their order, as follow in the battle. Wherein are also other towns and places remembered, such at that time, I thought meet to mark" and in my memory could since call to mind. No fine portraiture indeed, nor yet any exquisite observance of geometrical dimension; but yet neither so gross nor far from the truth, I trust, but they may serve for some ease of understanding.

But since the scantness of room will not suffer me plainly and at length to write there every place's name, I am therefore fain instead of a name to set up a letter. The reader must be content to learn his A. B. C. again" such as I have there devised for the expounding of the same views.

They that list to learn" I trust, in this point will not much stick with me" considering also that

Ignoratis terminis, ignoratur et ars i.e. If the boundaries are unknown, the art is also unknown. [Aristotle]

If they know not my A. B. C., they cannot well know my matter: like as he that knows not Raymond's Alphabet shall never come to the composition of his quintessence; what he shall do though, some practitioners do doubt.

And minding to interrupt the process of the battle that followeth, with as few mean matters as I may; I have thought good, to have written this here before.

[10 Sep 1547]. We came on speedily a both sides; neither, as yet, one whit ware [aware] of [the] other's intent" but the Scots indeed at a rounder pace.

Between the two hillocks betwixt us and the Church, they mustered somewhat brim [exposed] in our eyes: at whom, as they stayed there awhile, our galley shot off, and slew the Master of Greym [Graham] with a five and twenty near by him" and therewith so scared the four thousand Irish archers brought by the Earl of Argyle (age 40): that where, as it was said, they should have been a wing to the Foreward, they could never after be made to come forward.

Hereupon, did their army hastily remove; and from thence, declining southward, took their direct way towards Fauxside Bray.

[10 Sep 1547]. Of this, Sir Ralph Vane, Lieutenant of all our Horsemen, (as I think, he, first of all men, did note it) quickly advertised my Lord; whose Grace thereby did readily conceive much of their meaning: which was to win of us the hill, and thereby the wind, and sun (if it had shined, as it did not; for the weather was cloudy and lowering); the gain of which three things, whither [whichever] party, in fight of battle, can hap to obtain, hath his force doubled against his enemy.

In all this enterprise, they used, for haste, so little the help of horses, that they plucked forth their ordnance by draught of men; which at this time began freely to shoot off towards us: whereby we were furthered warned that they meant more than a skirmish.

Herewith began every man to be smitten with the care of his office and charge; and thereupon accordingly to apply him about it. Herewith began still riding to and fro. Herewith a general rumour and buzzing among the soldiers; not unlike the noise of the sea, being heard afar off. And herewith, my Lord's Grace and the council, on horseback as they were, fell straight in consultation: the sharpness of whose circumspect wisdoms, as it quickly spied out the enemy's intents, so did it, among other things, promptly provide therein to prevent them; as needful it was, for the time asked no leisure.

[10 Sep 1547]. Their device was thus. That my Lord Grey (age 38), with his band of Boulogners, with my Lord Protector's band, and my Lord Leiutenant's; all to the number of an eighteen hundred men, on the East half: and Sir Ralph Vane, with Sir Thomas Darcy (age 40) Captain of the Pensioners, and my Lord Fitzwalter with his band of Demi-lances; all to the number of a sixteen hundred, to be ready and even with my Lord Marshal, on the West half: and thus, all these together, afore [before], to encounter the enemy a front: whereby either to break their array, and that way weaken their power by disorder; or, at the least, to stop them of their gate [march], and force them to stay, while our Foreward might wholly have the hill's side, and our Battle and Rereward be placed in grounds next that in order, and best for advantage.

And after this, then that the same our horsemen should retire up the hill's side; to come down, in order, afresh, and infest them on both their sides; while our Battles should occupy them in fight a front.

The policy of this device, for the state of the case, as it was, to all that knew of it, generally allowed to be the best that could be: even so, also, taken to be of no small danger for my Lord Marshal, Sir Ralph Vane, and others the assailers; the which, nevertheless, I know not whether more nobly and wisely devised of the council, or more valiantly and willingly executed of them.

For even there, with good courage taking their leaves of the council, my Lord Marshal requiring only that if it went not well with him, my Lord's Grace would be good to his wife and children; he said, "he would meet these Scots!" And so, with their bands, these captains took their way towards the enemy.

By this, were our Foreward and theirs with a two flight shot asunder. The Scots hasted with so fast a pace, that it was thought of the most part of us, they were rather horsemen than footmen. Our men, again, were led the more with speed.

[10 Sep 1547]. The Master of the Ordnance, to our great advantage, then plucked up the hill certain pieces; and, soon after, planted two or three cannon of them well nigh upon the top there; whereby, having so much the help of the hill, he might shoot nighest, over our men's heads, at the enemy.

As my Lord's Grace had so circumspectly taken order for the array and station of the army, and for the execution of every man's office besides; even as it is meetest that the head should be the highest, that should well look about for the safeguard of all the other members and parts of the body; so did his Grace, first perfectly appointed in fair harness [armour], accompanied with no more, as I noted, than with Sir Thomas Challoner Knight, one of the Clerks of the King's Majesty's Privy Council, take his way towards the height of the hill, to tarry by the ordnance, where he might both best survey us all, and succour with aid where he saw need; and also, by his presence, be a defence to the thing that stood weakest in place and most in danger. The which thereby, how much it did steed anon, shall I show.

As his Grace was half up the hill, my Lord Lieutenant, as it chanced, by him, he was ware [aware] the enemy were all at a sudden stay, and stood still a good while. The sight and cause hereof was marvellous to us all; but understandable of none.

My Lord's Grace thought, as indeed it most likely was, that the men had overshot themselves, and would fain have been home again; and herewith said to this effect, "These men will surely come no farther. It were best to cast where we should camp for, pain of my life! they will never fight!"

It had been hardly, I wot not how bad, but I am sure no good device, for our power to have forsaken their ground, to assail them where they stood, so far from the hill that we had wellnigh won so hardly and should keep to so much advantage. And in warfare, always, timely provision is counted great policy. Hereto his Grace was sure that we were able, better and longer to keep our hill, than they their plain.

As for fighting now, it might be more than likely to who ever considered it, that their courage was quite quailed, and therefore that they had no will to come any further; but would have been glad to have been whence they came. First, because, at that time, besides the full muster of our footmen (of whom they thought, we had none there; but all to have been either shipped or a shipping): then, they saw plain that we were sure to have the gain of the hill; and they, the ground of disadvantage, out of their Hold, and put from their hope.

And hereto, for that their Herald gave my Lord's Grace no warning, the which by him, if they had meant to fight it out, who would not have presumed that (for the estimation of their honour) they would little stuck to have sent by him; and he, again, and it had been but for his thousand crowns, would have been right glad to have brought?

These be the considerations that, both then and since, did persuade me, my Lord's Grace had good cause to say, "They would not fight!"

Howbeit hereunto if I wist and disclosed but half as much now, as, I am sure, of circumspection, his Grace knew then; I do not doubt but I were able sufficiently to prove he might well be no less certain of that he had said, than any man, might be of an undone deed. The which, nevertheless, how true it was, the proof of the matter soon after did declare; which was that the Scots ran quite their way [away] and would never tarry stroke with our footmen where the fight, on both sides, should have been showed.

Notwithstanding, by this time considering, belike, the state they stood in, that as they had left their strength too soon, so, now to be [it was] too late to repent: upon a change of countenance, they made hastily towards us again, I know not (to say truth) whether more stoutly of courage, or more strongly of order; methought then, I might note both in their march.

But what after I learned, specially touching their order, their armour, and their manner of fight, as well in going to offend, as in standing to defend: I have thought necessary here to utter.

Hackbutters have they few or none: and they appoint their fight most commonly always afoot.

They came to the field, all well furnish with jack [light iron jackets covered with white leather] and skull [helmet], dagger, buckler, and swords all notably broad and thin, of exceeding good temper and universally so made to slice, that as I never saw any so good, so think I it hard to devise the better. Hereto, every man his pike; and a great kercher wrapped twice or thrice about his neck; not for cold but for [against] cutting.

In their array, towards the joining with the enemy, they cling and thrust so near in the fore rank, shoulder to shoulder together, with their pikes in both hands straight afore them; and their followers in that order so hard at their backs, laying their pikes over their foregoers' shoulders; that if they do assail undissevered, no force can well withstand them.

Standing at defence, they thrust shoulders likewise so nigh together; the fore rank, well nigh to kneeling, stoop low before their fellows behind holding their pikes in both hands, and therewith on their left [arm] their bucklers; the one end of the pike against their right foot, the other against the enemy breast high; their followers crossing their pike points with them foreward; and thus, each with other, so nigh as place and space will suffer, through the whole Ward so thick, that as easily shall a bare finger pierce through the skin of an angry hedgehog, as any encounter the front of their pikes.

My Lord Marshal, notwithstanding, whom no danger detracted from doing his enterprise, with the company and order afore appointed, came full in their faces from the hill's side toward them. Herewith waxed it very hot, on both sides, with pitiful cries, horrible roar, and terrible thundering of guns besides. The day darkened above head, with smoke of shot. The sight and appearance of the enemy, even at hand, before. The danger of death on every side else. The bullets, pellets, and arrows flying each [every] where so thick, and so uncertainly lighting, that nowhere was there any surety of safety. Every man stricken with a dreadful fear, not so much, perchance, of death as of hurt; which things, though they were but certain to some, were yet doubted of all. Assured cruelty at the enemy's hands, without hope of mercy. Death to fly, and danger to fight.

The whoje face of the field, on both sides, upon this point of joining, both to the eye and the ear, so heavy, so deadly, lamentable, outrageous, terribly confused, and so quite against the quiet nature of man: as if, to our nobility, the regard of their honour and fame; to the knights and captains, the estimation of their worship and honesty; and generally to us all, the natural motion of bounden duty, our own safety, hope of victory, and the favour of God that we trusted we had for the equity of our quarrel; had not been a more vehement cause of courage that the danger of death was cause of fear, the very horror of the thing had been able to make any man to forget both prowess and policy.

But my Lord Marshal and the others, with present mind and courage, warily and quickly continued their course towards them: and my Lord's Grace was then at this post, by the ordnance aloft.

The enemy were in a fallow field, whereof the furrows lay sideling towards our men.

By the side of the same furrows, next us, and a stone's cast from them, was there a cross ditch or slough, which our men must needs pass to come to them: wherein many, that could not leap over, stack fast, to no small danger of themselves, and some disorder of their fellows.

The enemy, perceiving our men's fast approach, disposed themselves to abide the brunt; and in this order, stood still to receive them.

[10 Sep 1547]. The Earl of Angus, next us, in their Foreward, as Captain of the same: with an eight thousand men; and four or five pieces of ordnance on his right side, and a four thousand horsemen on his left.

Behind him, somewhat westward, the Governor [with the Battle] with a ten thousand Inland men, as they call them; counted the choicest men of their country.

And the Earl Huntley in the Rereward, well nigh even with the Battle on the left side, with eight thousand men also. The four thousand Irish archers, as a wing to them both, last indeed in order, and first (as they said) that ran away.

The Battle and Rereward were warded also with their ordnance, according[ly].

[10 Sep 1547]. Edward Shelley, Lieutenant under my Lord Grey, of his band of Boulogners, was the first on our side that was over this slough, my Lord Grey next; and so then after, two or three ranks of the former [leading] bands. But badly, yet, could they make their race; by reason, the furrows lay travers to their course. That notwithstanding, and though there were nothing likely well to be able thus a front to come within them to hurt them, as well because the Scottish men's pikes were as long or longer than their staves [spears], as also for that their horses were all naked without barbs [breastplates] whereof, though there were right many among us, yet not one put on: forasmuch as at our coming forth in the morning, we looked for nothing less than for battle that day: yet did my Lord, and Shelley, with the residue, so valiantly and strongly give the charge upon them, that, whether it were by their prowess or power, the left side of the enemy that his Lordship did set upon, though their order remained unbroken, was yet compelled to sway a good way back and give ground largely; and all the residue of them besides, to stand much amazed.

Before this, as our men were well nigh at them, they stood very brave and braggart, shake their pike-points, crying, "Come here, lounds [rascals]! Come here, tykes [dogs]! Come here, heretics!" as hardly they are fair mouthed men. Though they meant but small humanity; yet showed they hereby much civility: both of fair play, to warn ere they struck, and of formal order, to chide ere they fought.

Our captains that were behind (perceiving, at eye [at a glance], that both by the unevenness of the ground, by the sturdy order of the enemy, and for that their [own] fellows were so nigh and straight before them; they were not able, to any advantage, to maintain this onset), did therefore, according to the device in that point appointed, turned themselves, and made a soft [slow] retire up towards the hill again.

Howbeit to confess the truth, some of the number (that knew not the prepensed [aforethought] policy of the council, in this case) made, of a sober advised retire, a hasty temerarious flight.

Sound to any man's ear as it may, I shall never admit, for any affection towards country or kin, to be so partial as will, wittingly, either bolster the falsehood or bury the truth: for honour, in my opinion, that way gotten, were unworthily won, and a very vile gain. Howbeit hereby I cannot count any lost, where but a few lewd soldiers ran out of array, without standard or captain; upon no cause of need, but a mere indiscretion and madness. A madness, indeed! For, first, the Scots were not able to pursue, because they were footmen: and, if they could, what hope by flight? so far from home in their enemy's land! where there was no place of refuge!

My Lord Marshal, Edward Shelley, little Preston, Brampton, and Gerningham, Boulogners; Ratcliffe, the Lord Fitzwalter's brother; Sir John Clere's son and heir; Digges of Kent; Ellerker, a Pensioner; Segrave. Of my Lord Protector's band, my Lord Edward, his Grace's son, Captain of the same band; Stanley, Woodhouse, Coonisby, Horqill, Morris, Dennis, Arthur, and Atkinson; with others in the forerank, not being able, in this earnest assault, both to tend [attend] to their fight afore, and to the retire behind: the Scots, again (well considering hereby how weak they remained) caught courage afresh, ran sharply for* ward upon them, and, without any mercy, slew every man of our men that abode furthest in press; a six more, of Boulogners and others, than I have here named: in all. to the number of twenty-six, and the most part, gentlemen.

The Second Table. Showeth the placing of our footmen; the slaughter of Edward Shelley and the others; the retire of out band of horsemen up the hill, and the breach of array of the stragglers from them. But touching the exposition of the notes and letters; I refer the reader to the Table before [p. 115].

The Third Table. Showing the coming into array of our horsemen upon the hill again; the placing of the hackbuetters against tbe enemy; the shooting of out archers: and then the coming down of our horsemen after, about the chase and slaughter of the enemy.

M. Signify the pikes and weapons let fall by the Scots, in

N. the place where they stood.

O. As for the other characters, I refer the Reader again to the first Table [p. 115].

[10 Sep 1547]. Yet my Lord Grey and my Lord Edward (as some grace was) returned, but neither all in safety, nor without evident marks they had been there: for the one, with a pike through the mouth, was raced [torn] along from the tip of the tongue, and thrust that way very dangerously, more than two inches with the neck; and my Lord Edward had his horse under him, wounded sore with swords, and I think to death.

[10 Sep 1547]. Like as also, a little before this onset, Sir Thomas Darcy upon his approach to the enemy was struck glancing wise, on the right side, with a bullet of one of their field pieces; and thereby his body bruised with the bowing in of his harness, his sword hilts broken, and the forefinger of his right hand beaten flat: even so, upon the parting of this fray, was Sir Arthur Darcy flashed at with swords, and so hurt upon the wedding finger of his right hand also, as it was counted for the first part of medicine to have it quite cut away.

About the same time, certain of the Scots ran out hastily to the King's Majesty's Standard of the Horsemen, the which Sir Andrew Flammack bare; and laying fast hold of upon the staff thereof, cried, "A King! A King!" that if both his strength, his heart, and his horse had not been good; and hereto, somewhat aided, at this pinch, by Sir Ralph Coppinger a Pensioner, both he had been slain, and the standard lost; which the Scots, nevertheless, held so fast that they brake and bare away the nether [lower] end of the staff to the burrell [ring] and intended so much to the gain of the standard, that Sir Andrew, as hap was, 'scaped home all safe, and else without hurt.

At this business, also, was my Lord Fitzwalter, Captain of a number of Demi-lances," unhorsed; but soon mounted again, escaped, yet in great danger, and his horse all [that] he wan.

Hereat further, were Cavarley, the Standard Bearer of the Men of Arms, and Clement Paston a Pensioner, each of them thrust into the legs with pikes; and Don Philip, a Spaniard, in the knee: divers others maimed and hurt; and many horses sore wounded beside.

By this time, had our Foreward, accordingly, gotten the full vantage of the hill's side; and, in respect of their march, stood sideling towards the enemy: who, nevertheless were not able, in all parts, to stand full square in array by reason that at the west end of them, upon their right hand and towards the enemy, there was a square plot enclosed with turf, as their manner of fencing [making with walls] in those parts is; one corner whereof did let the square of the same array. Our Battle, in good order, next them, but so as in continuance of array: the former part thereof stood upon the hill's side, the tail upon the plain. And the Rereward wholly upon the plain.

So that by the placing and countenance of our army in this wise, we showed ourselves, in a manner, to compass them in, that they should, in no way 'scape us: the which, by our power and number, we were as well able to do, as a spinner's web to catch a swarm of bees. Howbeit, for heart and courage, we meant to meet with them, had they been as many more.

Those indiscreet gadlings that so fondly brake array from the horsemen in the retire, as I said, ran so hastily through the orders and ranks of our Foreward, as it stood, that it did both disorder many, feared many, and was a great encouragement to the enemy.

My Lord Lieutenant, who had the guiding of the Foreward, right valiantly had conducted them to their standing: and there did very nobly encourage and comfort them; bidding them, "Pluck up their hearts! and show themselves men! for there was no cause of fear. As for victory, it was in their own hands, if they did abide by it! and he himself, even there, would live and die among them!"

And surely, as his Worthiness always right well deserveth, so was his Honour, at that time, worthily furnished with worthy captains.

First, Sir John Lutterell, who had the leading of a three hundred of his Lordship's men, that were the foremost of this Foreward; all with harness and weapon: and, in all points else, so well trimmed for war that, like as, at that time, I could well note my Lord's great cost and honour, for their choice and perfect appointment and furniture; so did I then also consider Sir John Lutterell's prowess and wisdom for their valiant conduction, and exact observance of order. Whom (knowing, as I know) for his wit, manhood, good qualities, and aptness to all gentle feats besides; I have good cause to count both a good Captain a warfare in field, and a worthy Courtier in peace at home.

Then in the same Foreward, Sir Morice Dennis, another Captain, who wisely first exhorting his men "to play the men, showing thereby the assurance of victory," and then to the intent they should be sure he would never shrink from them, he did with no less worship than valiance, in the hottest of this business, alighted among them, and put his horse from him.

[10 Sep 1547]. But if I should (as cause, I confess, there was enough) make here any stay in his commendation therefore, or of the forward courage of Sir George Haward, who bear the King's Majesty's Standard in the Battle; or of the circumspect diligence of Sir William Pickering and Sir Richard Wingfield, Sergeants of the Band to the Foreward; or of the prompt forwardness of Sir Charles Brandon, another captain there; or of the painful industry of Sir James Wilford, Provost Marshal, who placed himself with the foremost of this Foreward; or of the good order in march of Sir Hugh Willoughby and William Dennis Esquire, both captains; or of the present heart of John Challoner, a captain also in the battle; or of the honest respect of Edward Chamberlain, Gentleman Harbinger [Quartermaster] of the Army, who willingly as then, came in order with the same Foreward; or of right many others in both these Battles (for I was not nigh the Rereward) whose behaviour and worthiness were, at that time, notable in mine eye (although I neither knew then all of them I saw; nor could since remember of them I knew) I might well be in doubt it should be too much an intrication to the matter, too great a tediousness to the reader. And therefore to say on.

[10 Sep 1547]. The Scots were somewhat disordered with their coming out about the slaughter of our men; the which they did so earnestly then intend, they took not one to mercy. But more they were amazed at this adventurous and hardy onset. My Lord's Grace having before this, for causes aforesaid, placed himself on this Fauxside Bray, and thereby quickly perceiving the great disorder of these straggling horsemen, hemmed them in from further straying; whom Sir Ralph Vane, with great dexterity, brought in good order and array again.

And therewith, the rest of our strengths, by the policy of my Lord's Grace, and the diligence of every captain and officer beside, were so opportunely and aptly applied, in their feat, that where this repulse by the enemy and retire of us were douSted by many, to turn to the danger of our loss: the same was wrought and advanced, according as it was devised, to our certainty of gain and victory.

For, first, at this slough, where most of our horsemen had stood, Sir Peter Mewtys, Captain of all the Hackbutters afoot, did very valiantly conduct, and place a good number of his men, in a manner, hard at the face of the enemy. Whereunto, Sir Peter Gamboa, a Spaniard, Captain of a two hundred Hackbutters on horseback, did readily bring his men also: who, with the hot continuance of their shot, on both parties, did so stoutly stay the enemy, that they could not well come further forward.

Then our archers that marched in array, on the right hand of our footmen, and next to the enemy, pricked them sharply with arrows, as they stood.

Therewith, the Master of the Ordnance, to their great annoyance, did gall with hail shot and other [shot] out of the great ordnance directly from the hill top; and certain other gunners, a flank, from our Rereward. Most of our artillery and missive engines then wholly thus at once, with great puissance and vehemency, occupied about them.

Herewith, the full sight of our footmen, all shadowed from them before, by our horsemen and the dust raised; whom then they were ware [aware], in such order, to be so near upon them. And to this the perfect array of our horsemen again coming courageously to set on them afresh. Miserable men! perceiving themselves, then all too late, how much too much they were misinformed, began suddenly to shrink. Their Governor, that brought them first to the bargain, like a doughty Captain, took hastily his horse that he might run foremost away. Indeed, it stood somewhat with reason that he should make first homeward that first made outward; but, as some of them said, scant [scarcely] with honour, and with shame enough. The Earl of Angus and other chief captains did quickly follow, as their Governor led; and with the foremost, their Irishmen.

Therewith then turned all the whole rout, kest [cast] down their weapons, ran out of their Wards, off with their jacks and with all that ever they might, betook them to the race that their Governor began.

Our men had found them at the first (as what could escape so many thousand eyes?), and sharply and quickly, with an universal outcry, "They fly! They fly!" pursued after in chase amain: and thereto so eagerly and with such fierceness, that they overtook many, and spared indeed but few; as it might then hardly have been both folly and peril to have showed any pity.

But when they were once turned; it was a wonder to see how soon, and in how sundry sorts they were scattered. The place they stood on like a wood of staves [pikes] strewed on the ground as rushes in a chamber; impassable they lay so thick, for either horse or man.

Here, at the first, they let fall all their pikes after that, everywhere, they scattered swords, bucklers, daggers, jacks, and all things else that either was of any weight, or might be any let to their course. Which course among them, they made specially three ways. Some along the sands by the Frith, towards Leith- Some straight towards Edinburgh, whereof part went through the park there: in the walls whereof, though they be round about of flint stone; yet were there many holes already made. And part of them by the highway that leads along by Holy Rood Abbey. And the residue, and, as we noted then, the most of them towards Dalkeith: which way, by means of the marsh, our horsemen were worst able to follow.

Sundry shifts, some shrewd, some sorry, made they in their running. Divers of them in their courses, as they were ware [aware] they were pursued but of one, would suddenly back, and lash at the legs of the horse or foin [thrust] him in the belly. And sometime did they reach at the rider also: whereby Clement Paston in the arm, and divers others otherwise, were hurt in this chase.

Some other lay flat in a furrow, as though they were dead, and thereby were passed by of our men untouched; as I heard say, the Earl of Angus confessed he couched till his horse happed to be brought him. Other some, to stay in the river, cowering down his body, his head under the root of a willow tree, with scant his nose above water for breath. A shift, but no succour, it was to many that had their skulls [helmets] on, at the stroke of the follower, to shrink their heads into their shoulders, like a tortoise into its shell. Others, again, for their more lightness, cast away shoes and doublets; and ran in theft shirts. And some were also seen in this race, to fall flat down all breathless, and to have run themselves to death.

Before this, at the time of our onset, came there eastward, a five hundred of their horsemen, up along this Fauxside Bray, straight upon our ordnance and carriage. My Lord's Grace, as I said, most specially for the doubt of the same, placing himself thereby, caused a piece or two to be turned towards them; with a few shots whereof, they were soon turned also, and fled to Dalkeith. But had they kept on, they were provided for accordingly. For one parson Keblb, a Chaplain of his Grace's, and two or three others, by and by discoverd four or five of the carts of munition, and therewith bestowed pikes, bills, bows and arrows to as many as came. So that of carters and others there were soon weaponed, there, about a thousand men; whom parson Keble and the others did very handsomely dispose in array, and made a pretty muster.

To return now. Soon after this notable strewing of their footmen's weapons, began a pitiful sight of the dead corpses lying dispersed abroad. Some, with their legs off; some but hought [ham-strung] and left lying half dead: others, with the arms cut off; divers, their necks half asunder; many, their heads cloven; of sundry, the brains pasht [smashed] out; some others again, their heads quite off: with a thousand other kinds of killing.

After that, and further in the chase, all, for the most part, killed either in the head or in the neck; for our horsemen could not well reach them lower with their swords.

And thus, with blood and slaughter of the enemy, this chase was continued five miles in length westward, from the place of their standing, which was in the fallow fields of Underesk [Invcrcsk], unto Edinburgh Park, and well nigh to the gates of the town itself, and unto Leith; and in breadth, nigh three miles, from the Frith sands, towards Dalkeith southward. In all which space, the dead bodies lay as thick as a man may note cattle grazing in a full replenished pasture. The river ran all red with blood: so that in the same chase were counted, as well by some of our men that somewhat diligently did mark it, as by some of them taken prisoners, that very much did lament it, to have been slain above thirteen thousand. In all this compass of ground, what with weapons, arms, hands, legs, heads, blood, and dead bodies, their flight might have easily been tracked to every [each] of their three refuges.

And for the smallness of our number, and the shortness of the time, which was scant five hours, from one till well nigh six, the mortality was so great, as it was thought the like aforetime had not been seen. Indeed, it was the better maintained with their own swords that lay each where [everywhere] scattered by the way; whereof our men, as they brake one, still took up another. There was store enough: and they laid it on so freely, that right many among them, at this business, brake three or four ere they returned homeward to the army.

I may well, perchance, confess that herein we used some sharpness, although not as much as we might have, and little courtesy: and yet I can safely avow, all was done by us as rather by sundry respects driven and compelled, than either of cruelty or of delight in slaughter. And like, some way, to the diligent master that sharply sometimes, when warning will not serve, doth beat his scholar: not hardly [probably] for hate of the child or his own delight in beating, but for love, he would have him amend his faults or negligence; and beats him once surely, because he would need to beat him no more.

One cause of the correction we used, I may well count to be, the tyrannous Vow that they made, which we certainly heard of, that whensoever they fought and overcame, they would slay so many and spare so few: a sure proof whereof they plainly had showed at our onset before, where they killed all, and saved not a man.

Another respect was to revenge their great and cruel tyranny at Panyar Hough [? Penial Heugh], as I have said before, where they slew the Lord Evers, whom otherwise they might have taken prisoner and saved; and cruelly killed as many else of our men as came into their hands.

We were forced yet hereto, by a further and very earnest regard, which was the doubt of the assembling of their army again; whereof a cantel [fraction], for the number, had been able to compare with our whole host, when it was at the greatest: and so, perchance, we should have been driven, with double labour, to beat them again, and make two works out of one'; whereas we well remembered that "a thing once well done, is twice done."

To these, another, and not the meanest matter, was that their armour among them so little differed, and their apparel was so base and beggarly; wherein the Lurdein was, in a manner, all one with the Lord; and the Lound with the La[i]rde: all clad alike in jacks covered with white leather; doublets of the same or of fustian; and most commonly all white hosen. Not one! with either chain, brooch, ring, or garment of silk that I could see; unless chains of latten [pewter] drawn four or five times along the thighs of their hosen, and doublet sleeves for cutting: and of that sort I saw many. This vileness of port [dress] was the cause that so many of their great men and gentlemen were killed; and so few saved. The outward show, the semblance and sign whereby a stranger might discern a villain from a gentleman, was not to be seen among them. As for words and goodly proffer of great ransoms, they were as common and rife in the mouths of the one as the other: and therefore it came to pass that after, in the examination and counting of the prisoners, we found we had taken above twenty of their villains to one of their gentlemen: whom no man need to doubt we had rather have spared than the villains, if we could have known any difference between them in the taking.

And yet, notwithstanding all these our just causes and quarrels to kill them, we showed more grace, and took more to mercy, than the case on our side, for the causes aforesaid, did well deserve or require.

For, beside the Earl Huntley who was appointed in good harness (likest a gentleman of any of them that I could hear of or see) who could not then escape because he lacked his horse; and therefore happed to be taken by Sir Ralph Vane; and beside the Lord of Yester: Hobby Hambleton [Hamilton], Captain of Dunbar; the Master of Sampoole [Semple]: the Laird of Wimmes, taken by John Bren; a brother of the Earl of Cassili's; besides one Moutrell. taken by CornEeL1US, Comptroller of the Ordnance of this army; and one of the Camals [? Campbells], an Irish gentleman, taken by Edward Chamberlain; and besides many other Scottish gentlemen more, whose names and takers I remember not well, the prisoners accounted by the Marshal's book, were numbered to above fifteen hundred.

Touching the slaughter, sure[ly] we killed noth- ing so many as, if we had minded cruelty so much, for the time and opportunity right well we might. For my Lord’s Grace, of his wonted mercy, much moved with the pity of this sight, and rather glad of victory than desirous of cruelty, soon after (by guess) five o'clock, stayed his Standard of his Horsemen, at the furthest part of their camp westward; and caused the trumpetsto blowa retreat.

[Aug 1547]. Whereat also, Sir Ralph Sadler (age 40), Treasurer (whose great diligence at that time, and ready forwardness in the chiefest of the fray before, did worthily merit no small commendation) caused all the Footmen to stay, and then, with much travail and great pains, made them to be brought into some ordef again. It was a thing not yet easily to be done, by reason they all, as then, somewhat busily applied their market, the spoil of this Scottish camp: wherein were found good provision of white bread, ale, oaten cakes, mutton, butter in pots, cheese; and, in divers tents, good wine also. Good store, to say truth, of good victail, for the manner of their country.

And in some tents among them, as I heard say, were also found a dish or two, two or three goblets, or three or four chalices of silver plate: which the finders (I know not with what reverence, but hardly with some devotion) plucked out of the cold clouts and thrust into their warm bosoms.

Here now, to say somewhat of the manner of their camp. As they had no pavilions or round houses of a commendable compass: so were there few other tents with posts, as the used manner of making is; and of these few also, none of above twenty foot in length, but most far under. For the most part, they were all sumptuously beset, after their fashion, with fleur de lys, for the love of France, some of blue buckram, some of black, and some of some other colours.

These white ridges, as I called them, that, as we stood on Fauxside Bray, did make so great a muster towards us, which I did take then to be a number of tents: when we came, we found them to be a linen drapery, of the coarser camerick [cambric] Indeed, for it was all of canvas sheets.

They were the tenticles or rather cabins and couches of their soldiers: which (much after the common building of their country besides) they had framed of four sticks, about an ell long a piece: whereof two fastened together at one end aloft, and the two ends beneath stuck in the ground an ell asunder, standing in fashion like the bow of a sow's yoke. Over two such bows, one, as it were, at their head, the other at their feet, they stretched a sheet down on both sides whereby their cabins became roofed like a ridge, but scant shut at both ends; and not very close beneath, on the sides, unless their sticks were the shorter, or their wives the more liberal to lend them larger napery. Howbeit within they had lined them, and stuffed them so thick with straw, that as the weather was not very cold, when they were once couched, they were as warm as [if] they had been wrapped in horsedung.

The plot of their camp was called Edminston Edge, nigh Gilberton [? Gilmerton], a place of the Lord of Brunston[e]s, half a mile beyond Musselburgh, and a three mile on this side Edinburgh; and occupied in largeness, with divers tents and tenticles in sundry parts out of square, about a mile's compass. Wherein, as our men, upon the sound of retreat, at their retire, were somewhat assembled; we all, with a loud and entire outcry and hallowing [holloaing], in sign of gladness and victory, made a universal noise and shout: whereof the shrillness, as we heard after, was heard unto Edinburgh.

It was a wonder to see, but that as they say "many hands make light work" how soon the dead bodies were stripped, even from as far as the chase went, unto the place of our onset, whereby the personages of the enemies might, by the way, easily be viewed and considered: which for their tallness of stature, cleanness of skin, bigness of bone, with due proportion in all parts, I, for my part advisedly noted, to be such as but that I well saw that it was so, I would not have believed, sure [ly], so many of that sort to have been in all their country.

Among them, lay there many priests and "Kirkmen," as they call them; of whom it was bruited among us, that there was a whole band of a three or four thousand: but we were afterwards informed that it was not altogether so.

At the place of the charge given by us, at the first, we there found our horses slain all gored and hewn, and our men so ruefully gashed and mangled, in the head especially, as not one could, by the face, be known who he was.

Little Preston was found there with both his hands cut off by the wreasts [wrists]; and known to be him, for that it was known he had on each arm a bracelet of gold: for the which they so chopped him.

[10 Sep 1547]. Edwward Shelley, alas, that worthy gentleman and valiant Captain! lay all pitifully disfigured and mangled among them; and nothing discernable but by his beard. Of whom, besides the properties of his person, for his wit, his good qualities, his activities in feats of war, and his perfect honesty, for the which he was, by all men of all estates, so much esteemed and so well beloved: and hereto, for that he was my so near friend, I had cause enough here, without parsimony to praise his life and lament his death, were it not that the same should be too great a digression, and too much interruption of the matter.

But touching the manner of his death, I think his merit too much, to let pass in silence: who not inferior, in fortitude of mind, either unto the Roman Curtius¹ or the two DECII: he, being in this business, foremost of all our men against the enemy: considering with himself, that as his hardy charge upon them, was sure to be their terror, and very likely to turn to the breach of their order; and herewith also that the same should be great courage to his followers that came to give the charge with him; and pondering again that his turning back at this point, should cause the contrary, and be great danger of our confusion, was content, in his King's and country's quarrel, in hopes the rather to leave victory unto his countrymen, thus honourably to take death to himself.

Note 1. As there fell suddenly in Rome, a great dungeon, and swallowing of ground, Curtius, a Roman Gentleman, for the pleasing of the gods, and that the same might cease, mounted on his horse and leapt down into the same, which then after closed up again. Valerius Maximus, /*. vi. ca. vi.

Decius Mus and Publius Decius his son, Consuls of Rome, as they should fight, the father against the Latins, and the son after that against the Samnites; and were warned, by dream, that those armies should have the victory, whose Captains were first slain in field: they both ran willingly into the hosts of their enemies. They were slain, and their armies wan the field.

Plutarch, De Decio preparal. xxxvii. Et Livius de P. Decio li. x. dec. i.

Whom, let no man think! no foolish hardness or weariness of life drave unto so hard an enterprise, whose sober valiance of courage hath often otherwise, in the late wars with France, been sufficiently approved before; and whose state of living, I myself knew to be such as lacked nothing that might pertain to perfect worldly wealth.

I trust it shall not be taken that I mean, hereby, to derogate fame from any of the rest that died there, God have their souls! who, I wot, bought the bargain as dear as he: but only to do that in me may lie, to make his name famous who, among these, in my opinion, towards his Prince and country, did best deserve.

Nigh this place of onset, where the Scots, at their running away, had let fall their weapons, as I said: there found we, besides their common manner of armour, certain nice instruments of war, as we thought. They were new boards' ends cut off, being about a foot in breadth and half a yard in length: having on the inside, handles made very cunningly of two cords' ends. These, a God's name! were their targets against the shot of our small artillery; for they were not able to hold out a cannon.

And with these, found we great rattles, swelling bigger than the belly of a pottle [half gallon] pot, covered with old parchment or double paper, small stones put in them to make a noise, and set upon the end of a staff of more than two ells long. And this was their fine device to fray [frighten] our horses, when our horsemen should come at them. Howbeit, because the riders were no babies, nor their horses any colts; they could neither duddle the one, nor affray the other. So that this policy was as witless, as their power forceless.

Among these weapons, and besides divers other banners, standards, and pennons, a banner of white sarsenet was found, under which, it was said these "Kirkmen " came, Whereon was painted a woman, with her hair about her shoulders, kneeling before a crucifix; and on her right hand, a church: after that, written along upon the banner, in great Roman letters,

AFFLICTÆ SPONÆ, NE OBLIVISCARIS! [I promise you that you will not forget]

which words declared that they would have this woman to signify the Church, Christ's Spouse, thus, in humble wise, making her petition unto Christ her husband that He would not now forget her, His Spouse, being scourged and persecuted; meaning, at this time, by us.

It was said it was the Abbot of Dunfermline's banner: but whether it were his, or the Bishop of Dunkeld's, the Governor's brother (they, I understand, were both in the field); and what the number of these " kirkmen " was; I could not certainly learn. But, sure[ly], it was some devout Papist's device, that not only, belike, would not endeavour to do ought for atonement and peacemaking between us; but, all contrariwise, brought forth his standard stoutly to fight in field himself against us, pretexing [pretending] this his great ungodliness thus bent towards the maintenance of a naughty quarrel, with colour [pretext] of religion, to come in aid of Christ's Church.

Which Church, to say truth, coming thus to battle full appointed with weapon, and guarded with such a sort [company] of deacons to fight; however in painting he had set her out, a man might well think that, in condition, he had rather framed her after a curst quean that would pluck her husband by the pate, except she had her will; than like a meek spouse that went about humbly by submission and prayer to desire her husband's help for redress of things amiss.

Howbeit for saving upright the subtilty of this godly man's device, it is best we take what he meant the most likely, that is, the Church malignant and Congregation of the Wicked, whereunto that Antichrist, the Bishop of Rome, is husband, whom Christ said, as a thief, comes never but to steal, slay, and destroy; and whose good son, this holy Prelate, in his thus coming to the field, with his Æ, now showed himself to be.

There was upon this Fauxside Bray (as I have before said, p. 99) a little Castle or Pile, which was very busy all the time of the battle, as any of our men came nigh it, to shoot at them with such artillery as they had; which was none other than hand-guns and hackbuts, and of them not a dozen either. Little hurt did they: but as they saw their fellows in the field thus driven and beaten away before their faces; they plucked in their pieces, like a dog, his tail; and couched themselves within all mute. But, by and by, the house was set on fire: and they, for their good will, burnt and smothered within.

Thus, through the favour of God's bounty, by the valiance and policy of my Lord Protector's Grace, by the forward endeavour of all the nobles and council there besides; and by the willing diligence of every captain, officer, and true subject else: we, most valiantly and honourably, wan the victory over our enemies.

Of whom, thirteen thousand were slain thus in field, of which number, as we were certainly informed by sundry and the best of the prisoners then taken, beside the Earl of Loohbn [Louden] were the Lord Fleming, the Master of Greym [Graham], the Master of Arskyn [Erskine],the Master Ogleby [? Oglcvy], the Master of Avondale, the Master of Rouen [?Rowan]; and many others of noble birth among them.

There were slain of Lairds, Laird's sons, and other gentlemen, above twenty-six hundred: five hundred were taken prisoners, whereof many were also gentlemen; among whom were there of name, as I have before named, the Earl Huntley, Lord Chancellor of the Realm there, the Lord of Yestbr, Hobby Hambleton [Hamilton], Captain of U unbar; the Master of Sampoole [Semplc], the Laird of Wemmis, and a brother of the Earl of Cassil[i]s.

Two thousand, by lurking and lying as though they were dead, 'scaped away in the night, all maimed and hurt.

Herewith wan we of their weapons and armour more than we would vouchsafe to give carriage for: and yet were there conveyed thence, by ship, into these parts, of jacks specially, and swords, above thirty thousand.

This night, with great gladness, and thanksgiving to God (as good cause we had), we pitched our camp at Edgebuckling Bray [Brae], beside Pynkersclough [Pinkie Cleugh]; and a mile beyond the place we camped at before.

About an hour after that, in some token, as I took it, of God's assent and applause showed to us touching this victory; the heavens relented and poured down a great shower of rain that lasted well nigh an hour: not unlike and according, as after our late sovereign Lord's conquest of Boulogne, plentiful showers did also then ensue.

And as we were then a settling, and the tents a-setting up, among all things else commendable in our whole journey, one thing seemed to me an intolerable disorder and abuse. That whereas always, both in all towns of war and in all camps of armies, quietness and stillness, without noise, is principally in the night, after the watch is set, observed (I need not reason why): our Northern prickers, the Borderers, notwithstanding (with great enormity, as thought me, and not unlike, to be plain, a masterless hound howling in a highway, when he hath lost him he waited on) some "hoop"-ing, some whistling, and most with crying, " A Berwick! a Berwick! " "A Fenwick! A Fenwick! " "A Bulmer! a Bulmer!" or so otherwise as their Captains' name were, never ceased these troublous and dangerous noises all the night long.

They said they did it to find out their captains and fellows: but if the soldiers of other countries [counties] and shires had used the same manner, in that case, we should have ofttimes had the state of our camp more like the outrage of a dissolute hunting, than the quiet of a well ordered army. It is a feat of war, in mine opinion, that might right well be left. I could rehearse causes (but that I take it, they are better unspoken than uttered, unless the fault were sure to be amended) that might show they move always more peril to our army but in their one night's so doing, than they show good service, as some say, in a whole voyage.

And since it is my part to be plain in my process, I will be the bolder to show what further I noted and heard. Another manner have they among them, of wearing handkerchers rolled about their arms, and letters broidered upon their caps. They said themselves, the use thereof was that each of them might know his fellow, and thereby the sooner assemble or in need to aid one another, and such like respects. Howbeit there were of the army among us (some suspicious men, perchance) that thought they used them for collusion; and rather because they might be known to the enemy as the enemy are known to them, for they have their marks too: and so, in conflict, either each to spare the other, or gently each to take the other.

Indeed men have been moved the rather to think so, because some of their crosses [i.e., the badge of the English army, a red cross on a white ground] were so narrow, and so singly [slightly] set on, that a puff of wind might have blown them from their breasts: and that they were found, right often, talking with the Scottish prickers within less than their gad's [spear's] length asunder; and when they perceived they had been spied, they have begun to run at one another But so apparently perlassent [i.e., in a make believe manner], as the lookers on resembled their chasing, like the running at base in an uplandish town, where the match is made for a quart of good ale: or like the play in Robin Cook's school; where because the punies may learn, they strike few strokes, but by assent and appointment.

I heard some men say, it did much augment their suspicion that way, because, at the battle, they saw these prickers so badly demean themselves, more intending the taking of prisoners than the surety of victory: for while other men fought, they fell to their prey; that as there were but few of them but brought home his prisoner, so were there many that had six or seven.

Many men, yet I must confess, are not disposed always to say all of the best; but are more ready, haply, to find other men's faults than to amend their own. Howbeit, I think, surely], as for our prickers, if their faults had been fewer, their infamy had been less. Yet say I not this so much to dispraise them; as a means for amendment. Their captains and gentlemen again, are men, for the most part, all of right honest service and approved prowess: and such, sure[ly], as for their well-doing, would become famous, if their soldiers were as toward as they themselves be forward.

As things fell after in communication, one question among others arose, "Who killed the first man this day, in field?" The glory whereof one Jekonimo, an Italian, would fain have had: howbeit it was, after, well tried, that it was one Cuthbert Musgrave, a gentleman of my Lord of Warwick's, who right hardily killed a gunner at his piece in the Scots' Forward, ere ever they began any whit to turn. The fact, for the forwardness, well deserving remembrance; I thought it not meet to let it slip in silence.

This night, the Scottish Governor, when he once thought himself in some safety, with all speed, caused the Earl Bothwell to be let out of prison: which whether he did it for the doubt he had that we would have released him, "willed he, nilled he"; or whether he would show himself fain to do somewhat before the people, to make some amends of his former fault, I do not know: but this, sure[ly], rather for some cause of fear than for any good will; which was well apparent to all men, in that he kept the Earl so long before in hold, without any just cause.

Monday the 12th of September [1547]. This day, my Lord's Grace with the council and Sir Richard Lee, rode about the own, and to the plots and hillocks, on either side, nigh to it, to view and consider whether the same, by building, might be made tenable and defensible.

Tueday the 13th of September [1547]. Certain of our small vessels burnt Kinghorn, and a town or two more standing on the north side of the Frith, against Leith.

In the afternoon, my Lord's Grace rowed up the Frith a six or seven miles westward, as it runneth into the land; and took in his way an island there, called Saint Colms Ins [Inchcolm] which standeth a four mile beyond Leith, and a good way nearer the north shore than the south: yet not within a mile, of the nearest. It is but half a mile about; and hath in it a pretty Abbey (but the monks were gone), fresh water enough, and also conies [rabbits]; and is is so naturally strong as but by one way it can be entered.

My Lord's Grace considering the plot whereof, did quickly cast to have it kept: whereby all traffic of merchandise, all commodities else coming by the Frith into their land; and utterly the whole use of the Frith itself, with all the havens upon it, should quite be taken from them.