Letters. 10 Nov 1415. Letter XXXV. [his step-mother] Queen Joanna (age 45) Widow of Henry IV, to her Son John Duke of Bedford (age 26).

High and puissant prince, our dearest and best beloved son,.

We thank you entirely, because we know well that you desire to kpow of our good estate. So be it known unto you dearest son, that at the making pf thisse presets we were in good condition of our person God be thanked, who ever grant you the same I find be good enough to certify us by all messengers of your health, of which we are equally desirous to know, for our consolation and joy, always when we can know good news of you.

Our dearest and most beloved son, the very singular desire that we have for the accomplishment of the matter contained in the supplication herein enclosed, touching the fee of our dear and good friend John Faringdon, our attorney-general, on account of his own commendable deserts, causes us at present to write to you, praying you, with most entire heart, that, having understood the tenor of the said supplication, you will therein grant him your good and gracious service for love of us, that, according to the effect and purport of this, he may be paid his said fee; that thus this our hearty prayer may take full effect in accomplishment of our desire in this matter, according to the entire confidence that we have in you.

And if there be anything on our part that we can do to your pleasure, be pleased to signify it, and we will accomplish it with very good heart, according to our power. Our Lord give you in honour and perfect health a very good life, and as long as you desire. Written at our manor of Langley, the 10th day of November. Joanna.

Duke of Gloucester made guardian of the realm. [his brother] Dominus Humfridus, Dux Gloverniæ (age 28), frater Regis minimus, factus est Custos regni Angliæ, loco fratris suis Domini Johannis, Ducis Bedfordiæ (age 29); qui vocatus a Rege, navigavit in Neustriam cum valida bellatorum¹[manu,] postquam gloriose regimen regni tenuerat per duos annos.

Note 1. Omitted in orig.; supplied from the printed texts.

Lord Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, younger brother of the King, became Keeper of the Kingdom, in place of his brother John, Duke of Bedford, to speak for the King, who sailed to Normandy [Map] with an army, after which he governed the country for two years.

Polydore Vergil. 1422. 4. In that selfsame year, which was the year of human salvation 1422 and the first of Henry’s reign, [his brother] Duke Humphrey of Gloucester (age 31) married Princess Jacobina of Bavaria (age 20), who had been marked to Duke John of Brabant (age 18), still alive. This caused men great astonishment, because, contrary to right and law, Gloucester wished to marry another man’s wife. But for Gloucester marriage with a wealthy woman counted for more than astonishment or talk. And Dukes John of Bedford (age 32), [his future brother-in-law] Philippe of Burgundy (age 25), and John of Britanny (age 32) met at Amiens and renewed their treaty, with the added conditions that they would each fight to defend the others, and all of them would fight to defend King Henry and keep him from harm, and this treaty was strengthened by a new kinship, with Burgundy’s sister [his future wife] Anne (age 17) being bestowed on Bedford, who was unmarried at the time. When the meeting broke up, he took her to Troyes [Map] and they celebrated a very splendid marriage, and then he returned to Paris. Meanwhile some citizens who lived under English rule unwillingly, seeing that Bedford was far away, decided to take Charles (age 18) into the city. Thinking that such an advantage should not be ignored, they advised Charles of their plan and announced a day on which he should come to the gates. This scheme made no headway, but rather was the ruin of its authors. Bedford came in time, and quicker than the conspirators had expected, and, learning of the conspiracy, he executed those he discovered to be participants therein. After these things, learning from this episode the true disposition of the burghers, with skill and care the duke began to fortify the city, station watches, anticipate French schemes, wishing nothing on his part to be left undone, thinking nothing on their part to be trustworthy.

In 1422 Thomas Scales 7th Baron Scales (age 25) served as a lieutenant of John Lancaster 1st Duke Bedford (age 32).

Chronicle of Gregory 1433. 1432. Ande that same year, a-non aftyr Ester, was the conselle of Ingelonde holdyn at Calys by the counselle of Ingelonde, for there was the Duke of Bedeforde (age 42), Regaunte of Fraunce, and the [his brother] Duke of Glouceter (age 41), with many moo lordys of the Counselle; and there were cartayne personys done unto dethe, that is to wete, iij sowdyers were banyschide the towne of Caleys.

Chronicle of Gregory 1433. 14 Nov 1432. And the same year deyde the [his wife] Duchyes of Bedforde (age 28) in Fraunce, the wife of the Regyaunte (age 43), whos terment was solempny holde at Syn Poulys [Map] in London.

Chronicle of Gregory 1433. 22 Apr 1433. And the same year the Duke of Bedforde (age 43), and Regyant of Fraunce, weddyde the [his father-in-law] dukys (age 43)¹ [his wife] daughter (age 18) of Syn Powle the xxij² day at Tyruyn [Map]³.

Note 1. He was Count Saint Pol rather than Duke.

Note 2. of April.

Note 3. Thérouanne [Map].

Patent Rolls Edward IV 1461. 07 May 1461. Middleham Castle [Map]. The like (Grant for life) to the said earl (age 32), the office of Master of the King's Mews and Falcons and a messuage called 'le Mewehous' at Charryng by Westminster, co Middlesex, with all houses and other profits pertaining to the same, in the same manner as John, duke of Bedford, deceased; and appointment of him to take the king's right prises of falcons, goshawks, sakers, sakrets, lanners, lannerets and ger-falcons sold within the realm, paying the accustomed price viz 20s for each tercel of goshawk, saker, lanner or lanneret. By other latters patent.

Richard Woodville was appointed Chamberlain to John Lancaster 1st Duke Bedford.

Chronicle of Enguerrand de Monstrelet Volume 5 Chapter 80. The duke of Bedford received intelligence on the march, that his brother the king was so ill that his life was despaired of: on which the duke, and some of the most faithful of the king's household, quitted the army, and hastened to the castle of Vincennes, where they found him worse than had been told them. The duke of Burgundy hearing this, despatched sir Hugh de Lannoy to visit him, and inquire into the state of his health.

Chronicle of Charles VII of France Volume 1 Chapter 12. A council was held to determine what needed to be done next. Several opinions favored placing a large garrison in the said town of Verneuil against the English, and that the said Dukes of Alençon, Earl Douglas, and others, with the army, should attempt to recover some fortresses held by the English, which were lacking in troops. And since the said town and castle of Ivry had been surrendered, it was not deemed necessary to fight at that time nor to give battle, which was the opinion of the Earl of Aumale, the Viscount of Narbonne, and the majority of the knights and squires who were knowledgeable about such matters. The opinion of the Earl Douglas, the Count of Bouhain, Constable of France, and other Scots was entirely the opposite. And as they were discussing and deliberating what needed to be done, news came that the said Duke of Bedford was lodged three or four leagues from the said place of Verneuil and that he was coming to fight, and then no further council was held, and by the desire and will of those Scots and several others, the battle was decided upon.

Et fut tenu conseil pour savoir que on avoit affaire au surplus. Et furent plussieurs d'oppinion qu'on mist grosse garnison en la dite ville de Vernoil contre les Angloiz, et que les ditz ducz d'Alençon, conte Duglaz et autres, avec l'armée, allassent essayer à recouvrer aucunes forteresses que tenoient les Angloiz, lesquelles estoient despourveues de gens, et que, veu que ladite ville et chasteau d'Yvry estoient renduz, il n'estoit point de nécessité de combatre pour icelle heure ne de donner bataille, qui estoit l'oppinion du conte d'Aumarle, du viconte de Narbonne et de la plus grant partie des chevalliers et escuiers qui savoient parler de telz matières. Et l'oppinion du conte Duglatz, du conte de Bouhain, connestable de France, et autres escoz, estoit tout au contraiie. Et en disant et parlant corn avoit affaire, vint nouvelles que le dit duc de Bethefort estoit logié à trois ou quatre lieues du dit lieu de Vernoil et que il venoit pour combatre, et adonc ne fut plus sur ce tenu conseil, et à l'appétit et volonté d'iceulx escotz et de plussieurs fut conclud la bataille.

Chronicle of Charles VII of France Volume 1 Chapter 12. Girault de la Paillière made the King of France aware of this agreement and arrangement, requesting that he please send help, or else he would be forced to hand over and deliver to the said Duke of Bedford the aforementioned castle and town of Ivry. Upon learning this, the King of France ordered and decided with his council to send to aid the said town and castle of Ivry the Duke of Alençon, the Earl Douglas, the Count of Beauchamp, the Constable of France, the Earl of Aumale, the Viscount of Narbonne, and several others. They set out with a very large host from the city of Tours and took their way towards the said town and castle of Ivry, and came to lodge before Chartres, which was and held with the English party, and from there came to lodge in a village near Dreux, named Mannacourt, and there they received certain news that the said castle and town of Ivry had been surrendered and delivered to the said Duke of Bedford. From there, the said Duke of Alençon, the Earl Douglas, and others were advised to move towards the town of Verneuil, which was lacking in troops. And as soon as they arrived before it, the said town came under the obedience of the said Duke of Alençon, to whom it rightfully belonged by heritage, except for the tower, which soon after surrendered by agreement, and the English were sent away, they and their belongings, and the entire place remained entirely in the hands of the said Duke of Alençon.

Lequel Girault de la Paillière fit savoir au roy de France icelle composicion et appoinctement, en luy requérant que il luy pleust donner secours, ou autrement il estoit contrainct de bailler et livrer au dit duc de Bethefort iceulx chasteau et ville d'Yvry. Et ce venu à la congnoessance du roy de France, ordonna et délibéra par son conseil de envoyer pour secourir iceulx ville et chasteau d'Yvry le duc d'Alençon, le conte Duglaz, le conte de Beaucamp', connestable de France, le comte d'Aumarle, le viconte de Narbonne et plussieurs autres. Lesquelz à bien grant ost se partirent de la ville de Tours et prindrent leur chemin vers les dits ville et chasteau d'Yvrj et vindrent logier devant Chartres, qui estoit et tenoit le party des Angloiz, et de là vindrent logier en ung village près de Dreux, nommé Mannacourt^, et là sçeurent certaines nouvelles, que le dit chasteau et ville d'Yvry estoient rendus et livrez au dit duc de Bethefort. Et de là furent conseillez les ditz ducz d'Alençon, le conte Duglaz et autres, de tirer vers la ville de Vernoil, laquelle estoit desgarnie de gens. Et tantost qu'ilz furent devant, la dite ville se mist en l'obéissance du dit duc d'Alençon, auquel elle estoit par droit de heritaige, sauve la tour, qui tantost après se rendit par composicion, et en furent envoyez les Angloiz, eux et leurs biens, et demeura touteicelle entièrement en la main du dit duc d'Alençon.

Chronicle of Charles VII of France Volume 1 Chapter 1. The executors of the will, following the words of Saint Luke, 'The laborer is worthy of his hire,' gave to the church, in recognition of the efforts and labors of the monks, choir vestments with a fabric adorned with golden red roses, along with two altar cloths of marvelous and rich craftsmanship, to adorn the high altar for grand solemnities. They also donated to the church a silver cross weighing around eighty marks, and finally, one hundred gold crowns for the charity of the abbey, which were given to the monk in charge of this work, to be distributed by him.

Les exécuteurs testamentaires, suivant la parole de saint Luc, "Tout ouvrier mérite son salaire", donnèrent à l'église, pour les peine et labeur des religieux, les habits de chœur, dont le tissu est à roses rouges dorées, avec deux draps d'autel, d'un travail merveilleux et riche, pour garnir le maître-autel aux grandes solennités¹. Ils donnèrent aussi à l'église une croix d'argent, du poids de quatre-vingts marcs ou environ, comme enfm cent écus d'or pour les charités² de l'abbaye, qui furent remis au religieux préposé à cette œuvre, afin d'être distribués par lui.

Note 1. The convent of Saint-Denis, by letters from the abbot dated November 29, 1426, included John, Duke of Bedford, in its prayers due to this prince's devotion to Saint Denis the Areopagite, and in recognition of 'several very rich copes, chasubles, and ornaments' donated by him to the church (Inventory of the Abbey's Records at the General Archives, LL 1192, volume 4, page 630). The text can be found in Doublet's Histoire de Saint Denis, 1625, in-4°, pages 1076-7.

Le couvent de Saint-Denis, par lettres de l'abbé en date du 29 novembre 1426, associa à ses prières Jean, duc de Bedford, à cause de la dévotion de ce prince envers saint Denis l'aréopagite, et en reconnoissance de "plusieurs chapes, chasubles et ornemens très-riches", donnés par lui à cette église (Inventaire des titres de l'abbaye à la direction générale des archives LL 1192, tome 4, page 630). Le texte est dans Doublet, Histoire de saint Denis, 1625, in-4°, pages 1076-7.

Note 2. A pious work, especially enriched by the generosity of Charles V. The office of the Master of Charities was one of the monastic offices.

Œuvre pie, enrichie surtout des libéralités de Charles V. L'office du maître des charités étoit un des offices claustraux.

Chronicle of Enguerrand de Monstrelet Volume 6 Chapter 20. The Duke of Bedford marches a large army to keep his appointment before Ivry.—That town and castle surrender to him.

Chronicle of England by Jean de Waurin 1429 Chapter VII. In these days, about Mid-Lent, after the regent was informed of the death of the good earl of Salisbury, and also that the besieged in Orléans had been reinforced with troops and artillery besides a great quantity of provisions, he, being then at Paris, took measures to have collected in Normandy and in the Isle of France from four to five hundred waggons and carts, which, by the diligence of some merchants, were loaded and all filled with various provisions and merchandizes, with plenty of artillery, to take to the English before the city of Orléans. When the said waggons and all these things were made ready, the whole was given into the charge and conduct of sir John Fastolf, who was very wise and prudent in arms, in whom the duke of Bedford the regent trusted greatly for he was his chief chamberlain and grand master of his household: with him were sent the provost of Paris named sir Simon Morhier, the bastard of Thyan a knight and bailly of Senlis, the provost of Melun and many other officers from about the Isle of France, accompanied by sixteen hmidred combatants and fully a thousand men of the common people, with whom the said Fastolf set out from the city of Paris at the beginning of Lent; and he conducted his men and baggage in good order for some days as far as a village called Rouvray-en-Beauce where he lodged; and this village is situated between Jenville and Orléans.

Chronicle of England by Jean de Waurin Volume 5 Book 3 Chapter 29. When the duke of Bedford was veritably informed by the said earl of Suffolk that the French were in great force before the town of Verneuil and thereabout, he deliberated with his people, and swore by Saint George never to rest or halt until he should have fought his enemies, unless they fled shamefully; and he immediately had published with sound of trumpet that every one should turn out and make ready to follow him; then he commanded the lord of Lisle-Adam and the lord of Montagu that they and their men should return to their siege of Nelle, of which they were the chiefs, on behalf of king Henry, and [said] that he had men enough at this time to obviate the designs of the French, so that he was well able to spare them. The lords above named, that is to say Lisle-Adam and Montagu obeyed the command of the regent, as was right, although they would have liked better to remain with him to accompany him to the battle; yet they had great need and very legitimate cause for returning to their said siege of Nelle; so they took leave of the said duke regent and went away from the company with great regret; but the lord of Montagu left there sir Theobald de Neufchastel, his bastard son, a knight much esteemed, at whose remaining the regent was well pleased; and then after hearing mass, and when he had drunk a cup, he had the trumpet sounded for departure; then he mounted his horse, as did those of his company, which was large, fair, and greatly to be feared, for they were all chosen men. So he set out from this town of Evreux, and went into the open country, taking the straight road towards Verneuil on a Wednesday, the sixteenth day of August, and there, as he rode, he made many line exhortations and expositions to the lords and captains around him, admonishing them to do well, having in remembrance that for the service of the king their sovereign lord they had left country, lands, fathers, mothers, wives, and children, and that they should fight bravely for a just and lawful cause, for France was their true heritage, which Charles of Valois, at present calling himself king of France, occupied and withheld from them. So that day passed in such or like exhortations; and they encamped early on that day, in order to have more time to make ready their affairs to await the adventure of the desired battle; and they nearly all set in order their consciences that evening and in the morning, according to the custom of the English when they are awaiting the time for going into battle, for of their own nature they are very devout, especially before drinking. Then on the morrow, when it was time, the duke of Bedford, the regent, took the field in very fair array, and rode on until he had passed the woods near Verneuil; and when he found himself in the plain he beheld the town and all the force of the French arranged and set in order of battle, which was a very fair thing to see; for without doubt I the author of this work had never seen a fairer company nor one where there were so many of the nobility as there were there, nor set in better order, nor showing greater appearance of a desire to fight: I saw the assembly at Azincourt, where there were many more princes and troops, and also that at Crevant, which was a very fine affair, but certainly that at Verneuil was of all the most formidable and the best fought.