The Life of Anne Boleyn Appendix D. Letters of Anne (age 12) and [her father] Thomas Boleyn (age 36)

The following is the text of Anne's childish letter to her father, of which the original is at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, being bequeathed by Archbishop Parker, one of her chaplains:

I understand from your letter that you desire that all honest women, when I come to court, and you inform me that the Queen will take the trouble to converse with me, of which I am very glad to think of speaking with such a wise and honest person. This will give me even greater motivation to continue to speak good French and also especially [something erased] for the man whom you have so highly recommended to me. I assure you that I will keep them as well as I can. Monsieur, I beg you to excuse me if my letter is poorly written and spelled because I assure you that this is written by my own hand alone. The others are written by my mother, and Semmonet tells me that the letter remained unfinished. I did it myself for fear that no one should know what I am sending to you. I beg you that the light of your sight and the liberty of your will to help me should not be separated, for it seems to me that you assure me of this where you can. If it pleases you, make clear to me your words, and be certain of me that I shall have no lack of gratitude and shall pass no opportunity to do as much as you please. I end my purpose by humbly recommending myself to your good grace and written in [place name missing].

Your very humble and very obedient daughter, Anna de Boullan.

Monss^r. Je antandue par v^re lettre que a ves envy que toufs onette fame quan Je vindre a la courte et mavertisses que la Rene prendra la pein de devisser a vecc moi de quoy me Regoy bine fort de penser parler a vecc ung perscone tante sage et onnete cela me ferra a voyr plus grante anuy de continuer a parler bene franssais et oussy espel [erased] especy ale man pour sue que melaues tant Recommande et de me man vous a versty que les gardere le meux que Je poure Monss^r Je vous supplya descusser sy ma lettre et male et sipta car je vous asure quete et ottografie de monantend amant sule la vue les aultres ne sont faiz que escript de maman et Semmonet me dit la lettre mes domeura fan je le fie moy meme de peur que lone ne saces sance que Je vous mande et Je vous pry que la loumire de vu vue net libertte de separe la voullante que dites aves de me edere car hile me semble quettes ascure en lue [?] la ou vous poues sy vous plet me vere de claraison de v^re paroile et de moy coues sertene que miara cuoffice de peres ne din gratitude que sut en passer ne et fasere mon a veccfion quecte de libere deviere autant sance que vous plera me commander et vous prommes que mon amour et vondue par ung si grante fermette quele nara James pouer de sane deminuer et feres fin a mon pourpon a pres mettre Recommande bine humblemente a v^re bone grace et script a Veure¹ de V^re tres humble et tres obeiff fille Anna de Boullan."

[Transcription made for the Rev. J. S. Brewer by the Rev. J. R. Lumby.]

Note 1. It isn't clear where "Veure" is. Some argue the letter is written from Hever Castle, some from La Veure aka Tervuren, Brabant.

Correspondence of Emperor Maximillian Volume 2. The ladies and maids of honour of Marguerite¹ were not strangers to the literary and poetic movement that Marguerite inspired around her. One of them, Marguerite de Croy, Countess of Hornes, whose familiar letters testify to a very cultivated mind, occasionally included a couplet that escaped from the witty gaiety of this woman who made such good preserves for the Emperor. The Archduchess herself, as we have shown earlier, cultivated poetry with as much and perhaps even more success than the official poets to whom she paid a pension. The Burgundy Library owned three volumes of songs composed by her, with musical notation. On one of these volumes, an artist had painted daisies on all the margins, and on the frontispiece, the portrait of the princess kneeling.

Note 1. The ladies and maids of honor of Marguerite

The Archduchess [Marguerite of Savoy] referred to them as well from Spain, France, England, as from her own lands. Mr. de Reissenberg, in the curious additional remarks in his edition of the Metrical Chronicle of Molinet (154), provides a list² of Marguerite's eighteen maids of honor. Among these names, one can spot the rather insignificant name "Bullan," and Miss Bullan is none other than Anne Boleyn (age 13), later to become Queen of England. Here is an excerpt from the letter in which Marguerite thanks [her father] Thomas Boleyn (age 37) for entrusting his daughter to her care.

I received your letter from the squire Bouton, who presented your daughter to me, and she was very welcome. I hope to treat her in such a way that you will have a reason to be satisfied. At the very least, I believe that upon your return, there will be no need for any intermediary between you and me other than her. I find her so well-mannered and pleasant, considering her young age, that I am more indebted to you for sending her to me than you are to me, etc.

Les dames et demoiselles d'honneur de Marguerite

L'archiduchesse les appelait aussi bien d'Espagne, de France, d'Angleterre, que de ses propres pays. M. de Reissenberg, dans les curieuses remarques additionnelles à son édition de là Chronique métrique de Molinet, 154, donne une liste² des dix-huit filles d'honneur de Marguerite. Parmi ces noms, on aperçoit le mot fort peu significatif Bullan; or mademoiselle Bullan n'est autre qu'Anne de Boleyn, depuis reine d'Angleterre. Citons un extrait delà lettre par laquelle Marguerite remercie Thomas Boleyn de lui avoir confié sa fille:

J'ai reçeu vostre lettre par l'escuyer Bouton qui m'a présenté vostre fille que m'a esté la très bien-venue, et espère la traicter de sorte que aurez cause vous en contenter du moings tiens que à vostre retour ne fauldra aultre truchement entre vous et moi que elle; et la treuve si bien adressée et si plaisante suivant son josne eaige, que je suis plus tenu à vous de la m'avoir envoyée que vous à moi, etc.

Note 2. See Chronique Metric Page 154.

Note. With regard to Note 2 the author appears to have mistaken "Bullan" for "Bulleux" as described in the Note to the Chronique Metric.

Manuscripts of J Eliot Hodgkin. 14 Aug 1514. Sir [her father] Thomas Boleyn (age 37) to Margaret of Austria (age 34), Governor of the Netherlands. Greenwich.

My dearest and most revered lady, with as humble a heart as I can, I commend myself to your kind favor. It will please you to know that the sister of the King, my master, Madame Marie, Queen of France, has asked to have my daughter, the little Boleyn [Queen Anne Boleyn of England (age 13)], with her. My very revered lady, my daughter is presently with you at your court, and I could not and would not refuse this request. So, my very revered lady, I humbly beseech you to grant my daughter permission to return to me with my people, whom I have sent to you for this purpose. My very revered lady, I feel very much obliged to your kind favor because of the great honor you have bestowed on my daughter. Although I cannot deserve it, I do not desire anything else but to be able to do some service that is agreeable to you, which I hope to do now and in the future, God willing. I pray to God that He may grant you the full accomplishment of your noble and good desires. Written below my sign manual at the royal court of Greenwich in England, the 14th day of August in the year 1514. Your most humble servant, Sir Thomas Boleyn.

Ma treschiere et tres redoubtee dame dans sy humble cuer quil mest possible a votre bonne grace me recommande. II vous playra a savoir comment ia seur du Roy mon maistre madame marie Reyne fyancee de France ma requyse davoir avecques elle ma fille la petitte Boulain laquelle ma tresredoubtee dame est a present avecques vous en votre court a laquelle requeste je nay peult ne sceut refuzer nullement sy est ma tresredoubtee dame que je vous supplie treshumblement quil vous plaise de donner et octroyer congiet a ma fille de povoir retourner pardevers moy avecques mes gens lesquelz jay envoyet devers vous a ceste cause ma tresredoubte dame je me tiens fort obligiet envers votre bonne grace a cause de la grant honneur que fait aves a ma fille et que ne mest possible a desservir devers votre bonne grace non obstant que je ne dezire aultre chose synon que je vous puisse faire auleun service agreable ce que jespere de faire encores cy en apres au plaisir de dieu auquel je prie ma tres redoubtee dame quil vous doinst lentier aecomplissement de vos nobles et bon desirs escript desouhz mon signe manuel a la court royalle de Grynewiths en engleterre, le xiiii jour daoust anno xv° et xiiii. Votre treshumble serviteur, Sr Thomas Boleyn."

Letters and Papers 1514. 09 Oct 1514. Vitell. C. XVI., 243. B.M. 3348. Marriage of the French Queen.

Declaration by Louis XII. that he takes the Princess Mary [sister] of the King of England as his wife. Signed: Loys. Fr. Vellum, much injured by fire.

Leland's Coll. I., ii., p. 704.

ii. The names of the Lords and other Noblemen of France being at the said marriage:—

The Duke of Valois and Bretagne, the Duke of Alençon, the son of the King Don Frederic of Naples, the Earl of Vendôme, the Duke of Longueville, the Prince de la Roche Suryon, the Duke of Albany, the Earl of St. Poll, the Earl of Guise, brother to the Duke of Lorraine, Louis Monsieur, brother to the Earl of Nevers, the Earl of Roussy, the Lord of Lautrec, the Earl of Sancerre, the Lord de Lespar, the Earl Manfroy, the Lord de la Palice, Grand Maistre de France, the Earl Galiace de Saint Severin, Grand Esquire, the Earl of Alexandrie, the Earl of Maleverer, Grand Seneschal of Normandy, le Sr. de Graville, Admiral, le Sr. de Monmorancy, Premier Baron Chamb., le Sr. de Testeville, le Sr. de la Tremoille, le Prince de Talmon, son fils, le Sr. de Piennes, Lieutenant de Picardie, le Sr. de Bouchaige Chambrelan, le Sr. de Dourriers, le Sr. de Chesnes, le Sr. Daubigny, le Vidame D'Amiens, le Sr. de Boysy, Monsieur de Bonyvet, le Vidame de Chartres, Monsieur de Fou, Monsieur de Cursoll, Monsieur de Wansay, Monsieur Louis D'Ars, le Sr. du Pont de Remy, les trois Generaux de France, viz., Normandie, Languedoie, Languedoc, Monsieur de Beaudiner, Mons. de Gynry, Mons. de Rouville, Grand Veneur, Mons. Denebatt, Cappne des Toilles, Monsieur de Boucheron.

Ibid, p. 701. 3. [5483.] "The names of the lords and gentlemen of England being at the marriage of the Right Excellent Princess the Lady Mary," showing the wages paid to each, all receiving 20 days' wages in hand:—The Duke of Norfolk, my Lady his wife, the Countess of Oxford, and the Lord Edmund Howard, with 100 horses; the Marquis of Dorset, my Lady his wife, and the Lord Edward his brother, 80; the Lord Thomas Rowthall Bishop of Durham, 68, the Earl of Surrey, son and heir to the Duke of Norfolk, 58, the Lord Lawarre, 30, the Lord Berners, chamberlain to the French Queen, and the Lord Montaigle and my Lady his wife, 30; the Lord Richard Grey, the Lord John Grey, the Lord Leonard Grey, brethren to my Lord Marquis, each 20; Sir Nicholas Vaux, Sir David Owen, Sir Andrew Windsor, Sir John Husee, Sir John Peche and Sir Henry Wyot, bannerets; Sir Morice Berkeley, 20, Sir Wm. Sandes, 20, Sir John Hungerford, 12, Sir Robert Drury, Sir Tho. Botrym, 12, Sir Philipp Calthorp, Sir Thomas Clynton, Sir Robert Cotton, Sir John Heydon, Sir John Carre, Sir Edward Greville, Sir Will. Essex, Sir Philip-Tylney, Sir Nicholas Applyard, Sir Edward Bensted, Sir Will. Rows, and Sir John Wallop, knights; John Broughton, Rich. Weston, Giles Strangways, Tho. Cheyney, Ralph Chamberlain, Rich. Blont, Gerard Danet, and Robert Jonys, esquires; Garter Principal King of Arms, and his four servants; Thomas Pawlet, — Manners, George Cobham, and Anthony Saintliger; Richmond Herald; John Myclow with 50 officers of the King's household servants that were officers with the French Queen; Hen. Webb, gentleman usher; Tho. Rushe and Ambrose [Bradman], serjeant at arms.

The names of the ladies and gentlewomen being at the said marriage:—The Duchess of Norfolk, and in her company the Countess of Oxford, her daughter, the Marquise of Dorset.

Gentlewomen which were appointed to have abidden in France with the French Queen:—Dame Guylford, lady of honor, Lady Elizabeth Grey, Eliz. Ferrys. M. Ann Devereux, — Grey of Wilton, M. Boleyne, M. Wotton, Alice Denys and Anne Ferningham (age 10) (Jerningham?), chamberers, Dr. Denton, almoner, Mr. Palgrave, secretary, — (blank), chaplains.

Note. The "M. Boleyne" may be a reference to either [her sister] Mary Boleyn (age 15) or Queen Anne Boleyn of England (age 13).

Ellis' Letters S1 V1 Letter XXXIX. 12 Oct 1514. [her future sister-in-law] Mary Queen of France (age 18) to [her future husband] King Henry the Eighth (age 23).

[MS. COTTON. CALIG. D. vi. fol. 253. Orig.]

MY good Brother as hertly as I can I recomaund me unto your Grace, mervelynge moch that I never herd from you syns ... re depertynge, so often as I have sent and wrytten to you. And now am I left post a lone in effect; for on the morn next after . . e maryage my chambirlayn with all other men servants wer dischargd and in lyke wyse my mother Guldeford (age 51) with other my women and maydyns, except such as never had experiens nor knowlech how to advertyse or gyfe me counsell yn any tyme of nede, which is to be fered more schortly then your Grace thought at the tyme of my depertynge, as my mother Guldeford can more playnly schew your Grace then I cann wryt; to whom I beseche you to gyve credens. And yf hit may be by eny meane possible, I humbly requyr you to cause my seyd mother Guldeford to repayr hither once agayn. For ells if any chauns happe other then weale I schall not knowe wher nor of whom to aske any good counsell to your pleasur, nor yet to myn own proffit. I merveill moche that my [her uncle] Lord of Northfolke (age 41) wold at all tymes so lyghtly graunt every thynge at ther reqwests here. I am weale assured that when ze know the trouth of every thyng as my mother Guideford can schew you, ze wold full lyttyll have thowght I schold have ben thus intreated: that wold God my Lord of Zorke (age 41) had com with me yn the rome of Northfolke: for then am I sure I schuld have bene left moch more at my herti .... then I am now.

And thus I byd your Grace fare weale with .... as ever had Prince; and more herds ease then I have now ... ^a Abvile [Map] the xij^th . day of October.

.... gef gredens to my mowder Geldeford.

your lowyng syster MARY QUENE OF FRANCE.

Note a. From Henry the Eighth and his Court accompanied the young Queen to Dover, whence on the second of October she sailed to Boulogne. She reached Abbeville on the 8th and was married on the 9th of that month. The original List of the persons who went in her retinue, signed by Louis himself, is still preserved among the Cottonian Manuscripts^b; though strange as it may seem, almost the whole were dismissed the morning after her marriage. "The Tewesdaye, being the x. daye of October," says Hall, "all th'Englishmen except a fewe that were officers with the sayde Quene, were discharged; whiche was a great sorowe for theim, for some had served her long in hope of prefermente, and some, that had honest romes, lefte them to serve her; and now they were with out service; which caused them to take thought, in so much that some dyed by the way returning, and some fell mad; but ther was no remedy." The Queen's own account of this Transaction will be found in this, and the following Letter. Mother Guldeford who is so particularly mentioned in these Letters, was apparently the Governess, or, as she was sometimes called, the Mother to the Maids of Honor.

Note b. It was as follows:

"Premierement

Mons. le Conte de Nrushere.

Maistre docteur Denton aumosmer.

Messe. Richard Blounte escuyer de scuierie.

Enffans d'onneur: Le filz de Mons. Roos, Le filz de Mons. Cobham, Le filz de Messe. Seymor,

Evrard frere du Marquis.

Arthus Polle (age 12), frere de Monsr. de Montagu.

Le Poulayn.

Francoye Buddis, huissier de Chambre.

Maistre Guille, Medicin.

Henry Calays varler des robes.

Robert Wast.

Madamoyselle Grey, seur du Marquis. [Note. Possibly Elizabeth Grey Countess Kildare (age 17)]

Madamoyselle Marie finis fille de Monsr. Dacres. [Note. Possibly Mary Dacre (age 12)]

Madamoyselle Elizabet seur de Monsr. Grey.

Madamoyselle BOLEYNE. [Note. A reference to [her sister] Mary Boleyn (age 15) rather than Queen Anne Boleyn of England (age 13) since her father Thomas wrote to Margaret of Austria on the 14th of October 1514 requesting the return of Anne - see Manuscripts of J Eliot Hodgkin].

Maistres Anne Jenyngham (age 10). femme de Chambre.

Johanue Daruossc, chamberiere."

The Martyrdom of the King of Scotland. Anne Boullen (age 14), who had not yet reached the age of fifteen, knew how to sing and play instruments very well, and was also richly endowed with several natural gifts, if she had had the mind to use them as they were appropriate. But in this youth having misgoverned herself and allowed herself to be deflowered by the sommelier and by the chaplain of her putative father, in order to conceal this shame she was sent to France, and lived there for some time with a gentleman from the country of Brie, friend of this putative father until she was taken to court. Where being she knew how to conduct her loves so dexterously, and practice the very Christian King Francis the First of that name, that she insinuated herself so far into his good graces, that in the end she had his company so often and so keenly, that she was called the King's mule, and since then having prostituted herself indifferently to all those at Court who wanted her, the name of English Hackney was given to her.

Anne Boullen n'avant encore atteint l‘aage de quinze ans, sçauoit fort bien chanter et jouer instrumens, et estoit d’ailleurs richement douee de plusieurs dons de nature, si elle eust eu l'esprit a les employer comme il appartenoit. Mais en ceste jeunesse s'estant mal gouvernee et laissee deflorer par le sommelier et par le chaplain de son pere putatif, à fin de celer ceste vergoigne elle fut envoyee en France, et y vesquit quelque temps chez un gentil-homme du pays de Brie, amy de cedit pere putatif jufques à ce qu’elle fut menee en Cour. Où estant el le sceut si dextrement conduire ses amours, et prattiquer le Roy tres chrestien François premier de ce nom, qu'elle s'insinua si avant en ses bonnes graces, qu'en fin elle eut sa compagnie si fouvent et si apertement, qu'on l'appelloit la mule du Roy, et depuis s’estant prostituee indifferemment à tous ceux de la Cour qui en vouloient, luy fut impose le nom de hacquenee d'Angleterre.

The Life and Times of Cardinal Wolsey Volume 2. 16 Apr 1515. On the 16th of April after they [Charles Brandon 1st Duke of Suffolk (age 31) and [her future sister-in-law] Mary Tudor Queen Consort France (age 19)] had taken a suitable leave of the French Court, they departed from Paris attended by all the English in their Retinue (except Anna Bulleyn (age 14), who remained in France); on the 2d of May they landed in England and soon arriyed at Court when they had made proper Submission to the King, they were received into Favour, and, on the 13th of the same Month, they were publickly married at Greenwich in the Presence of his Majesty, the Archbishops and Bishops, and a great Concourse of the Nobility and Gentry, and then received the Compliments and Congratulations upon the happy Union. The Account the learned Bishop Burnet gives us of the Duke¹ is, "That he never meddled much in Business and, by all that appears, he was a better Courtier than Statesman."

Note 1. The Duke had issue by the VIII's youngest sister two Queen Mary of France sons, Henry and Charles, who died, in the year 1551, of the Sweating Sickness, at Cambridge, within twelve Hours of each other; and two Daughters, the Ladies Frances and Eleanor. (See Dugd. Bar. Vol. II. p. 300.) The eldest, Frances, married Henry Grey, Marquis of Dorset, afterwards created Duke of Suffolk. It is said, the principal Noblemen and Ladies that sprung from the Lady Frances, Viscountess of Weymouth, who had the Honour to be descended from this illustrious Branch of the said Queen and Duke's Family, are the present Right Honourable Thomas, Earl of Ailesbury, arid his Aunt, the Countess of Cardigan ; the late Earl of Winchelsea's Sister, and the Earl himselff, whose Successor is the present Right Honourable Daniel, Earl of Winchelsea and Nottingham, first Lord Commissioner of the Admiralty, &c. whose Sister, the Lady Betty Finch, married the eminent Lawyer, and excellent Orator, the Honourable William Murray, Esq; his Majesty's Sollcitor General. Eleanor, the youngest Daughter, of the said Queen and Duke, married Henry, Lord Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, which title is extinct : But the illustrious Name of Clifford will never die, in regard the Blood of that noble House now runs in the Veins of the present Right Honourable Richard Boyle, Earl of Burlington, &c. who will ever be renowned for his popular Spirit, in encouraging all Liberal Arts and Sciences, particularly Architecture, in which he is allowed to have a most sublime Taste ; and it may be truly said of this Nobleman, that he has been blest with Riches, and a Soul to enjoy it. The Right Honourable Charles Boyle, Earl of Orrery, is of this noble Family; as was also the late Lord Shannon. In short, they have, for several Generations, shone as well in the Senatorial as Marital Capacity.

Extracts from The Life of Anne Boleyn. [Around 1522?] About this time, it is said that the knight, entertaining talk with her [Queen Anne Boleyn of England (age 21)] as she was earnest at work, in sporting wise caught from her a certain small jewel hanging by a lace out of her pocket, or otherwise loose, which he thrust into his bosom, neither with any earnest request could she obtain it of him again. He kept it, therefore, and wore it after about his neck, under his cassock, promising to himself either to have it with her favour or as an occasion to have talk with her, wherein he had singular delight, and she after seemed not to make much reckoning of it, either the thing not being much worth, or not worth much striving for. The noble prince having a watchful eye upon the knight, noted him more to hover about the lady, and she the more to keep aloof of him; was whetted the more to discover to her his affection, so as rather he liked first to try of what temper the regard of her honour was, which he finding not any way to be tainted with those things his kingly majesty and means could bring to the battery, he in the end fell to win her by treaty of marriage, and in this talk took from her a ring, and that wore upon his little finger; and yet all this with such secrecy was carried, and on her part so wisely, as none or very few esteemed this other than an ordinary course of dalliance. Within few days after, it happened that the king, sporting himself at bowls, had in his company (as it falls out) divers noblemen and other courtiers of account, amongst whom might be the Duke of Suffolk (age 38), Sir F. Brian (age 32), and Sir T. Wiat (age 1), himself being more than ordinarily pleasantly disposed, and in his game taking an occasion to affirm a cast to be his that plainly appeared to be otherwise; those on the other side said, with his grace's leave, they thought not, and yet, still he pointing with his finger whereon he wore her ring, replied often it was his, and specially to the knight he said, Wiat, I tell thee it is mine, smiling upon him withal. Sir Thomas, at the length, casting his eye upon the king's finger, perceived that the king meant the lady whose ring that was, which he well knew, and pausing a little, and finding the king bent to pleasure, after the words repeated again by the king, the knight replied, And if it may like your majesty to give me leave to measure it, I hope it will be mine; and withal took from his neck the lace whereat hung the tablet, and therewith stooped to measure the cast, which the king espying, knew, and had seen her wear, and therewithal spurned away the bowl, and said, It may be so, but then am I deceived; and so broke up the game. This thing thus carried was not perceived for all this of many, but of some few it was. Now the king, resorting to his chamber, showing some discontentment in his countenance, found means to break this matter to the lady, who, with good and evident proof how the knight came by the jewel, satisfied the king so effectually that this more confirmed the king's opinion of her truth than himself at the first could have expected. Shortly, upon the return of the cardinal, the matter of the dutchess cooling every day more and more, his credit also waned till it was utterly eclipsed; and that so busied the great personages that they marked the less the king's bent, the rather for that some way it seemed helpful to their working against the cardinal. The king also took here opportunity to proceed to discover his full and whole meaning unto the lady's father, to whom we may be sure the news was not a little joyful. All this notwithstanding, her virtue was not so dased with the glory of so forcible attractives, but that she stood still upon her guard, and was not, as we would suppose, so easily taken with all these appearances of happiness; whereof two things appeared to be the causes. One the love she bare ever to the queen whom she served, that was also a personage of great virtue: the other her conceit that there was not that freedom of conjunction with one that was her lord and king as with one more agreeable to her estate. These things being well perceived of, the queen shew she knew well to frame and work her advantage of, and therefore the oftener had her at cards with her, the rather also that the king might have the less her company, and the lady the more excuse to be from him; also she esteem herself the kindlier used, and yet withal the more to give the king occasion to see the nail upon her finger. And in this entertainment of time they had a certain game that I cannot name then frequented, wherein dealing, the king and queen meeting they stopped, and the young lady's hap was much to stop at a king; which the queen noting, said to her playfellow, My Lady Anne, you have good hap to stop at a king, but you are not like others, you will have all or none. So often earnest matters are delivered under game.

Life of Cardinal Wolsey. In so much [as] my Lord Percy (age 21), the son and heir of the Earl of Northumberland (age 44), then attended upon the Lord Cardinal, and was also his servitor; and when it chanced the Lord Cardinal at any time to repair to the court, the Lord Percy would then resort for his pastime unto the queen's chamber, and there would fall in dalliance among the queen's maidens, being at the last more conversant with Mistress Anne Boleyn (age 22) than with any other; so that there grew such a secret love between them that, at length, they were insured together⁸, intending to marry. The which thing came to the king's knowledge, who was then much offended. Wherefore he could hide no longer his secret affection, but revealed his secret intendment unto my Lord Cardinal in that behalf; and consulted with him to infringe the precontract between them: insomuch, that after my Lord Cardinal was departed from the court, and returned home to his place at Westminster, not forgetting the king's request and counsel, being in his gallery, called there before him the said Lord Percy unto his presence, and before us his servants of his chamber, saying thus unto him." I marvel not a little," quoth he, "of thy peevish folly, that thou wouldest tangle and ensure thyself with a foolish girl yonder in the court, I mean Anne Boleyn. Dost thou not consider the estate that God hath called thee unto in this world? For after the death of thy noble father, thou art most like to inherit and possess one of the most worthiest earldoms of this realm. Therefore it had been most meet, and convenient for thee, to have sued for the consent of thy father in that behalf, and to have also made the king's highness privy thereto; requiring therein his princely favour, submitting all thy whole proceeding in all such matters unto his highness, who would not only accept thankfully your sub mission, but would, I assure thee, provide so for your purpose therein, that he would advance you much more nobly, and have matched you according to your estate and honour, whereby ye might have grown so by your wisdom and honourable behaviour into the king's high estimation, that it should have been much to your increase of honour. But now behold what ye have done through your wilfulness. Ye have not only offended your natural father, but also your most gracious sovereign lord, and matched yourself with one, such as neither the king, ne yet your father will be agreeable with the matter. And hereof I put you out of doubt, that I will send for your father, and at his coming, he shall either break this unadvised contract, or else disinherit thee for ever. The king's majesty himself will complain to thy father on thee, and require no less at his hand than I have said; whose highness intended to have preferred [Anne Boleyn] unto another person, with whom the king hath travelled already, and being almost at a point with the same person, although she knoweth it not, yet hath the king, most like a politic and prudent prince, conveyed the matter in such sort, that she, upon the king's motion, will be (I doubt not) right glad and agreeable to the same." "Sir," (quoth the Lord Percy, all weeping), "I knew nothing of the king's pleasure therein, for whose displeasure I am very sorry. I considered that I was of good years, and thought myself sufficient to provide me of a convenient wife, whereas my fancy served me best, not doubting but that my lord my father would have been right well persuaded. And though she be a simple maid, and having but a knight to her father, yet is she descended of right noble parentage. As by her mother she is nigh of the Norfolk blood: and of her father's side lineally descended of the Earl of Ormond, he being one of the earl's heirs general⁹. Why should I then, sir, be any thing scrupulous to match with her, whose estate of descent is equivalent with mine when I shall be in most dignity? Therefore I most humbly require your grace of your especial favour herein; and also to entreat the king's most royal majesty most lowly on my behalf for his princely benevolence in this matter, the which I cannot deny or for sake." "Lo, sirs," quoth the cardinal, "ye may see what conformity and wisdom is in this wilful boy's head. I thought that when thou heardest me declare the king's intended pleasure and travail herein, thou wouldest have relented and wholly submitted thyself, and all thy wilful and unadvised fact, to the king's royal will and prudent pleasure, to be fully disposed and ordered by his grace's disposition, as his highness should seem good." "Sir, so I would," quoth the Lord Percy, "but in this matter I have gone so far, before many so worthy witnesses, that I know not how to avoid my self nor to discharge my conscience." Why, thinkest thou, "quoth the cardinal," that the king and I know not what we have to do in as weighty a matter as this? Yes (quoth he), I warrant thee. Howbeit I can see in thee no submission to the purpose." "For sooth, my Lord," quoth the Lord Percy, "if it please your grace, I will submit myself wholly unto the king's majesty and [your] grace in this matter, my conscience being discharged of the weighty burthen of my precontract." "Well then," quoth the cardinal, "I will send for your father out of the north parts, and he and we shall take such order for the avoiding of this thy hasty folly as shall be by the king thought most expedient. And in the mean season I charge thee, and in the king's name command thee, that thou presume not once to resort into her company, as thou intendest to avoid the king's high indignation." And this said he rose up and went into his chamber.

Note 8. This expression, unless the author himself were misinformed, must not be extended to imply an absolute precontract. Lord Herbert, in his Life of Henry VIII. p. 448, has published an original letter from this nobleman, then Earl of Northumberland, written in the year 1536, a short time before Q. Anne's suffering, in which he denies any such contract, in the most solemn terms. This letter will be found in the Appendix W.

I have placed this letter in the Appendix (Letter VII) for the convenience of the reader.

Note 9. Geffrey Bollen, a gentlemen of Norfolk, Mayor of London 1457, marryed one [Ann Hoo] of the daughters and heyres of Thomas Lord Hoo and Hastings, by whome he had [her grandfather] William Bolleyn (knight of the Bath at Richard 3ds coronation) who marryed the Earl of Ormond's [her grandmother] daughter (age 69) (he though of Ireland, sate in the English parliament above English Barons), by her he had [her father] Thomas Bollen (age 46), whome the [her grandfather] Erle of Surrey after Duke of Norfolk (age 80) chose for his son-in-law; of which marriage this Anne was born, 1507.

Note from Sir R. Twysden's MS. Frag.

Chronique Metric. Another dish for the maids of honour and other women appointed by Madame to dine with them, who are eighteen in number, namely: Mesdames de Verneul, Waldich (Waldeck), Reynenebourg, Bréderode, d'Aultroy [d'Aulnoy], Hallewyn, Rosimbos, Longueval, Bullan (age 23), the two Neufville girls, Saillant, Middelbourg, Cerf, Barbe Lallemand, and the mother.

Aultre plat pour les filles d'honneur et aultres femmes ordonnées par madame de manger avec elles que sont xviii, assavoir: Mesdames de Verneul Waldich (Waldeek), Reynenebourg Bréderode, d'Aultroy [d'Aulnoy], Hallewyn, Rosimbos, Longueval, Bullan, les ii filles Neufville Saillant, Middelbourg, Cerf, Barbe Lallemand et la mère.

Note 1. The name "Bullan" probably a mistranscription of Mademoiselle de Bulleux who appears in the direct transcription Margaret of Austria's household ordinance found in Le Compte E. de Quinsonas, Materiaux pour servir à l'histoire de Marguerite d'Autriche, Duchesse de Savoie, Regente des Pays-Bas, Paris: Delaroque Frères, 1860, III, p. 282, p. 283, p. 295, p. 298, p. 313, and p. 314. ADDENDUM (Jan. 31, 2024)

Page 282: Madame will have nine maids of honor at the pension of 1 livre per year each: Mademoiselle de Waldich, Mademoiselle de Brederode, Mademoiselle de Buttrey, Mademoiselle d'Alswin, Mademoiselle de Rosimboz, Mademoiselle de Longueval, Mademoiselle de Bulleux, Mademoiselle de Neufville, Mademoiselle de Middelbourg, ...

Page 282: Madame aura neuf filles d'honneur à la pension de 1 liv. par an chascune : Madamoiselle de Waldich, Madamoiselle de Brederode, Madamoiselle de Buttrey, Madamoiselle d'Alswin, Madamoiselle de Rosimboz, Madamoiselle de Longueval, Madamoiselle de Bulleux, Madamoiselle de Neufville, Madamoiselle de Middelbourg, ...

Page 283: Housemasters. Madame will have four housemasters, who will take turns each week, always counted on the payroll at 24 francs per day, namely: Allard Bentinch, Jehan de Hefdin, Hugues de Bulleux & Philibert de Souashe.

Page 283: Maistres d’hostel. Madame aura quatre maistres d'hostel, que tour à tour suivront par sepmaine, tousiours comptez aux gasges xxiiij f. par jour, affavoir: Allard Bentinch, Jehan de Hefdin, Hugues de Bulleux & Philibert de Souashe.

Page 293: Another dish for the maids of honor and other women appointed by Madame to dine with them, who are seventeen in number. Namely: Madame du Verneuil, Waldich, Reynnebourg, Brederode, d'Aultry, Hallewin, Rofimboz, Longueval, Bulleux (the two daughters & the mother), Neufville, Saillant, Middelbourg, a chaplain, Cerf, Barbe l'Alemande.

Page 293: Aultre plat pour les filles d'honneur & autres femmes ordonnées par Madame de manger avec elles qui sont xvij. Affavoir: Madame du Verneuil, Waldich, Reynnebourg, Brederode, d'Aultry, Hallewin, Rofimboz, Longueval, Bulleux (les ij filles & la mère), Neufville, Saillant, Middelbourg, ung chappelain, Cerf, Barbe l'Alemande.

Extracts from The Life of Anne Boleyn. [Around 1526] Yet had the king his times, and she [Queen Anne Boleyn of England (age 25)] in the end yielded to give her consent of marriage to him, whom hardly ever any before was found able to keep their hold against. This was now so far to the pleasure of the king, that forthwith he with her and her father concluded to open the matter to the council, all other things being ripe thereunto, and specially for that it was not possible to keep it any longer from the talk of men near his person, and the more, the queen being found to take such knowledge thereof. It is thought then the table was diversely carried to give opinion upon this matter; some of the nobility wishing rather to have had so good hap lighted to some of their own houses; others that it had not been at all; some inclining to either of these as depending on them; but most liked better the king's own choice, both for the hope of issue, and that the greatness of great men should not grow too great to sway with in managing of matters of state. But howsoever, it appeared manifestly that presently there were practices discovered on all sides under sundry arts, on the parts of Spain, from Rome and that faction, and from the queen herself, and specially some with the king, some with the lady herself, plotted to break or stay at the least till something might fall between the cup and the lip, that might break all this purpose with one of them, if it might have been. And verily one of these may seem for this present occasion not unmeet to be recounted; which was this: There was conveyed to her a book pretending old prophecies, wherein was represented the figure of some personages, with the letter H upon one, A upon another, and K upon the third, which an expounder thereupon took upon him to interpret by the king and his wives, and to her pronouncing certain destruction if she married the king. This book coming into her chamber, she opened, and finding the contents, called to her maid of whom we have spoken before, who also bore her name: "Come hither, Nan," said she, "see here a book of prophecy: this he saith is the king, this the queen, mourning, weeping and wringing her hands, and this is myself with my head off." The maid answered, "If I thought it true, though he were an emperor, I would not myself marry him with that condition." "Yes, Nan, "replied the lady, "I think the book a bauble; yet for the hope I have that the realm may be happy by my issue, I am resolved to have him whatsoever might become of me."

The History of the Reformation Volume 1 Book II. These were the grounds upon which the canonists advised the process at Rome to be carried on. But first, to amuse or overreach the Spaniard, the king [?] to his ambassador in Spain to silence the noise that was made about it in that court. Whether the king had then resolved on the person that should succeed the queen, when he had obtained 1527 what he desired or not, is much questioned. Some suggest, that from the beginning he was taken with the charms of Anne Boleyn (age 26), and that all this process was moved by the unseen spring of that secret affection. Others will have this amour to have been later in the king's thoughts. How early it came there, at this distance it is not easy to determine. But before I say more of it, she being so considerable a person in the following relation, I shall give some account of her. Sanders has assured the world, "That the king had a liking to her [her mother] mother (age 47), who was daughter to the [her grandfather] duke of Norfolk; and to the end that he might enjoy her with the less disturbance, he sent her husband, sir Thomas Boleyn, to be ambassador in France: and that, after two years absence, his wife being with child, he came over, and sued a divorce against her in the archbishop of Canterbury's court; but the king sent the marquis of Dorset to let him know, that she was with child by him, and that therefore the king desired he would pass the matter over, and be reconciled he would pass the matter over, and be reconciled. Boleyn, though she went under the name of his daughter, yet was of the king's begetting. As he describes her, "she was ill-shaped and ugly, had six fingers, a gag tooth, and a tumour under her chin, with many other unseemly things in her person." "At the fifteenth year of her age," he says, "both her father's butler and chaplain lay with her: afterwards she was sent to France, where she was at first kept privately in the house of a person of quality; then she went to the French court, where she led such a dissolute life, that she was called the English Hackney. That the French king liked her, and, from the freedoms he took with her, she was called the King's Mule. But returning to England, she was admitted to the court, where she quickly perceived how weary the king was of the queen, and what the cardinal was designing; and having gained the king's affection, she governed it so, that by all innocent freedoms she drew him into her toils, and by the appearances of a severe virtue, with which she disguised herself, so increased his affection and esteem, that he resolved to put her in his queen's place, as soon as the divorce was granted." The same author adds That the king had likewise enjoyed her sister, with a great deal more, to the disgrace of this lady and her family.

Ellis' Letters S1 V1 Letter C. Around Oct 1528. Anne Boleyn (age 27) to Cardinal Wolsey (age 55).

[MS. COTTON. OTHO. C. X. fol. 218. Orig.]

Fiddes, at the end of his Life of Wolsey, has printed this and another Letter to the Cardinal from Anne Boleyn previous to her marriage. He has indeed printed three Letters^a; but the second of the three, as appears from its contents, must have been addressed to archbishop Cranmer.

The mention of the Sweating Sickness in the Letter immediately before the Reader, as well as the anxiety it expresses for the coming of Campegius and the hastening of his decision, show that it must have been written in the autumn of 1528. It is here introduced to prepare the Reader more regularly for the perusal of those Letters which describe Anne Boleyn's advancement to the Throne and her Catastrophe.

This Letter, since Fiddes saw it, has suffered materially in the fire which injured the Cottonian Library in 1731. The words in brackets have been supplied from Fiddes's copy.

MY Lord, in my most, humblyst wyse that my powuer hart can thynke I do thanke your Grace for your kynd Letter, and for youer rych and goodly present, the whyche I shall never be able to desarve wyth owt your gret helpe, of the whyche I have hetherto hade so grete plente that all the dayes of my lyfe I am moaste bownd [of] all creators next the Kyngs Grace to love and serve your Grace, of the whyclie I besyche yo[u never] to dowte that ever I shalle vary fromc this thought as long a[s ony bre]the is in my body. And as tochyng your Graces troble with the Swet [I thanke o]wer Lorde that them that I desyerd and prayed for ar sca[pyd, and th]at is the Kyng and you. Not doughthyng bot that God [has preserjvyd you bothe for grete cawsys knowen allonly of his hy[gh wysdom]e. And as for the commyng of the Legate, I desyer that moche; [and yf it be Godds] pleasor I pray hym to send this matter shortly to [a good ende]: and then I trust my Lord to recompence part of your grfete panys the whych] I must requyer you in the meane tyme to excepte [my good wyll in t]he stede of the power, the whyche must prosede partly f[rom you as ower Lo]urd knoweth to whom I be syche to sende you lon[ge lyfe with continew]ance in honor. Wrytten wyth the hande of her th[at is most bound to be]

You[r humble and] obed[yent servante]

[Anne Boleyn.]

Note a. Fiddes's Life of Card. Wolsey, fol. Loud. 1726. Collect, p. 204, 205.

The other Letter which Fiddes has printed, and which is still preserved in the Cottonian Volume Vcspas. F. XIII. fol. 55, is stronger in expressions of thankfulness toward Wolsey than this.

Both Letters indeed contain such assurances of regard, that Anne Boleyn has heen charged with ingratitude for not aiding Wolsey in his declining fortune. Though with how little propriety the reflecting reader will determine for himself, who remembers that Wolsey, after separating Lord Percy from Anne Boleyn's affections, would have married Henry to a foreign Princess.

Letters and Papers 1529. 25 Oct 1529. Bradford, 256. 6026. Chapuys (age 39) to Charles V (age 29).

On the receipt of your letter on Thursday the 21st, dated Piacenza, I sent to Windsor to ask for an audience. As the administration has fallen principally into the hands of the [her uncle] Duke of Norfolk (age 56), and the communication is more agreeable to him than that of the marriage, I hastened to visit him. The Cardinal (age 56), who was dis-evangelised on the day of St. Luke the Evangelist (18 Oct.), has been deprived of his offices. I was received by the Duke with great distinction, and expressed to him the regard in which you had always held him for his goodwill. He seemed highly pleased, and said that he and his family had always been attached to the house of Burgundy; that no one more lamented the late disagreements than himself, but that all the evil and misunderstanding ought to be attributed to those who formerly directed the King's councils, acting by their own will and authority, with which the King himself was often dissatisfied.

In reply to his remark that he should like to serve your Majesty against the Turk, I praised his virtuous feelings, and told him that was the main object of my communication; but for the better security of peace, which the King had done so much to establish, one unhappy difference between himself and the Queen remained to be settled. I told him that, however strongly he might feel from family considerations, he could not but feel as a true knight, nor act otherwise than if it had been his own daughter, and as conscience directed; and that your Majesty was convinced that he had not been the promoter of this step. He replied that he would sooner have lost one of his hands than that such a question should have arisen; but it was entirely a matter of law and conscience, and he had never been appealed to; that it had been submitted to ecclesiastics and doctors, who had pronounced against the validity of the marriage; that if the dispensation you held was illegal, the King would consider himself the most abused prince in Christendom; and that if you had not declared yourself in it so openly, it might have sooner been brought to a satisfactory issue. I explained to him the constraint under which you acted; and that, as to the king of England not having declared himself a party in the matter, it was clear that he had done so from the proceedings of the English ambassadors at Rome. Finding he remained thoughtful, I changed the subject. Shortly after he turned to me with a laugh, and said, "How glad the Emperor will be to hear of this fall of the Cardinal, and his loss of office?" I answered, I thought you would, but not from any hatred you had to the Cardinal; and that he could have done neither good nor ill to you, and was not of such importance as that you would care to be avenged, or trouble yourself about his disgrace; but what you rejoiced at was, that the king of England would now learn who had been his evil counsellors, and leave the management of affairs to men who from birth and circumstances were more competent. I told him that I was the first who had broken through the chain of paying court to the Cardinal, and addressed myself to him. He thanked me for my good intentions, and said that the government was managed not by an individual but by the Council, where he usually assisted, and would promote Your Majesty's interests.

In order to please the Duke I asked him what I should do, although I had already sent one of my secretaries to the King. He told me that the King had ordered that application should be made direct to himself, before any other person was acquainted with the communication. He followed me to the hall, using very courteous language.

On the 22nd my secretary returned from Windsor, stating that the King would be at Greenwich on Saturday, and I was to go the day after. On my reaching Greenwich [Map] I found a civil gentleman, named Poller (Bollen?), sent by the King to conduct me to the palace. There I found the bishop of London (age 55), who led me to the King's antechamber, where the Court was assembled, and was received by two dukes and the archbishop of Canterbury (age 79). I conversed with these lords, waiting for the King to go to mass; and we talked of the conference at Bologna. The King, on going to mass, came directly to me, and taking me by the sleeve said, with the utmost graciousness, "You have news from my brother the Emperor." On answering Yes, he asked the date, and then said your Majesty was very careful to give him information. I assured him that you were anxious to make him partaker of all affairs, and thus show your brotherly affection. I then presented your letters, and, as to the particulars of my credentials, he said that the ambassadors in your court were authorised to treat about them. Speaking of your going into Italy I bespoke his good offices.

On his return from mass, he came up to me again, and resumed the subject. When we talked of the necessity of resisting the Turk, and of the Pope's arrival at Bologna on the 5th, I said I thought it advisable that he should commission his ambassadors with the Pope to treat; and I combated his remark that he could do but little against the Turk, seeing he was wealthy, and as absolute in his dominions as the Pope. He urged that this affair was chiefly yours, and if you wished to accomplish it you must make peace with the princes of Italy. I assured him you had never ceased from efforts in this direction. The conversation then turned on the duke Francesco Sforza; and I urged, in opposition to his remark, that your proceedings were as favorable to the Duke as could be. He objected to the cession of Pavia and Alexandria, alleging the cruelties which had taken place at Sienna. I told him Pavia was out of dispute, as it was already given up. "Between ourselves," said he, "I think it is a great shame that whilst the Turk is in Austria, the patrimony of the Emperor, he should not rescue it, but make war upon Christians." On my urging the danger that might be expected from Sforza and the Venetians if your troops were withdrawn, he urged that neither could do anything. Shortly after, changing his tone, he said, with some emphasis, "My brother the king of France has made your Emperor a marvellous offer." This he repeated three times. I said, if it were so, he had now done a virtuous part, and kept his professions. After various other topics it grew late. Not a word was said of the Queen. After dinner he asked me if I had anything more to say.

All here are satisfied with the treaty of Cambray. As for the observance of it, the Queen, as I have already written, has expressed her doubt of its duration. It is supposed to have cost this King 800,000 ducats. He is not therefore likely to break it. People here are not very anxious to repeat the dose, as it is not to their taste. At present they seem on good terms with the French. The ambassador has been only once at court with his brother since my arrival. He has been commanded to deliver his message to the Council, and abstain from communication with the Cardinal; at which he was greatly vexed. Various ambassadors are here. The most in favour is the Milanese, on whom the King has spent money. Those who are now in most credit are the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk (age 45). There is not a single person about the King who is not saturated with French money; and though they profess great affection to you, their affection for money is much stronger. I have submitted the proposition to the King respecting the sea being kept free from pirates. He has ordered a good reception for Mons. Rosymbez.

The downfall of the Cardinal is complete. He is dismissed from the Council, deprived of the Chancellorship, and constrained to make an inventory of his goods in his own hand, that nothing may be forgotten. It is said that he has acknowledged his faults, and presented all his effects to the King. Yesterday the King returned to Greenwich by water secretly, in order to see them, and found them much greater than he expected. He took with him "sa mye" (his darling-Ann Boleyn (age 28)), her [her mother] mother (age 49), and a gentleman of his chamber (Norris?) The Cardinal, notwithstanding his troubles, has always shown a good face, especially towards the town, but since St. Luke's Day all has been changed to sighs and tears night and day. The King, either moved by pity, or for fear if he should die the whole extent of his effects would not be found, sent him a ring for his comfort. He has withdrawn with a small attendance to a place ten miles off. They have sent for his son from Paris. People say execrable things of him, all which will be known at this Parliament. But those who have raised the storm will not let it abate, not knowing, if he returned to power, what would become of them. The ambassador of France commiserates him most. It was feared the Cardinal would get his goods out of the country, and therefore a strict watch was kept at the ports, and the watch insisted on opening the coffers of cardinal Campeggio (age 54), notwithstanding his passport, and, on his refusal, broke open the locks. He said they had done him great wrong to suppose that he could be corrupted by the Cardinal, since he had been proof against the innumerable presents offered him by the King.

The Chancellor's seal has remained in the hands of the Duke of Norfolk till this morning, when it was transferred to Sir Thomas More (age 51). Every one is delighted at his promotion, because he is an upright and learned man, and a good servant of the Queen. He was Chancellor of Lancaster, an office now conferred on the Sieur Villeury (Fitzwilliam). Richard Pace, a faithful servant of your Majesty, whom the Cardinal had kept in prison for two years, as well in the Tower of London as in a monastery (Syon House), is set at liberty. Unless his mind should again become unsettled, it is thought he will rise in higher favour at Court than ever.

There is a young man here, sent by the duke of Saxony, who has much business with the King and the bishop of London.

Of the King's affair there is nothing new to communicate, except what the bishop of London has told me, that Dr. Stokesley (age 54) had been sent to France to consult the doctors of Paris. The Queen begs your Majesty will send some respectable person there to do the same, for without some definitive sentence the King will remain obstinate in his opinions. She thinks that delay will be more dangerous than profitable, and therefore we have thought it desirable not to consent to the postponement demanded. To avoid creating suspicion in the mind of the King, she thinks I had better cease to visit her, but she will provide means for my speaking with her in private. London, 25 Oct. 1529.

P.S.-Two days after I had written the above, the Cardinal was definitively condemned by the Council, declared a rebel, and guilty of high treason for having obtained a legatine bull, whereby he had conferred many benefices in the King's patronage. He has been deprived of his dignities, his goods confiscated, and himself sentenced to prison until the King shall decide. This sentence was not given in his presence, but to his two proctors. This he will not find easy of digestion, but worse remains behind (mais encoures ne serat il quicte pour le prix).

Life of Cardinal Wolsey. After the king's deliverance out of the emperor's bondage, and his two sons received in hostage to the emperor's use, and the king our sovereign lord's security for the recompense of all such demands and restitutions as should be demanded of the French king, the cardinal, lamenting the French king's calamity, and the pope's great adversity, who yet remained in castle Angell, either as a prisoner, or else for his defence and safeguard (I cannot tell whether), travailed all that he could with the king and his council to take order as well for the delivery of the one as for the quietness of the other. At last, as ye have heard here before, how divers of the great estates and lords of the council lay in await with my Lady Anne Boleyn (age 29), to espy a convenient time and occasion to take the cardinal in a brake⁹; [they] thought then, now is the time come that we have expected, supposing it best to cause him to take upon him the king's commission, and to travel beyond the seas in this matter, saying, to encourage him thereto, that it were more meet for his high discretion, wit, and authority, to compass and bring to pass a perfect peace among these great and most mighty princes of the world than any other within this realm or elsewhere. Their intent and purpose was only but to get him out of the king's daily presence, and to convey him out of the realm, that they might have convenient leisure and opportunity to adventure their long desired enterprise, and by the aid of their chief mistress, my Lady Anne, to deprave him so unto the king in his absence, that he should be rather in his high displeasure than in his accustomed favour, or at the least to be in less estimation with his majesty. Well! what will you have more? This matter was so handled that the cardinal was commanded to prepare himself to this journey; the which he was fain to take upon him; but whether it was with his good will or no, I am not well able to tell you. But this I know, that he made a short abode after the determined resolution thereof, but caused all things to be prepared onward toward his journey. And every one of his servants were appointed that should attend upon him in the same.

Note 9. A brake here seems to signify a snare or trap. The word has much puzzled the commentators on Shakspeare (See Measure for Measure, Act II. Sc. 1). One of its antient significations was a [?] bit to break horses with. A farrier's brake was a machine to [?] legs of unruly horses. An ancient instrument of torture was also called a brake: and a thorny brake meant [?] a thicket of thorns.

The History of Reginald Pole. [Around 1530]. He [her future husband] Henry VIII (age 38) then goes on to show, "how inexcusable the King was in pretending that a dispensation to marry his Brother's Widow was invalid, at the same time that he was suing for One, which would enable him to marry a person (age 29), whose [her sister] sister (age 31) he had corrupted, provided the nullity of his former marriage could be proved". This in a treatise inscribed to the King [See Defense of the Unity of the Church Book III], and delivered to him on the part of the noble Author, by one of his Gentlemen. He asserts it as a known truth; and, indeed, had such an imputation been slander, or even of doubtful report, it would have been utterly unworthy and inconsistent with his character who relates it; and must have raised the clamour not only of the English, but of all foreigners against him. It ought, at the same time, to be remarked, that as he gives not the least insinuation of any looseness of the behaviour in Anne Bullen, before Henry's passion for her, or of a criminal commerce between her Mother and the King, of which she has been said to be the fruit, these reports are to be looked on as destitute of foundaton. Had the facts been real, they would not have escaped the knowledge of One so well informed; nor been overlooked in a work, where every aggravation. which regards this article is set forth in all its iniquity, and heightened with all the colouring that indignation and eloquence can give. All be says of her amounts to a sarcasm, that me must needs be chaste, as the choice to be the King's wife, rather than his Mistress; but that she might have learnt, how soon he was sated with those who had belonged to him in the latter quality and, if other examples were wanting, that his own sister was enough¹."

Concubina enim tua fieri pudica mulier nolebak, uxor volebat: Didicerat, opinor, si nullâ aliâ ex re, vel Sororis suæ exemplo, quam cito te concubinarum tuatum fatietas caperet.

For the chaste woman did not want to become your concubine, she wanted to be a wife: I think she had learned, if nothing else from the matter, or from the example of her sister, how quickly she was satisfied with your concubines.

Letters and Papers 1530. 27 May 1530. 256. Anne Boleyn (age 29).

Warrant to Lord Windsor, keeper of the Great Wardrobe, to deliver the following parcels to the use of the lady Anne Rocheford (age 25): (1) For a saddle of the French fashion, with a pillow of down, covered with black velvet, fringed with silk and gold, the head of copper and gilt, graven with antyke works; one footstool, covered with black velvet, fringed with silk and gold; one saddle hose of velvet, lined with black buckram; one harness of black velvet, both fringed with silk and gold, with buttons pear fashion, and tassels of silk and gold; one great tuft of silk and gold upon the crupper, with buckles and pendants of copper and gilt; one slophouse of leather, lined with cotton; two girths of white twine; and two bits with two pair of gilt bosses.

Item, for a pillion for the said lady Anne, of white fustian stuffed with fine down, with leathers and buckles to the same; one pillion cloth of velvet, fringed with black silk, and lined with black buckram; one footstool, covered with black velvet, and fringed with black silk, garnished with gilt nails, with two buckles of copper and gilt; one harness to the same pillion, of black velvet, fringed with black silk, with buckles and pendants of copper and gilt; two white girths of twine of the double fashion; one pair of reins, covered with black velvet fringed with silk and gold; two buttons and one tassel of silk and gold, with two buckles of copper and gilt, for a saddle of the French fashion for the same lady Anne, with a pillow of fine down covered with black velvet, lined with black buckram, fringed with silk and gold; one head for the same, of copper and gilt, graven with antique works; one footstool covered with black velvet, fringed with silk and gold, garnished with gilt nails, with two buckles of copper and gilt; one harness of black velvet, with a false crupper, fringed with silk and gold, with buttons and tassels of silk and gold, with buckles and pendants of copper and gilt; one slophowse of leather lined with cotton; four girths of twine of the double fashion, and two bits with two pair of gilt bosses; another saddle for the said lady Anne, of the French fashion, with a head of copper and gilt, graven with antique works; one pillion of fine down, covered with black velvet, fringed with silk and gold, lined with black buckram; one footstool, covered with black velvet, fringed with silk and gold, garnished with gilt nails, with two buckles of copper and gilt; one harness of black velvet, fringed with silk and gold, with buttons and tassels of silk and gold, with buckles and pendant of copper and gilt; one slophowse of leather, lined with black cotton; four girths of twine of the double fashion, and two bits with two pair of gilt bosses.

Item, for two moylettes; two saddles of black leather, garnished with white nails, for the said lady Anne's moylettes that carry her litter, with two pair of double harness, with collars and breeches double-lined and stuffed with buff leather; two headstalls with reins of black leather, and two leading reins eight... bosis varnished... double braces of black leather; eight great pins of iron, varnished black; two double girths of twine [of] the double [fashion], and two... of twine. Richmond, 27 May 22 Henry VIII. Signed.

Letters and Papers 1537. 20 Oct 1537. Sir George Throkmorton (age 42) to [Henry VIII.].

About six or seven years ago conversed with Sir Thos. Dyngley in the garden at St. John's about the Parliament matters. Dyngley wondered that the Act of Appeals should pass so lightly, and Throgmorton said it was no wonder as few would displease my lord Privy Seal. Told Sir Thomas he had been sent for by the King after speaking about that Act, and that he saw his Grace's conscience was troubled about having married his brother's wife. "And I said to him that I told your Grace I feared if ye did marry Queen Anne (age 30) your conscience would be more troubled at length, for it is thought ye have meddled both with the mother [[her mother] Elizabeth Howard Countess of Wiltshire and Ormonde (age 51)] and the sister [[her sister] Mary Boleyn (age 32)]. And his Grace said 'Never with the mother.' And my lord Privy Seal standing by said 'Nor never with the sister either, and therefore put that out of your mind.'" This was in substance all their communication. Intended no harm to the King, but only out of vainglory to show he was one that durst speak for the common wealth; otherwise he refuses the King's pardon and will abide the most shameful death.

Was asked by my lord Privy Seal to write what other communication he may have had about the King at the Queen's Head or elsewhere; which is very hard for him to do. Reported the same conversation to Sir Thos. Englefelde at Serjeants Inn, and, he believes, to Sir William Essex; also, he rather thinks, to Sir Will. Barentyne. Essex, Barentyne, Sir John Gyfforde, Sir Marmaduke Constable and others did much use the Queen's Head at dinner and supper. Caused all servants to withdraw when they conversed of Parliament matters, but made no appointments to meet. Begs the King to have pity on his wife and children, for the service that he and his blood have done to the King's ancestors, considering how at Grafton he pardoned the writer all things concerning the Parliament, &c.

As to his unthrifty and unnatural brother, the writer met at dinner, at St. John's last Midsummer, Sir Thos. Dyngley and a young man whom he believed to dwell with Ric. Fermour. The one (he thinks the latter) told him "Your brother Michael is in good health, for I saw him of late in Antwerp in a chapel at mass." Replied that he would he had never been born. Has heard that he wrote a letter to Dr. Wotton since his departure. Has written to him since by my lord Privy Seal's mind, "which I will surely follow, both upon him and his master [Cardinal Reginald Pole (age 30)], and if it be to Rome yates, to die, upon them both in that quarrel, if your Grace's pleasure be I shall so do." Regrets having shown these matters to any man, but would rather be imprisoned for life than live at large in the King's indignation.

Explains his conduct since the beginning of the Parliament of 21 Hen. VIII. Just before that Parliament friar Peto, who was in a tower in Lambeth over the gate, sent for him and showed him two sermons that he and another friar had made before the King at Greenwich, and reported a long conversation he had had with the King in the garden after the sermon. He said he had told the King that he could have no other wife while the Princess Dowager lived unless he could prove carnal knowledge between prince Arthur and her; which he said was impossible, as she, who knew best, had received the Sacrament to the contrary, and she was so virtuous that her word deserved more credit than all the other proofs; that prince Arthur's saying that he had been in the midst of Spain was probably but a light word; and that the King could never marry Queen Anne as it was said he had meddled with the mother [Elizabeth Howard Countess of Wiltshire and Ormonde] and the daughter [Mary Boleyn]. He moreover advised Throgmorton if he were in the Parliament house to stick to that matter, as he would save his soul. Shortly after the beginning of the Parliament, when he had "reasoned" to the Bill of Appeals, Sir Thos. More, then Chancellor, sent Saye for him to come and speak with him in the Parliament chamber, "where, as I do remember me, stood an altar, or a thing like unto an altar, whereupon he did lean; and, as I do think, the same time the bishop of Bath was talking with him." Sir Thomas said he was glad to hear that he was so good a Catholic and that, if he continued, he would deserve great reward of God and thanks at length of the King. Took so much pride of this that he went shortly after to the bp. of Rochester with whom he had much conversation about the Acts of Appeals, Annates and Supremacy, and the authority given by our Lord to Peter. The last time he was with him the bp. gave him a book of his own device on the subject; which book he delivered to my lord Privy Seal at his house at Austin Friars. The bp. also advised him to speak with Mr. Wilson, which he did at St. Thomas the Apostle's, who also showed him divers bocks noted with his own hand, to confirm the same opinion. Went afterwards to Syon to one Reynolds, of whom he was confessed, and showed him his conscience in all these causes; who advised him to stick to his opinion to the death, else he would surely be damned, and also not to hold his peace in Parliament even if he thought his speaking could not prevail. This was against the opinion of the bp. of Rochester and Mr. Wylson, but Reynolds said he did not know how he might encourage others in the house to do the same. It was these counsels that blinded him so long; but he now asks pardon, having perceived his error by reading the New Testament and The Institution of a Christian Man. Prays for the prosperous estate of the King and his little son prince Edward.

Hol., pp. 9. A blank leaf found apart, but apparently belonging to this document is docketed: Concerning Sir Thomas Dyngley.

Around 1531 [her brother] George Boleyn Viscount Rochford (age 28) translated a book "Les Epistres et Evangiles" for his sister Queen Anne Boleyn of England (age 30). The book water damaged but its dedication remains. The dedication was thought to have been write by Anne's father-in-law Henry Parker 11th Baron Marshal 10th Baron Morley (age 50) however a passage prefacing the dedication reading, ‘moost lovyng and frynddely brother’ was discovered by means of ultraviolet light leading historians to conclude the dedication was written by George Boleyn Viscount Rochford:

To the right honourable lady, the Lady Marchioness of Pembroke, her most loving and friendly brother sendeth greetings.

Our friendly dealings, with so divers and sundry benefits, besides the perpetual bond of blood, have so often bound me, Madam, inwardly to love you, that in every of them I must perforce become your debtor for want of power, but nothing of my good will. And were it not that by experience your gentleness is daily proved, your meek fashion often times put into use, I might well despair in myself, studying to acquit your deserts towards me, or embolden myself with so poor a thing to present to you. But, knowing these perfectly to reign in you with more, I have been so bold to send unto you, not jewels or gold, whereof you have plenty, not pearl or rich stones, whereof you have enough, but a rude translation of a well-willer, a goodly matter meanly handled, most humbly desiring you with favour to weigh the weakness of my dull wit, and patiently to pardon where any fault is, always considering that by your commandment I have adventured to do this, without the which it had not been in me to have performed it. But that hath had power to make me pass my wit, which like as in this I have been ready to fulfil, so in all other things at all times I shall be ready to obey, praying him on whom this book treats, to grant you many years to his pleasure and shortly to increase in heart’s ease with honour’

Calendar of State Papers in the Archives of Venice. 02 Aug 1531. Having arrived thus on the 2nd [August], and being well received by the most noble the Venetian ambassador [Lodovico Falier], who chose me to lodge with him, I met Messer Marco Rafael, who was of yore my preceptor for the Hebrew tongue, and is now in very great favour with this most serene King; and he sent for two of the royal councillors to show me his Majesty's palaces and rarities.

Besides our Venetian ambassador, there are ambassadors from the Pope, the Emperor, the most Christian King, and Milan, resident in London, where I passed five days, seeing the churches, and the King's palaces, and the whole city; remarking, also, the manners and customs of the nation. I saw a palace, built by the late Cardinal, which now belongs to the King, together with other property of that prelate. The building is now being enlarged; and I saw three so-called "galleries," which are long porticos and halls, without chambers, with windows on each side, looking on gardens and rivers (fiumi) the ceiling being marvellously wrought in stone with gold, and the wainscot of carved wood representing a thousand beautiful figures; and round about there are chambers, and very large halls, all hung with tapestries. The King and Queen, and their daughter, were out of London. I next saw a palace called Hampton Court [Map], which, with its furniture, is supposed to have cost the Cardinal, who built it, 200,000 crowns. Here there is space for the King to inhabit the centre-floor, the Queen the one above, and the Princess the ground floor; in addition to which there are dwellings for the rest of the Court. On the day after, I went to another palace of the King's, built by his ancestors, in which I only saw a very beautiful chapel. On the third day, I went to a park some 30 miles from London where the King was, taking his pleasure in a small hunting-lodge, built solely for the chase, in the midst of the forest. I saw the [her future husband] King (age 40) twice, and kissed his hand; he is glad to see foreigners, and especially Italians; he embraced me joyously, and then went out to hunt with from 40 to 50 horsemen. He is tall of stature, very well formed, and of very handsome presence, beyond measure affable, and I never saw a prince better disposed than this one. He is also learned and accomplished, and most generous and kind, and were it not that he now seeks to repudiate his wife, after having lived with her for 22 years, he would be no less perfectly good, and equally prudent. But this thing detracts greatly from his merits, as there is now living with him a young woman of noble birth [Queen Anne Boleyn of England (age 30)], though many say of bad character, whose will is law to him, and he is expected to marry her, should the divorce take place, which it is supposed will not be effected, as the peers of the realm, both spiritual and temporal, and the people are opposed to it; nor during the present Queen's life will they have any other Queen in the kingdom. Her Majesty is prudent and good; and during these differences with the King she has evinced constancy and resolution, never being disheartened or depressed. I returned to Windsor Castle [Map], and from thence, on the fourth day of my departure from London, arrived at a palace called the More, where the Queen resides. In the morning we saw her Majesty dine: she had some 30 maids of honour (donzelle) standing round the table, and about 50 who performed its service. Her Court consists of about 200 persons, but she is not so much visited as heretofore, on account of the King. Her Majesty is not of tall stature, rather small. If not handsome she is not ugly; she is somewhat stout (piuttosto grassa) and has always a smile on her countenance.

Archives of Venice 1532. April 23 [1532]. Sanuto Diaries, v. lvi. p. 167. 761. Carlo Capello to the Signory.

Received the Signory's letters of the 8th January and 11th March, with the advices from Constantinople. Went to the Court, and by the King's order conferred with the Duke of Norfolk, to whom communicated the advices, and justified the Signory for having exacted a loan from the clergy, about which the Duke appeared to know nothing, but was not sorry to hear it, because at the last session of Parliament the annats payable at Rome were abolished.

At the moment of his arrival at the Court, one of the chief gentlemen in the service of said Duke of Norfolk, with 20 followers, assaulted and killed in the sanctuary of Westminster Sir (D'no) William Peninthum (sic) chief gentleman and kinsman of the Duke of Suffolk (age 48). In consequence of this, the whole Court was in an uproar, and had the Duke of Suffolk been there, it is supposed that a serious affray would have taken place. On hearing of what had happened, he (Suffolk) was on his way to remove the assailants by force from the sanctuary, when the King sent the Treasurer [Thomas Cromwell] to him, and made him return, and has adjusted the affair; and this turmoil displeased him. It is said to have been caused by a private quarrel, but I am assured it was owing to opprobrious language uttered against Madam Anne (age 31) by his Majesty's sister, the [her future sister-in-law] Duchess of Suffolk (age 36), Queen Dowager of France.

The affair of the divorce becomes daily more difficult. The Bishops of France and of this island replied lately that they could not assent to it without the Pope's consent, because, when created, they swear not to oppose the Pope's wishes; and the King's desire increases; whilst by letters from Rome it is heard that in all the debates the Queen may be styled King of this island, by reason of the love the people bear her, for her goodness and wisdom.

Yesterday, Monseigneur Falconetto arrived here in 15 days from the Emperor, to demand assistance against the Turk. He went this morning to the Court with another Imperial ambassador resident here.

London, 23rd April. Registered by Sanuto 31st May.

[Italian.]

Letters and Papers 1533. 04 Feb 1533. Cleopatra, E. IV. 28*. B. M. Ellis, 3 Ser. II. 245. 115. Ric. Lyst, lay brother among the Friars at Greenwich, to Anne Boleyn (age 32).

I wrote to you of a certain chance happened among us here, since which I have sent word thereof to the King and your father privily by Dr. Goodryche. I marvel that the matter is so slenderly looked upon as yet. I heard, more than a year ago, that the King was minded to move us from Greenwich to Christchurch in London, and make this place a college. I think it may be done without any offence against God or great note of the people, considering how some of our company have used themselves against God, the King, and you. If there had been a place of our religion in London, many inconveniences would have been avoided. It would be a meritorious deed if you could help to bring it to pass. I was in some trouble by reason of the piteous chance happened amongst us, and my trouble increases so, that I can scarcely take my natural rest two nights a week. If it continues I fear disease will ensue. I beseech you to pray for me, for I do daily for you. By God's grace and prayer I trust to have remedy, for I have some learning and intelligence. I have often spoken and answered in the King's cause and yours, for which I have suffered rebuke and trouble, but it has been rather comfort than otherwise, and so it should be to every true lover in the cause of his friend. I have often been called in derision your chaplain, but I have not yet taken priest's orders, though I intend to do so, and trust, within two years and less, to say 100 masses for your prosperous state, spiritual and corporal. I am now at liberty to be a priest, for a young woman to whom I was made sure by way of marriage before I came to religion, is departed to the mercy of God. I am 40s. in debt for clothes and other things necessary for my mother, but I am half ashamed and more to beg any more of you, because you have been so good to her in times past. Nevertheless, if it shall please you to remember her, the alms can be delivered either to Dr. Goodryche, one of the King's chaplains, or to Master Cole, sub-dean of the Chapel Royal. 4 Feb.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: "[To the mo]st onerabyll lady [marquesse] of Penbroke." Endd.

Letters and Papers 1533. 09 Feb 1533. 142. A sentence is the sovereign and only remedy, and the Queen says that the King would not struggle against it, if only from fear of his subjects, who are not only well disposed to your Majesty and the Queen, but for the most part good Catholics, and would not live in excommunication and under an interdict. The King would, therefore, be forced to obey the sentence. If a tumult arose, I do not know if the Lady (age 32), who is hated by all the world, would escape with her life and jewels. If the Pope does not take care, and that soon, he will lose his authority here little by little, and his censures will not be regarded. Besides, the sentence could not come at a better time than now, when there is war with Scotland; for if, in consequence of the interdict, they could have no intercourse with Flanders and Spain, there would be such excitement against the King and his Council as never was before. Would not have written thus, as your Majesty knows the importance of affairs better than any one else, but the Queen commanded me to do so.

It appears clearly that the King only demands the remission of the cause to cause delay, and make it immortal; for while it was before the Cardinals here, he took no trouble to produce witnesses or instruments, but only insisted on a sentence, as the process must have ended in a sentence in his favor. What can he add now, except that he wishes to examine witnesses as to the consummation of the first marriage, for which there would be no reason to insist on the scheme proposed, as the Rota would grant demissoria to examine them here, if he wished?

As to what the Pope said to your Majesty, that if the King wished to appear at Rome, he would be heard, notwithstanding his previous contumacy, and his Holiness would be obliged to give him long delays:—this is true and reasonable, but, on the other hand, there is a point which the King well knows, and which counterbalances nearly everything else, as the King knows. It is this: if he appears and demands such things, he must first obey the brief. On this hangs the key of the whole matter.

To increase the Queen's suspicion that the sudden promotion of the archbishop of Canterbury was for the purpose of attempting something against her, she has recently been informed that the King boasted more than twice that, if the Pope did not grant what he sent Dr. Bonart to ask, who is going tomorrow, he would have his case tried directly the bulls arrived here. She has also heard that four days ago one of the King's chief councillors had assembled several doctors, both clerical and lay, and had proposed to them, on behalf of the King, that the opinion of all theologians was that if the first marriage was consummated, the second was null; and that to prove the consummation, besides the presumption the King had found an instrument, which he showed them, containing an assertion thereof by the King Catholic and the King's father. Having seen this, the whole company said that it only remained for the King to proceed to his purpose by the authority of the archbishop of Canterbury. Since the Queen heard of this, and of the King's joy since the Nuncio has begun to treat of the proposal already mentioned, she has been in the greatest perplexity, and yesterday sent me three messengers one after another, and today two, to urge me to send off the present courier, and write about these matters, as she could not do so herself in consequence of the perturbation of her spirits. The remedy would be for the Pope to defer the expedition of the bulls till the sentence is given or nearly given. I think pretext enough may be found to do this, or an express condition can be put in the bulls, or the form of oath which he has to take, not to hinder the affair. I have spoken to the Nuncio, who says he has previously informed the Pope, and has just done so again. If the Pope knew the report that was current here about the new Archbishop being a Lutheran, he would not be too hasty to admit and confirm him. I hear that he has taken into his service two priests who have several times preached against the Queen, in recompense of the certain danger they were in of being burnt, if it had not been for the lady's father.

Letters and Papers 1533. 07 Mar 1533. 7 March. Add. MS. 28,585, f. 229. B. M. 208. Mai to Cobos.

"Memorial de lo que pase con los Cardenales Franceses."

Visited the card. of Agramont (Grammont), who has been ill, and the cardinal of Tornon, who lodged near him. Was told by them that they were surprised to hear so much about war, and also at what was now newly published, that the kings of France and England would meet again (que se habian de ver otra vez los Reyes, &c.), for this was the greatest lie in the world. The Emperor should only believe what his Ambassador wrote. Assured them that the Emperor did not believe this, as he considered the French king as his good brother and ally, but there was cause for suspicion, which they could remedy. Referred to his former negotiation with the duke of Albany.

The Cardinals complained of their not having access to the Emperor, while his Ambassadors in France were always well treated. They complained also of Imperial influence in the election of Cardinals, and that the cardinal of Siguenca had said to them that the Emperor would not regard their wishes. They said they spoke in the matter of the Auditor of the Chamber, because they had orders from their King to treat the affairs of the king of England as his own.

Said they might have had a more honorable commission than that, supposing they meant the divorce. They replied they said nothing about that, and Francis did not wish to meddle in it, except that justice might be done; —that he had already endeavored to dissuade Henry, and would still dissuade him as far as possible, from marrying the Lady (age 32), which it is to be feared he will do in fact. Does not believe them.

Endd.: Al Comendador Mayor—de Micer Mai, vij. Março de 1533. Sp., pp. 6. Modern copy.

Letters and Papers 1533. 08 Mar 1533. Vienna Archives. 212. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

I wrote on the 23rd ult. On the 24th I received your Majesty's letters of the 28th Jan. The same day Langez arrived from France, and a French gentleman named Beauvoix from Scotland, who have been, as usual, well received, and dined at the King's table with the other Ambassador the day after their arrival, which was Shrove Tuesday, when the Lady (age 32) took the place usually occupied by the Queen; and there were present the [her uncle] duke of Norfolk (age 60) and other great masters, except Suffolk, although he had been expressly called to come with the order of France. The said Langez and Beauvoix were here but four days, and were every day in Court and in communication with the King and Council, "mays non poinct fort griemant;" and it seems that their hasty despatch was either because Langez could not arrange anything important, or to hasten the settlement of their dispute with Scotland. I think one of the chief objects of Langez's coming has been to take resolution with those here about the Council, which both parties desire to prevent. I am led to think this, because, in talking with Langez, he suddenly said to me that your Majesty had obtained your desire, viz., the said Council, and that the Pope had no mind to refuse you anything since he had been punished by your Majesty by imprisonment and otherwise. And on my declaring to him the displeasure you had felt at his Holiness's imprisonment, and his sudden deliverance as soon as you were informed of it, he intimated that a ransom had been paid for the said deliverance, although it was more honorable and gracious than his Holiness deserved. This I could not allow to pass after declaring the respect you had always felt for his Holiness, and showed that the Pope had done more for his master than for your Majesty, pointing out also the necessity of the said Council, which the Pope must have promoted without being asked. On this Langez retracted what he had said. He told me his master had written to the Pope that a Council was reasonable and necessary, but that two conditions ought to be observed: first, that it must be in a suitable place where all could attend, and if it were held in Italy he should have the right of bringing as many forces as you had brought; and (2) that it should treat of nothing but what concerned the Faith, and enter into no particular quarrels. He did not enter fully into the said conditions, for Brian had just come for him and the other Ambassadors to conduct them to Court, taking no particular pleasure in my conversation with him. Suggests reasons for these conditions; among others, the fear they have lest it should be proposed to restore to the Empire the temporalities now held by the Pope, doubting that your Majesty would grow too great thereby.

Langez proceeded to justify the course he had taken at Paris about the divorce, saying he had not done any bad turn there, as people thought, and that he no more desired the divorce than I did. And he said that last year, when he was in Germany, he had found certain of your ministers very little inclined to the preservation of peace with his master; for that they said that his master had promoted the coming of the Turks. Further, in the course of conversation he said that you had used certain words at an assembly at Ratisbon not honorable to the King his master, stating that when he had been asked for succour against the Turk he had replied that he would not hazard his people.

In consequence of their hurry to go to Court, I had no leisure to treat with the gentleman who returned from Scotland. Conversation with Langez on the peace there, who professed ignorance of what this gentleman has done. Asked Norfolk, but could get no information. He told me that Langez had talked to the King and his Council, as he had done to me, but did not say much, as Suffolk and [her father] Wiltshire (age 56) were standing by while he had to go to the King, who had sent for him already three times. I hope I shall find out some of the particulars of Langez's charge. As to the other, I have learned that since the Scotch king received the Order (of the Golden Fleece) from your Majesty, the Scots are no longer inclined to France, and have proceeded so far as to beat down the arms of France, and put up the Imperial arms in their room. On being informed of this, the French king had sent him to James, explaining that he had not put off giving his daughter in marriage to him. To which the Scotch king made a gracious and prudent answer, expressive of his affection for France; and as to the reception of the Order, he had merely acted in conformity [with your liberality], of which he could not repent; and he spoke much in praise of you.

Letters and Papers 1533. 11 Mar 1533. R. O. St. P. VII. 427. 230. Instructions for [her brother] Lord Rochford (age 30), sent to the French Court.

Is to present Francis with the letters written by the King's own hand, and express the delight he feels in his friendship and offers of service made by De Langeais, especially with regard to his asking the King's advice concerning the marriage of the duke of Orleans with the Pope's niece. Has declared it already by De Langeais at his return; which Rochford is to enlarge upon, touching on the low extraction of the lady (age 32), which the King thinks is a great obstacle. Is to tell Francis that, according to his advice given at their last interview, and from his anxiety to have male issue for the establishment of his kingdom, he has proceeded effectually to the accomplishment of his marriage, trusting to find that his deeds will correspond with his promises, and that he will assist and maintain the King in the event of any excommunication from the Pope. That, in full consideration of the friendship of Francis, the King has opened to him his mind entirely, and asked his advice from time to time; and, considering he is now following the French king's counsel, he hopes that he will, as a true friend and brother, devise whatever he can for the establishment of the said marriage, preventing any impediment to it, or of the succession, which please God will follow, and which, to all appearance, is in a state of advancement already, as the King himself would do for Francis in like case. That, considering the Pope, in the violation of the rights of princes, has unjustly appointed a day for the King to appear before him (to which he does not intend to submit, it being dishonorable to his royal dignity, especially as the Pope refused to admit the excusator), if kings and princes were to allow this, he would extend his usurpation over all the rest, to their great dishonor. Ought a prince to submit to the arrogance and ambition of an earthly creature whom God has made his subject? Ought a King to humble himself, and pay obedience to him over whom God has given him the superiority? This would be to pervert the order which God has ordained, and would be as prejudicial to Francis as to Henry himself. The King will therefore be glad if Francis will despatch an agent to the Pope to intimate to him the following points: —1. That if he refuses to admit the King's excusator, and proceeds against the King, Francis will not allow it, but both will resist it to his great disadvantage; but if he will maintain the King's privileges, and not intermeddle in the cause, he will find us his true friends; otherwise, we will never enter into any alliance with him. 2. That he will never consent to the marriage of the Pope's niece with his son, except, without delay, the Pope admits the King's excusator, as he is bound to do. Furthermore, if any one, as is likely to be the case, should endeavour to alienate him from our cause, notwithstanding that we are assured of the alliance between us, and that such attempts would be fruitless, we hope he will excuse us for suggesting that if such a case arises he should reply that he considers our cause to be just, seeing that we are so straitly allied with him in amity and friendship, that, if it were infringed, it would turn to his dishonor, and give the world occasion to suppose that the friendship of princes is nothing but dissimulation.

Archives of Venice 1533. April 12. [1533] Sanuto Diaries, v. lviii. p. 81.

On the Monday in Passion week¹ Parliament (il Parlamento) [and Convocation ?] assembled. They decided that the marriage of Queen Catharine to the King is null, and that he may marry (poter prender moter); and they have abolished (lecato) the appeal to the Pope. Henceforth, no one may contract marriage by dispensation, but solely as conceded by holy writ, and the sacred canons; so that the dispensation of Pope Julius is void. They have also abrogated the dispensation for holding a plurality of benefices with cure of souls, and for nonage, and other things. They have prohibited obedience to papal monitions and interdicts. The Bishop of Rochester [John Fisher] having publicly opposed these measures, on Palm Sunday [6th April], he was arrested, and given in custody to the Bishop of Winchester [Stephen Gardiner (age 50)]; and three days ago he was sent to reside at a place of his (ad uno locho suo) and is not to go more than a mile beyond it.

Parliament has been prorogued (si levò) until Whitsuntide, which will be on the 6th of June.

Three days ago, the King; sent the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk and the Marquis of Exeter (il Marcheze di Anal sic) to notify to the Queen the decision made in Parliament about the divorce, and the new marriage; exhorting her to yield, and secede (rinmorersi) from the judgment of the "Rota." She replied that she knew not, and was unable to imagine, how such a matter could have been terminated, the decision not having been made by a legitimate judge; and with regard to a new marriage, she believed nothing whatever, knowing the King her husband to be most sage and holy supientissimo et suntissimo. As to yielding to the sentence, she said that although it was her wish to satisfy his Majesty in everything, yet is it beyond her power to do so on this occasion not choosing to peril the salvation of her soul, and disobey the law of God who united her to his Majesty; and that recourse must be had to the true judge and vicar of the Lord. Subsequently the Imperial Ambassador went to the King, and spoke to him molto altamente.

This morning of Easter Eve, the Marchioness Anne (age 32) went with the King to high mass, as Queen, and with all the pomp of a Queen, clad in cloth of gold, and loaded (carga) with the richest jewels; and she dined in public; although they have not yet proclaimed the decision of the Parliament [Convocation ?].

I hear on good authority that the conclusion of the peace with Scotland is expected.

I am assured that some months ago, his Majesty espoused her, and that she bore him a son who is several months old. (Mivien afirmato za più mezi questa Mta averla sposata, e aver uno fiol di qualche meze con lei).

Four days ago, Mons. de Beove [Beauvoir] arrived here with the [her brother] son (age 30) of the [her father] Earl of Wiltshire (age 56), and he told me he hoped the affairs between his Majesty and Scotland will be adjusted; and Dom. Silvestro Dario, the papal nuncio late in Scotland, tells me King James will be satisfied with fair terms, without which he will do nothing, and the Scots would rather die than submit; they plunder the English daily, and their King is dependent on the Emperor.

On the 5th a gentleman came hither to the King from the Duke of Saxony his cousin (germano suo), with letters from Frederick Count Palatine—who last year commanded the troops sent in favour of the Emperor by the Free Towns and other potentates of Germany—to request his Majesty to join their League; and they are holding a Diet, in which, should his Majesty choose, he will have great authority. This envoy went first to France, and he has not yet been despatched.

London, 12th April. Registered by Sanuto 8th May.

[Italian.]

Note 1. In the year 1533 the 13th of April was Easter day, so the case was decided by the "Convocation" or Parliament on the 7th April 1533."

Calendar of State Papers Spain Volume 5 Part 2 1531-1533. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

After this, coming to the principal object of my visit, I told [her husband] him plainly that, although for several days past I had heard of the attempt made both at the convocation of the prelates and in Parliament to impugn the Queen's (age 47) rights, and greatly injure her just cause, I had taken no notice of the facts, inasmuch as I could not be persuaded that so wise, virtuous, and Catholic a prince could possibly authorize or sanction such things, and also because I thought and believed that such practices (menees) could in no wise impair the Queen's right or cause her harm. Yet that having lately been apprized from various quarters that such an attempt was really being made, I considered that I could not acquit myself of my duty towards God, towards Your Imperial Majesty, and towards himself if I did not remonstrate at once against such behaviour, and entreat him by his virtue, wisdom, and humanity patiently to listen to my observations as proceeding from my desire for his service, for that though he might disregard and despise man, he would at least respect God. To which the King (age 41) answered that so he had done, and that God and his conscience were perfectly agreed on that point.

Hearing the King express himself in this manner and wishing to bring him back to the subject as gently as possible, I observed that my colleague and I could not but be very much flattered at the familiar way in which he had expressed his sentiments, as if we were his own servants, which sentiments, I added, proceeded no doubt from his heart not from his mouth. He assured me, however, that such was not the case, and that what he had just said had been said without dissimulation. Upon which I again said to him that I could not believe that Christianity, being so agitated and troubled by heresies, he could possibly set so bad an example and contravene the treaties of peace and amity which, as he himself, who had been the principal promoter and mediator in them ought to know best, had cost so much time and trouble to make. He ought to know that even supposing no inconvenience arose therefrom in his lifetime there would be most serious ones after his death with regard to the succession. There had never been such a case, I continued, nor did we read of it in history, as for a prince to divorce his legitimate wife after five and twenty years, and marry another woman. Not knowing what to answer to my observations, the King gladly seized the opportunity which I gave him by this last statement to contradict me, and said: "Not so long, if you please; and if the world finds this new marriage of mine strange, I find it still more so that the Pope [Julius] should have granted a dispensation for the former." I then mentioned to him five popes who had dispensed in similar cases, and declared that I was unwilling to dispute that matter with him, but that there was no doctor in his kingdom, who after such a debate would not confess that pope Julius was authorized to dispense in the case. After this, coming to speak about the manner in which his solicitors had procured the votes of the university of Paris, on which he founds his principal argument, I offered to produce the letters I had received relating the whole affair, as well as the names of those who had held for the Queen, but he said there was no necessity at all for that. I, moreover, told him that neither in Spain, nor in Naples, nor in any other country could one single prelate or doctor be found to assert the contrary, and that even in his own kingdom every canonist and lawyer was of the same opinion, with the exception of the few who had been gained over to the other side, and I proposed, in confirmation of my statement, to exhibit other letters, which he likewise refused to see.

At last, wishing to turn the conversation, the King said that he wished to ensure the succession to his kingdom by having children, which he had not at present, and upon my remarking to him that he had one daughter, the most virtuous and accomplished that could be thought of, just of suitable age to be married and get children, and that it seemed as if Nature had decided that the succession to the English throne should be through the female line, as he himself had obtained it, and therefore, that he could by marrying the Princess to some one secure the succession he was so anxious for, he replied that he knew better than that; and would marry again in order to have children himself. And upon my observing to him that he could not be sure of that he asked me three times running: "Am I not a man like others?" and he afterwards added: "I need not give proofs of the contrary, or let you into my secrets," no doubt implying thereby that his beloved Lady (age 32) is already in the family way.

Calendar of State Papers Spain Volume 5 Part 2 1531-1533. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

About a week ago the [her brother] sieur de Rochefort (age 30) (George Boleyn) returned from France with the sieur de Beauvoes (Beauvoir), who started yesterday for Scotland for the purpose of inducing king James to place his differences with this [her husband] King (age 41) into his master's hand, and making him judge and arbiter of their differences. I have been told by a very worthy man that the duke of Albany's secretary returning from a visit to the said Beaulvoys (sic) had assured him that the said ambassador would be unable to accomplish his mission in Scotland, and that war would go on fiercer than ever. Indeed it would seem as if the Scots at this moment more prosperous than ever, for instead of being as before on the defensive, they are continually making raids on the borders. For this purpose did Mr. de Rocchefort go to France as it is now ascertained. These people, as I am told, wish immensely for peace with Scotland, but God, as I said above, has taken away their senses, and they cannot see how to bring it about. The said Mr. de Rocchefort, as his own servants assert, has been presented in France with 2,000 crs., no doubt for the good tidings of his sister's (age 32) marriage, to whom the Most Christian King has now written a letter addressing her as Queen. I fancy, moreover, that the French consider this good news, firstly: because it is likely to be the means of breaking off the friendship between Your Majesty and this king, and also, because it might ultimately be the cause of freeing the French from their debt and payment of pensions, either through sheer necessity, or for fear these people may have of their ultimately joining you, should the Pope proceed to sentence the case and have the censures executed-a thing which, in my opinion, Your Majesty ought to urge in every possible way-the French would be released from all their bonds and pecuniary obligations to this king.

Letters and Papers 1533. 27 Apr 1533. Vienna Archives. 391. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

This feast of Easter the prior of the Augustines¹ in his sermon recommended the people expressly to pray for queen Anne (age 32); at which they were astonished and scandalized, and almost every one took his departure with great murmuring and ill looks, without waiting for the rest of the sermon. The King was greatly displeased, and sent word to the Mayor that on dread of his displeasure he should take order that nothing of the kind happened again, and that no one should be so bold as to murmur at his marriage. The Mayor hereupon assembled the trades and their officers of the several halls, and commanded them, on pain of the King's indignation, not to murmur at his marriage, and to prevent their apprentices from so doing, and, what is worse and more difficult, their wives. The King in vain forbids and makes prohibitions, as it only makes the people speak more against it in private, and these prohibitions only serve to envenom the heart of the people. Four days ago the King sent to the Queen to forbid her and her servants from using the title of Queen; and, not content with this harshness, he has forbidden the Princess either to write or send any message to the Queen; and though the Princess begged of him to depute an express messenger who might testify that she sent no message to the Queen except of how she did, or who might first show the King all the letters that passed between them, she could not obtain this. This prohibition was sent to her the same day that the King sent to her to inform her of his new marriage; at which she was a little sad, and then, like a wise woman as she is, she dissembled the matter, showing herself glad; and without saying a single word of the marriage, suddenly after she had dined, without communicating her intentions to any one, she sat down to write a letter to the King; and when those who brought the news were urgent for a verbal answer, according to their commission, she would not say a single word to them, referring them to her letter; at which I hear the King is well satisfied, and praises highly her prudence. Notwithstanding the execution of this project, the King resolved to go on with the process, and the Queen has been cited to appear before the archbishop of Canterbury on the first of next month, at an abbey 30 miles from here. This being a solitary place has been chosen for secrecy, as they fear that if the affair were managed here, the people would not refrain from speaking of it, and perhaps from rioting. The citation at first threw the Queen into great perplexity, not knowing what to do; but after I had given her my advice she did not care for it. There is no danger for the Queen in anything they can do, if she does not renounce her appeal, expressly or tacitly, and by some indirect means, which the King and his ministers are attempting by various methods. To remedy this I have drawn up certain protestations, whereby I hope that the Queen will not fall into the net of their calumnies and malice.

Note 1. George Browne, D.D.

Ellis' Letters S1 V2 Letter CXIV. 17 Jun 1533. Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canterbury, to M^r Hawkyns the Ambassador at the Emperors Court; upon the divorce of Queen Catherine, and the Coronation of Queen Anne Boleyn. A. D. 1533.

[MS. HARL. BRIT. MUS. 6148.]

The following Letter from Cranmer (age 43) to the English ambassador at the Emperor's court, is taken from the archbishop's rough copy-book of his own Letters.

The passage in it which concerns the secret marriage of [her husband] Henry (age 41) and Anne Boleyn (age 32) is, perhaps, the most important of the whole; as tending to throw light upon the real time of a transaction on which our historians have differed.

Hall and Hollinshed both name ST. ERKENWALD's day for the marriage, November the fourteenth; the very day on which Henry and Anne arrived at Dover from the Interview with Francis^a. But this was a time ill-adapted to concealment; and was probably fixed upon at a later moment, only that the world might believe that the fruit of the marriage was conceived in wedlock^b

Stow fixes the twenty-fifth of January following, that is ST. PAUL'S day, for the time; and says the ceremony was performed by Dr . Rowland Lee, afterwards bishop of Chester^c. Cranmer merely says it was much about ST. PAUL'S day.

At all events the marriage was celebrated before even Cranmer's divorce had been pronounced. Lord Herbert asserts, with what truth the present Letter will declare, that Cranmer himself was at the marriage^d.

Whether the following Account of this transaction came from the fictions of Sanders, or from the manuscript History of the Divorce presented to Queen Mary thirty years before the work of Sanders was published, matters not: it is to be regretted that, uncorroborated, it should have found its way into a work, in many points of view so valuable as Lingard's History of England.

"On the 25th of January at an early hour, Dr. Rowland Lee, one of the royal chaplains, received an order to celebrate mass in a garret at the western end of the palace at Whitehall. There he found the King attended by Norris and Heneage, two of the grooms of chamber, and Anne Boleyn accompanied by her train-bearer Anne Savage, afterwards Lady Berkeley. We are told that Lee, when he discovered the object for which he had been called, made some opposition: but Henry calmed his scruples with the assurance that Clement had pronounced in his favour, and that the Papal instrument was safely deposited in his closet. As soon as the marriage ceremony had been performed, the parties separated in silence before it was light"^e.

Note a. Hall, Chron. edit. 1809. p. 794. Hollinsh. edit. 1808; vol. ili.-p. 777

Note b. Queen Elizabeth was born on September the 7^th 1533.

Note c. Stow, Ann. edit 1631. p. 562.

Note d. Herb. Life of Hen. VIII. edit. 1649. p. 341. Burnet in his History of the Reformation has likewise fallen into this error.

Note e. Linguard Hist Engl. 1st edit vol. iv. p. 196.

Letters and Papers 1535. 08 Apr 1535. R. O. 516. John Husee to Lord Lisle (age 70).

Has received his letter by John Broke. As for the £100 the King is cessed at, has delivered his Lordship's letter to Mr. Treasurer, who is in doubt how the King will take it, and says Mr. Secretary knows not but that his Lordship has paid the £135 already. Will do his best to show Mr. Secretary the full contents of his Lordship's pleasure; but Fowler refuses to meddle with the account if Lisle's request be granted, as it will have to be audited before the Commissioners. Smyth is in the country. Will ask Hidd's bonds of him on his return. The patent of £10 is at your pleasure. Mr. Densell has promised I shall have by Sunday next the minute for the assurance of the £120 Mr. Saymer must pay you yearly. Will endeavour to get it finished before he departs, and bring Lisle's part of the award and Saymer's bond with him. Has spoken for six pair of hose to be sent by next ship. Has received the King's letter and Mr. Secretary's, touching Oye Sluice, and will do his best therein. As for Buck's confession against Fryer, he goes now with my Lady to Calais, and cannot tarry to depose before my Lord Chancellor. He will always abide by what he has said. Cannot get Lisle's bill of victualling signed, but hopes to have it on Saturday. The King was at supper with Mr. Secretary on Wednesday last, and is now at Hackney; will be here on Saturday, and so to Hampton Court, whither the Queen (age 34) is removed, as one of her gentlewomen has got the measles. Mr. Secretary says you shall have the Staple Inn, and he will cause the King to write in it. Can get no answer of Bryan touching your patent. The saddle and harness is ready to be sent by next ship. Thinks it will turn out that Norfolk, Mr. Secretary, Mr. Treasurer, and Mr. Almoner or Mr. Comptroller of the King's house, go to the French king about Whitsuntide. London, 8 April.

Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.

Letters and Papers 1535. 20 Apr 1535. R. O. 567. [John Hale, Vicar of Isleworth, to the Council.]

I fell and hurt my leg at Wyngham, at Allhallowtide was twelvemonth, and remained till about Candlemas next. On Saturday after Ash Wednesday I fell into a fervent ague. How long I continued, with various relapses, the parishioners of Isleworth know, so that I took not my journey through whole five weeks before Michaelmas last, and lost "our Lady's quarter" ended the Midsummer before that by my sickness. I had several falls from my horse, from one of which I was troubled in my wits, as also by age and lack of memory. Will nevertheless report, as well as I can, with whom I talked, and in what manner, of the King's grace. I remember, about two years ago, the fellow of Bristow showed, both to me and others of Syon, the prophecies of Marlyon; for, by my truth, Master Skydmore showed me also the same, with whom I had several conversations concerning the King's marriage and other behaviours of his bodily lust. Once Cownsell the porter "sayd that our suffren had a short of maydons over oon of his chambyres at Farnam while he was with the oold lord of Wynchester." Had also conversations with Skydmore, with Sir Thomas my priest, and with Master Leeke; and once, I think, about two years ago, of the Acts of Parliament made against churchmen, with the prior of Hounslow, who offered to show me a prophecy; but we had no leisure to speak together further, for we only met at the new inn, where Mr. Yowng, Awnsam and his wife, and others, dined with us. Skydmore also used to speak of young Sir Rice, saying that Welshmen and priests were sore disdained nowadays. As to Mr. Ferne, my wits were so troubled with sickness that I cannot perfectly remember what he rehearsed; but by Mr. Bydyll's rehearsal, Mr. Steward of Syon told me it was likely to be enacted that no more tithe corn should be made. I was sick long after, and, being aged and oblivious, did not see him till we met at the Secretary's at the Rolls. Also Mr. Waren, old surveyor, and the master of Ashford, in Kent, sometime steward to the bp. of Canterbury, spoke in the churchyard of Istleworth of the hard statutes made and to be made against the Church. Finally, I confess the four bills by Mr. Feerne, Mr. Leeke, Mr. Skydmore, and Sir Thomas Mody to be true, and that by such seditious ways I have maliciously slandered the King and Queen and their Council; for which I ask forgiveness of God, king Henry VIII., and queen Anne, and shall continue sorrowful during my life, which stands only in the King's William "Moreover, Mr. Skydmore dyd show to me yongge Master Care (age 9), saying that he was our suffren Lord the Kynge's son by our suffren Lady the Qwyen's (age 34) [her sister] syster (age 36), whom the Qwyen's grace myght not suffer to be yn the Cowrte."

Pp.3. Headed: Jhus Salvator Mundi, miserere mei quia timor mortis conturbat me. Endd.:

Letters and Papers 1535. 22 Jun 1535. Add. MS. 8,715, f. 76 b. B. M. 909. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.

The Admiral (age 43), who was 22 days at Calais, returned on the 17th, though it was said everywhere that he would go on to England. [her brother] Mons. de Ricciafort (age 32) (Rochford), the brother of the new Queen (age 34), came here for eight days, but, as far as could be seen, did nothing. It is only from his relation to the Queen that he is employed, for the King has very few to trust in. All business passes through the hands of people who depend on the new Queen, and must therefore be settled according to her purpose. This was the case in the negociations with the Admiral, which were broken off on account of his refusal to allow the duke of Angoulême to go to England until the girl was old enough to be married, and because he would not declare in any way against the Church, or in favour of the King's second wife (ne voler difendere in alcun modo contro la chiesa o declaratione del concilio la causa della seconda moglie¹). Every one knows that the alliance (parentado) has not been concluded, as both sides confidently affirmed it would be, but that the ambassadors separated very ill satisfied, and the English are guarding Calais more carefully than they have done, even when the French were there in greater numbers. However, both sides affirm the friendship to be firmer than ever. The French king and Council say that their respect to the Holy See and the Pope has been the principal cause of their not coming to some other understanding (ad altro ristretto) with the king of England, who is a most bitter enemy of the Church, and so firm in his opinion that he intends to die in it, and tries to have this kingdom for company. The [her uncle] Duke of Norfolk (age 62), according to the Admiral, affirms that he would sooner die than see any change as regards the King or the new Queen; which is not unlike what the writer has heard in other ways of Norfolk, viz., that this breaking off might reasonably have been expected, matters depending very much on his dexterity, and the affairs of England being commonly managed more than barbarously. For he, being one of the greatest men in the kingdom, and having sons, and the [her illegitimate step-son] Duke of Richmond (age 16) for his son-in-law, might hope one day to have that daughter for one of his sons, or, if disorders ensued, to get the rule into his own hands. The French lords are not too well contented with the English, who, since Norfolk's return, have despatched a courier, and show themselves displeased that nothing was concluded at Calais. The Admiral, though he takes Fisher's (age 65) case much to heart, has great fears for his life, especially as the Pope says in the brief that the created him a cardinal to make use of him in the Council. He says also that the English pretended that he could not live much more than a month, being a valetudinarian of 90; which shows what they mean to do with him, reckoning him 25 years older than he is, although they declare there is no hope in any case of his coming out of prison. These are truly the most monstrous things seen in our time. The French make great account with the Pope of not listening to anything proposed to them by the English which might turn to the damage of the Holy See.

Ital., pp. 9, modern copy. Headed: In Amoien, al Sig. M. Ambrogio, alli 12 (sic) ut supra.

2. An extract copy from the original is in the Vatican transcripts, dated Amiens, 22 June 1535. Pp. 3.

Note 1. nor want to defend the cause of the second wife in any way against the church or declaration of the council

Letters and Papers 1535. 27 Sep 1535. R. O. 450. Sir Thomas Audeley to Cromwell.

Has received his letter, with the books of Bath and Winchester for valuation of the spiritualities. Only 12 or 13 books have yet come to his hands. Wonders the Commissioners are so negligent. Has lain at Old Ford only for this cause these 14 or 15 days, and cannot proceed till all the books come in. Intends to write letters, in the names of Cromwell and himself, to the Commissioners of the shires where they lack. and send them with the writs of the prorogation of Parliament, and with the commissions and proclamations for wheat, which will all be ready tomorrow. Wishes to know the King's pleasure about proclamations for clothiers. Must ride to the burial of Sir David Owen, who has named him one of his executors. Wishes to know what Cromwell has done for London, Middlesex, and Surrey. Thanks him for moving the Queen (age 34) for her house, and desires him to thank her Highness for lending it to him. Would be glad to gratify Cromwell about the nomination of the under-sheriff of Middlesex, "and am right well content ye take your pleasure in it, praying you to consider that it is given me, and that of good congruence and reason ye cannot take it from me." You have done me much greater pleasures, and this is not for my own profit, but for my poor servant's, to whom I can give nothing. Remember, I moved you once for poor Dyne to have the controllership of the dispensations, "with poor £10 fee. Ye have his bill." Each of us must have a clerk, with 20 marks' fee, to make up books of benefices, as it will be a great business. I shall be near the Court when I go to Mr. Owen's burial, but dare not approach the King's presence till I know his pleasure. I have long wished to see his Grace, "but I have a little resorted to London, and some suitors of London daily have come to my house." Can never be rid of them. Sends humble recommendations to the King and Queen. Old Ford, Monday before Michaelmas Day.

Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Thomas Crumwell, Esq., Chief Secretary to the King's Highness. Endd.

Letters and Papers 1535. [08 Oct 1535]. Camusat, 21. 566. [The Bishop of Tarbes to the Bailly of Troyes.]¹

He is to state to the King (Francis) that the Emperor's ambassador has sent word to the old Queen (Katharine) and her daughter that his master has commanded him to inform them that he will not re-enter his kingdom of Spain until he has restored them to their estates and rights. The people is so greatly devoted to them that in order to restore them it will join any prince who espouses their quarrel. This is common opinion among noblemen, the lower people, and the King's own servants. All the people is marvellously discontented; most of them, excepting the relations of the present Queen (age 34), because of the old Queen and her daughter, others because of the subversion of religion. Others fear war, and foresee that commercial intercourse will cease, both within the realm and without, in Flanders, Spain, Italy, and other countries where the cloths, kerseys, hides, tin, lead, and other merchandise of this kingdom have been sold, and that navigation will be so dangerous that there will be no English merchant who will dare to transport merchandise into foreign countries without many ships equipped for war. The strangers of the lands of the Emperor, and those who will be his friends and under the obedience of the Pope, will be unable to traffic to the said country, nor any others without great danger of encountering the Emperor's troops and other enemies of England. The weather has been so bad the whole of the summer that not half of the necessary corn has been reaped. The King (Francis) should consult whether he ought to prohibit the exportation in order to prove to them how necessary to them is his aid and friendship. The lower people, in consequence of these things, are greatly exasperated against the Queen, saying concerning her a thousand ill and improper things, and also against those who support her in her enterprises, charging upon them all the inconveniences which they foresee will arise from war. It is held to be quite certain that if war takes place the people will rebel against the governors, from fear of what has been said above and from the affection which they bear to the old Queen and her [her step-daughter] daughter (age 19), and especially to the Princess, who has such a hold on the hearts of the people that, notwithstanding the laws made at the last Parliament, they do not cease to regard her as Princess, saying that the laws of Parliament cannot do away her being the King's daughter, and born during the marriage, and that the King and everyone so regarded her until that Parliament. Lately, when she was removed from Greenwich, a great troop of citizens' wives and others, unknown to their husbands, presented themselves before her, weeping and crying that she was Princess, notwithstanding all that had been done². Some of them, the chiefest, were placed in the Tower, constantly persisting in their opinion. These things are so well known, and the fear of war so great, that many of the greater merchants of London have recommended themselves to the Emperor's ambassador, and said that if the Emperor make war, the people will surrender themselves to him.

Note 1. Printed by Camusat immediately after the paper No. 1479 in Vol. VI., with the heading: "Autre memoire non datte lequel semble avoir este escript peu apres le precedent." It appears to be a paper of instructions given by the bp. of Tarbes to the Bailly of Troyes on his return to France in Oct. 1535.

Note 2. In the margin: "Millor de Rochesfort et millord de Guillaume."

Letters and Papers 1535. 01 Nov 1535. Vienna Archives. 733. Chapuys to [Granvelle].

As Granvelle will see by his letters to the Emperor, nothing has happened worth writing since his man left. Sends a copy of a letter from Cromwell which he forgot.

The French ambassador said lately that it was publicly reported in the Court that the king of Tunis had been compelled to recall Barbarossa to put down rebellion among his subjects, and had retaken Goletta, Bona, and the rest. The King, the Lady, and their party, are rejoiced. The Princess has sent to tell me the same, the news being sent to her to annoy her. The French ambassador thinks it strange that, as matters are now, they should allow corn to be obtained from Flanders for England. He was sure these people would never have any help from France. Has already informed the Queen (of Hungary?). Thinks notice should be taken of it in Spain. There is a great likelihood of famine, which will help towards setting matters right. The people murmur. The King and his concubine (age 34), who had previously caused it to be preached that God showed his approval of their Government by sending a good season, now make the preachers say that it is clear God loves the people because he sends adversity. Sometimes they say that the adversity is on account of those who object to this new marriage, and this new sect. London, 1 Nov. 1535.

The French pension has not been paid this year. From the French ambassador's manner in speaking of it, does not think it will be paid soon. He insinuated that the Pope would pay for them, when the executorials came. The Almain of whom he lately wrote, who said he was sent by the duke of Saxony and his Council, came principally to bring a book of Melancthon's, dedicated to the King, called "Loci Communes." He has been given 50 ducats, and Melancthon 200. It is said that the ambassador sent to Almain will go to Melancthon and his accomplices and try to make them sing his master's tune.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2.

Letters and Papers 1535. 22 Nov 1535. Add. MS. 28,588, f. 47. B. M. 873. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.

Wrote on Sept. 1 and 8 and Oct. 24. The Ambassador in England wrote on the 14th Oct. that the Queen and Princess were well, and sent a servant of his here, who left on the 5th to go to the Emperor. He brought letters from the Queen, which she said she sent as her last testament, because, considering her present state and the orders made in the Parliament of this November, it appears likely that she and the [her step-daughter] Princess (age 19) will be sentenced to martyrdom, which she was ready to receive in testimony of the Holy Faith, as the cardinal of Rochester and other holy martyrs had done. She only grieves that her life has not been as holy as theirs, and she is in great sorrow for the multitude of souls who are daily condemned.

The Princess with only three women is in the same house as the daughter of the Wench (age 34) ("la Manceba"), under the charge of the Wench's [her aunt] aunt (age 60). Formerly the Ambassador was allowed to send to her two days a week, but now this leave has been taken away. When she asked to be allowed to live with her mother she was refused, because it would make her more obstinate in disobeying the statutes, which was not safe in consequence of the penalty imposed by them. The King told his mistress that while he lived (viniere, error for viviere?) the Princess should not marry. She has told the King several times that it is the Princess who causes war, and that it will be necessary to treat her as the cardinal of Rochester has been treated. She has often said of the Princess "She is my death and I am hers; so I will take care that she shall not laugh at me after my death." When the Ambassador asked for certain money due to the Queen from the time she held the lands "de sus arras," it was refused, and he was told that he should see if the Queen would consent to live at less expense, and that the King bore her expenses.

Defense of the Unity of the Church Book III. If you abandoned your wife because the law persuaded you that it was necessary to pronounce such a marriage abominable, should you not take the greatest care not to contaminate yourself again with a similar marriage? Should you not abstain absolutely from such persons who were in a similar or even worse condition than your first wife was? Surely you cannot act otherwise if the reason of a law is to influence you in any way. They who suggested such a marriage to you or who mentioned it in any way should be objects of hatred to you. For what kind of a woman [Queen Anne Boleyn of England (age 34)] is this one with whom you are now associating in place of your repudiated wife? Is she not the sister of the girl [[her sister] Mary Boleyn (age 36)] whom you first violated and whom you kept with you for a long time afterward as a concubine?² How, therefore, do you inform us you are seeking refuge from an illicit marriage? Are you here ignorant of the law that no less explicitly forbids you to marry the sister of her with whom you have been made one body, than it forbids you to marry her who has been made one body with your brother? If one is to be abominated, so is the other. Do you not know this law? But you do know it best of all! How do I know this? Because at the same time you rejected the dispensation of the pontiff to marry the wife of your brother, you were striving with great effort to obtain from this same pontiff permission to marry the of her who had been your concubine.3 Could you have so made this petition, if previously it was not established that the pontiff had the right of giving a dispensation in the first case? Therefore, does not this woman whom you now consider your wife, show most clearly what your intentions were? Does not God, by her character alone even if she were silent, make it certain to all that you mentioned this law not to be restrained by the mandate of God but to honor your own passionate longing?

Note 2. This inconsistency in Henry VIIl's "divorce" plea arose from the fact that on his own admission he had previously had illicit relations with Anne Boleyn's sister Mary. On the basis of grounds that Henry was using in his request to Pope Clement VII, Henry VIIl was actually asking Pope Clement to admit that Pope Julius Il had no authority for granting the very same request that Henry was asking Pope Clement to grant.

Letters 1536. 21 Jan 1536. Vienna Archives. 141. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

My man has sent me from Flanders, where the Queen has kept him some days, your Majesty's letters of the 13th ult., to which I must delay replying till his return. I thank you for writing that I shall not be forgotten when the time of distribution of benefices arrives. Must not omit to say that the enterprise mentioned in the said letters is becoming more difficult every day, especially since the death of the Queen (deceased), as they have kept more company than before ("lon a tenu plus de court et en plus de regard que par avant"). I have also received your Majesty's letters of the 29th, with your most prudent discourse touching the perplexity of the affairs of the late good Queen and of the [her step-daughter] Princess (age 19), the substance of which considerations, though not so well put, has been already at times communicated to the said ladies. Moreover, I added another point, viz., that what was chiefly to be feared, if they were compelled to swear all that the King wished (besides the bad effect mentioned in your Majesty's letters, that so many would lose heart and join the new heresy), the danger would be, not that the King would proceed by law to punish daily disobedience, but that, under color of perfect reconciliation, if he were to treat them well,—I don't suppose the King but the Concubine (age 35) (who has often sworn the death of both, and who will never be at rest till she has gained her end, suspecting that owing to the King's fickleness there is no stability in her position as long as either of the said ladies lives), will have even better means than before of executing her accursed purpose by administering poison, because they would be less on their guard; and, moreover, she might do it without suspicion, for it would be supposed when the said ladies had agreed to everything that the King wished and were reconciled and favorably treated after they had renounced their rights, there could be no fear of their doing any mischief, and thus no suspicion would arise of their having received foul play.

The King and Concubine, impatient of longer delay, especially as they saw that proceedings were taken at Rome in good earnest, and that when your Majesty goes thither the provisions will be enforced, determined to make an end of the Queen's process, as you will see by what follows. It must have been very convenient for them that she died before the Princess, for several reasons, and, among others, because it was at her instance that proceedings were taken at Rome, and because they had less hope of being able to bring her over to their opinions, reckoning more upon her constancy by reason of age than on that of her daughter, especially because, not being naturally subject to their laws, they could not constrain her by justice as they could her daughter. Further, I think the cupidity which governs them has led them more to anticipate the death of the mother, as they will not be obliged to restore the dowry.

Letters 1536. 21 Jan 1536. Vienna Archives. 141. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Now the King and Concubine (age 35) are planning in several ways to entangle the Princess in their webs, and compel her to consent to their damnable statutes and detestable opinions; and Cromwell was not ashamed, in talking with one of my men, to tell him you had no reason to profess so great grief for the death of the Queen, which he considered very convenient and advantageous for the preservation of friendship between your Majesty and his master; that henceforth we should communicate more freely together, and that nothing remained but to get the Princess to obey the will of the King, her father, in which he was assured I could aid more effectually than anybody else, and that by so doing I should not only gratify the King but do a very good office for the Princess, who on complying with the King's will would be better treated than ever. The Concubine, according to what the Princess sent to tell me, threw the first bait to her, and caused her to be told by her aunt, the [her aunt] gouvernante (age 60) of the said Princess, that if she would lay aside her obstinacy and obey her father, she would be the best friend to her in the world and be like another mother, and would obtain for her anything she could ask, and that if she wished to come to Court she would be exempted from holding the tail of her gown, "et si la meneroit tousjours a son cause" (?); and the said gouvernante does not cease with hot tears to implore the said Princess to consider these matters; to which the Princess has made no other reply than that there was no daughter in the world who would be more obedient to her father in what she could do saving her honor and conscience.From what the Princess has sent to tell me, it seems probable that the King will shortly send to her a number of his councillors to summon her to give the oath. She requested me to notify to her what to reply, and I wrote that I thought she had best show as good courage and constancy as ever with requisite modesty and dignity (honesteté), for if they began to find her at all shaken they would pursue her to the end without ever leaving her in peace; and that I thought they would not insist very much on her renouncing her right openly, nor abjuring the authority of the Pope directly, but that they might press her to swear to the Concubine as Queen, alleging that as the Queen was dead there could be no excuse for opposition. I wrote to her to use every effort to avoid any discussion with the King's deputies, beseeching them to leave her in peace that she might pray to God for the soul of the Queen, her mother, and also for His aid, and declaring that she was a poor and simple orphan without experience, aid, or counsel, that she did not understand laws or canons, and did not know how then to answer them; that she should also beseech them to intercede with the King, her father, to have pity on her weakness and ignorance; and, if she thought it necessary to say more, she might add that as it is not the custom to swear [fealty] here to Queens, and such a thing had not been done when her mother was held as Queen, she cannot but suspect that it would be directly or indirectly to her prejudice; also that if she (Anne Boleyn) was Queen, her swearing or refusing to swear did not matter, and likewise if she is not; and that she remembers well one thing,—that in the Consistorial sentence by which the first marriage had been declared valid, this second marriage was annulled, and it was declared that this lady could not claim the title of Queen, for which reason she thought in conscience that she could not go against the Pope's command, and that by so doing she-would prejudice her own right. I also suggested to the Princess that she might tell her gouvernante it was but waste of time to press such matters upon her, because she would lose her life ten times before consenting to it without being better informed and her scruple of conscience removed by other persons than those of this realm whom she held "suspects," and that, if the King, her father, would give her time till she came "en eaige de perfection," from which she was perhaps not far removed, God would inspire her to devote herself entirely to him and enter religion, in which case she considers her honor and conscience might be preserved; or she might be meanwhile otherwise informed;—that this delay could be no disadvantage to the King, her father, but rather the contrary, for if she came to consent to matters the act at such an age would be of more validity. This I wrote to her, not as a positive instruction, but only as matter for consideration. I will think more at large of other means for putting the matter off in case of extremity, but if they have determined to poison her (luy donner a manger), neither taking the Sacrament nor any other security that can be invented will be of much avail.

Calendar of State Papers Spain Volume 5 Part 2 1531-1533. 21 Jan 1536. Wien, Rep. P.C., Fasc. 236, No. 3. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 35).

From Flanders, where the Queen Recent still keeps him, my secretary has forwarded to me Your Majesty's letter of the 13th December last, which letter, as it refers to verbal instructions which my said secretary is to bring therefrom, I shall for the present delay to answer until his return. Meanwhile, I cannot but express my humble and most dutiful thanks for the singular kindness and regard with which Your Majesty has been pleased to signify that at the first distribution of ecclesiastical benefices I shall not be forgotten. This promise I hold as a most kind and considerate reward for the few services I may have rendered in this country to God and to Your Majesty since the time I came here; and I do not hesitate to say that, had I not entertained strong hopes of such a remuneration, I should scarcely have had the courage to apply for it.

Nor can I omit to say that the undertaking mentioned in the said letter of the 13th Dec. is becoming daily less practicable and more difficult, especially since the death of the good queen Katharine, for there have been no levees since, and greater vigilance is being exercised [over the Princess]. I shall, however, be on the look-out, and see what can be done in that way whilst waiting for the arrival of my said secretary, which must take place shortly.

Your Majesty's letter of the 29th has likewise come to hand, as well as the singularly wise and prudent considerations therein contained on the perplexing condition of the late good Queen and Princess' affairs, which considerations and remarks I myself did not fail to represent to the two ladies themselves, mother and daughter, whenever there was an opportunity, though, I must own, by no means so distinctly and cleverly expressed as in Your Majesty's letter to me.

Among other representations I made to them both, one was that I doubted much whether they would not have to consent in the end, and, take any oaths this King might wish to impose on them; since, besides the many inconveniences pointed out in Your Majesty's letter as likely to result from their holding out, innumerable people in this country might lose courage for resistance, and join at once in the new heresies against the Apostolic See. The danger lay not so much in the King's proceeding legally to punish what he considered their pertinacious disobedience to his commands, as in his obtaining his object under colour of perfect reconciliation and by good treatment. I feared not (I said) the King himself; I feared the concubine (age 35), who had often sworn to take away their lives, and who will never rest until she has accomplished her object, believing, as she did, and does still, that, owing to this King's capricious humour and temper, her position will not be secure as long as the two ladies, mother and daughter, live. She would then have better opportunities than before of executing her damnable purpose, by having poison of some sort administered to them, as, owing to the King's apparent reconciliation, there would be less suspicion, and consequently less vigilance. Indeed had the two ladies yielded to the King's wishes by renouncing their respective rights, and therefore experienced more favourable treatment at his hands, there would no longer exist any cause for fearing them, and consequently there could be no suspicion of foul play on the part of their sworn enemy.

The King, therefore, and the concubine, impatient at the delay, and perceiving that legal proceedings were being taken at Rome, knowing also that should Your Majesty go thither the cause would certainly be hastened on, and a more rigorous sentence pronounced, had already decided, as it appears from what I shall say hereafter, to put an end at once to the good Queen's pleading. It was more convenient, the King and his concubine thought, that the mother should die before the daughter for many reasons, one being that, among others, she was the principal party in the suit at Rome; there was also less hope of making her yield to them, since, owing to her age and other circumstances, they must have felt that the mother would hold more firmly to her determination than the Princess, her daughter; to which may he added that the Queen, not being naturally subject to English law, they could not legally compel her as they might the daughter. There was, besides, another very potent reason for this King and his concubine wishing that the mother should die before the daughter, namely, their cupidity and insatiable lust of money, as in the event of the Queen dying before the daughter they would not be obliged to return her dowry.

Calendar of State Papers Spain Volume 5 Part 2 1531-1533. 21 Jan 1536. Wien, Rep. P.C., Fasc. 236, No. 3. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 35).

Now that the good Queen is dead, they are trying in various ways to catch the Princess in, their net, and make her subscribe to their damnable statutes and detestable opinions; so much so that the other day Cromwell, in conversation with one of my men, was not ashamed to say that there was no reason to mourn so much at the death of the Queen, which after all must be considered as most advantageous for the preservation of the friendship between Your Majesty and the King, his master, since in future he and I might communicate and talk more frankly on the subject; that it only remained for us now to induce the Princess to accede to the King's will and wishes; which end he (Cromwell) was sure that I could, if I chose, promote move efficiently than any other living man; and that it was necessary that I should do my best for the accomplishment of that object, as, besides the pleasure I might give the King by doing so, the Princess herself would be greatly benefited through it, since by submitting to the King's will she would be much better treated than ever she had been.

A, bait of this sort has already been thrown out, for, according to a message received from the Princess, the concubine (age 35) has lately sent her word through her own [her aunt] aunt (age 60), under whose keeping she still is, as I have informed Your Majesty, that should she consent to wave her obstinacy, and be obedient, like a dutiful daughter, to her father's commands, she (the concubine) would at once become her warmest friend, and a second mother to her, and that, if she wished to go to Court, she should be exempted from being her train-bearer, and might walk by her side. And I aim also told that the governess is continually begging and entreating her in the warmest possible terms to reconsider these offers. Nevertheless, the Princess' answer has always been that no daughter in the world would be move obedient to her father's wishes and commands than she herself is prepared to be, provided her honour and conscience are safeguarded.

According to another message received from the Princess, the King says that he will shortly send to her certain of his Privy Councillors for the purpose of summoning her to swear to the statutes; and she asks me how she is to answer the summons in case of its being made, which is most likely. My answer in writing has been that, in my opinion, she ought to show greater firmness and determination now than ever, more courage and persistence, coupled with the requisite modesty; for if these people once believe her to be the least shaken in her purpose, they are sure to go on persecuting her to the end without leaving her a moment's peace. I fancied (said I to her) that they would not now insist upon her renouncing openly her rights, nor directly disowning the Popes authority in Church matters; they, most likely, would press her to swear to the concubine as Queen, alleging that her own mother being dead, there could be no excuse now for opposition on that head. I have, therefore, written to her to avoid as much as possible entering into conversation or dispute with the Kings deputies, if they should go to her, to request them to leave her in peace, praying God for the soul of her deceased mother, as well as imploring His help in her present situation, she being a poor orphan without experience, aid, or counsel. She was to tell the deputies that she herself knew nothing of civil or canon law, and was unable to answer and meet their arguments, and therefore begged and entreated them to intercede with the King, her father, to have pity on her ignorance or incapacity. If, moreover, she chose to go on with, her excuses, she might add that, considering it was not the custom here, in England, to impose oaths upon queens—that ceremony not having taken place when her mother was married to the King, her father—she could not help thinking that the whole of this had been planned to do her injury. That were she to become in future a queen, her present renunciation of her rights would he invalid; she would inherit the Crown all the same. One thing she recollected, which was that in the consistorial sentence respecting her father s marriage, it was fully stated that whilst his first marriage was declared good, valid, and legitimate, his second was pronounced null and void, it being expressly stated, that lady Anne could never assume the title of queen. Lastly, it seemed to her as if she could not conscientiously contravene the Pope's commands, for were she to do so, and derogate from other articles in the sentence, she would evidently impair her own rights.

I have likewise written to the Princess that, if she thought it advisable, she might say to her governess that it was time lost to press such affairs on her at the present juncture, for she would rather lose ten lives, if she had them, than submit and consent to what they wanted of her, without being better informed, thereupon. She might add, that in order to enlighten and instruct her on the subject, people abroad could be found—for those in England she thoroughly mistrusted—to impart the requisite information and doctrine on such delicate points; and that should the King, her father, grant her a respite until she was of age, which was not now far off, perhaps God would inspire her with the wish of entering into a religious house and devoting herself entirely to Him, in which case she thought her conscience would be completely safe-guarded. Should the King grant this respite, she might perhaps acquire more solid information on the subject than she now possesses. The delay asked for could in nowise prejudice the King's interests, but would, on the contrary, be beneficial to him, for were she now to accede and consent to what is wanted of her, the act, when she was of age, would still be more valid and efficient. This much I wrote to the Princess, not in a resolute manner and by way of advice, but merely for the sake of argument, to be used if convenient. I shall consider the matter over and over again, and look out for other means of parrying the impending blow, or at least averting it for some time. If, however, the King and his concubine have decided to make her swallow poison, neither the tender of the oath itself, nor any other thing we might think of, would be of any use.

I will think more broadly about other possible means to deal with the matter in case of extreme necessity; but if they have decided to give her [poison] to eat, not to give her the sacrament, nor anything else that could be invented here, it would serve very little.

"Je penserar plus largement dessus a autres moyens possibles pour differer la matiere en cas d'estremite; mais silz ont delibcre luy donner a manger [du poison] ne prester le sacrement, ne autre chose que lon sçaist (sçut?) inventer yçi, y serviroit bien peu."

At the Princess pressing request—for she has written to me twice in the warmest possible terms, and also sent several messages; the last of which came this morning—I have applied for leave to visit her. The King has sent me word by Cromwell that as soon as she is removed from her present abode, which will be shortly, the King will be glad to grant the permission applied for. I do not know, however, what to think of this, for the same promise was made some time ago, and when I myself went to the King about it I was told that I could not see her then, but might send weekly one of my own servants to her. This I have done two or three times running, having previously asked Cromwell's permission to that effect; but no later than yesterday my man returned from the Princess without having been able to speak to her, as her governess refused giving him admittance on the plea that, according to orders lately received from Court, no one was to see or speak to the Princess without express orders or some countersign or other from her father. It is true the said, governess said to my man that she would, for my sake, allow him to enter the house and see the Princess, provided he promised not to mention it to anyone, but that she could in nowise let him speak to her. I must observe that this courtesy on the part of the governess was due to a few small presents, which I have lately sent her from time to time by the Princess' advice, who, having from her oratory heard the conversation, and perceiving that there were no means of communicating with my man, said aloud, "You had better let the ambassadors man go; for on no account would I speak to him or to anyone whomsoever without my father's consent." Perhaps they do not want her to be spoken to until they have intimated to her the King's will, as above stated, and therefore I should consider it desirable for Your Majesty to send from your Court some great personage to make the necessary representations, and remonstrate about the treatment of the Princess, which, as she herself has sent to inform me this very morning, is getting worse than ever it was. That would be both a comfort and a consolation for her in the midst of her troubles, and would at the same time inspire these people with courage and hope whilst a remedy coming from these parts is prepared. But it would be most desirable for that purpose that Your Majesty's affairs should then be in such a prosperous condition as to enable the said personage—should Your Majesty determine to send him—to speak boldly, as otherwise all the business would be spoiled; for as the good Queen used frequently to say, by way of prediction, with these people, who are sheep when in face of the wolf, and lions towards those who treat them respectfully, the mildness and moderation occasionally used for the sake of Christendom at large will inevitably cause the ruin and loss of the Church. To this may be added that those who have shown no sorrow and regret at the mothers death will now take courage to finish with the daughter, since, without having recourse to poison, the rigorous treatment to which the Princess has been, and is still, daily subjected will be a sufficient cause for her death. Indeed, many courtiers assert, and have already spread the rumour, that the Princess' sorrow and regret at the loss of her mother, the good Queen, are likely to cause her own death. This is, no doubt, said for the purpose of avoiding suspicion; for certainly it must be said that the pitiful condition in which the Princess has been for some time past is considerably aggravated since her mothers death. There is every reason, as I say, and a good opportunity just now, for the said personage to come and protest against the ill-treatment of the Princess. The pity and affection I feel for the latter has perhaps carried me beyond the just limits of my charge. If so, I beg Your Majesty to forgive me, and excuse the expression of sentiments entirely caused by commiseration.

Since my despatch of the 9th instant no courier has left this capital by whom to write to Your Majesty. Immediately after the death of the good Queen I despatched one of my own men [to Kimbolton], in order to ascertain what had occurred after my departure from that place, to console the poor servants of the Queen's household in their affliction, and see what could be done for them, as well as with regard to the funeral, in case the Queen had made any dispositions in that respect. My man came back three days ago, and informed me that two days after my departure [from Kimbolton] the Queen seemed to improve considerably in health, and that in the afternoon of the Epiphany she herself without the help of any of her maids, combed and tied her hair. That next day, about midnight, she inquired what time it was, and whether it was already near dawn. This enquiry the Queen made several times, for no other purpose, as she herself afterwards declared, than to be able to hear mass and receive the Holy Sacrament: and although the bishop of Llandaff, her confessor, offered to say mass for her before four o'clock in the morning, she would not consent to it, alleging and citing several authoritative passages in Latin to prove that it could not be done. At dawn she heard mass, and took the Holy Sacrament with the greatest fervour and devotion that could be imagined; after which she went on repeating various prayers, begging those who were present to pray for the salvation of her soul, and that God would pardon and forgive the King, her husband, for the wrong he had done her, inspire him to follow the right path, and give him good counsel. After which the Queen received extreme unction, she herself replying distinctly to all the questions of the ritual in a clear audible voice.

Knowing that in England no woman surviving her husband can make a will, the Queen, for fear of infringing the law of the land, would not dispose of her property otherwise than by way of supplication and, request to the King. She accordingly begged her physician to draw out a paper with certain testamentary clause, which she ordered to be brought to me immediately after signing it with her own hand. In that paper, in which she gave directions for certain small sums of money to be distributed among the servants living with her at the time, the good Queen declared that she wished to be buried at a convent of Observant Friars of the Order of St. Francis, to which she bequeathed her robes and dresses to be used as Church ornaments. The furs she had, she reserved for the Princess, her daughter, to whom she likewise bequeathed a necklace with a cross, which she herself had brought from Spain. Such were the good Queens testamentary dispositions. With regard, to her burial and donation to the Observants, Cromwell said, to one of my men whom I sent to him for the purpose, that it was quite impossible, inasmuch as there was no convent of that order then existing in all England; but that any other bequest to the Princess, or to her own family servants would, be complied, with as completely and honourably as I could wish.

The day after I sent my man [to Greenwich] to inquire from Master Cromwell what the Kings wishes were on the whole, and beg that the late Queen's physician (Lasco) and apothecary (Soto) should be sent to the Princess' abode. And, although Cromwell promised to introduce my man to the King's presence, that he himself might convey my message and speak in my name, nothing was done about it, save that Cromwell sent for him and took him to a room of the Royal palace, where the ambassadors from Scotland, now returning to France, happened to be at the time, and there kept him long talking to him, all the time inquiring after my health, asking whether I took exercise in the mornings, and so forth; all this being done, as I imagine, to make the ambassadors there present, believe that mighty matters were then being discussed between us two, and that I had sent my man thither for the purpose. Cromwell at last answered, in a colder manner than the preceding day, as if he were answering in his master's name, that before granting my application with regard to the Queen's bequests the King wished to see those robes and furs of which I spoke, and that if the Princess wished to possess what her mother had bequeathed to her, she was first to show due obedience to her father, the King, adding that it was for me to persuade her to that course. With regard to the late Queen's physician there was no difficulty at all. If my man called at his (Cromwell's) own residence, he would furnish him with proper letters of introduction for the governess. When my man went next day to ask for the letters, he was put off till the day after, and then Cromwell told him that a gentleman, the same who had accompanied me to Kimbolton on my visit to the Queen, would call and explain his views on the subject. He also begged my man to try and induce me not to refuse or avoid giving audience to the gentleman in question.

The gentleman himself came, and began by telling me that it was true that Master Cromwell had promised my secretary to give introductory letters to the physician and apothecary of the late Queen, directing them in the King's name to repair at once to the Princess' quarters; but that since then, having pondered over the matter, and talked with the King about it, the latter had been of opinion that the said physician and apothecary, being both Spanish subjects, and not his own, might make less difficulties about obeying letters coming from me than from him (Cromwell), and that I had best write to them direct. Should they, however, make any difficulties, or should the case be more urgent than it really was—for he did not consider the Princess to be ill—he himself would write to them in a fit manner. With regard to the place of burial, the King, said Cromwell, has already spoken his mind; and as to the robes bequeathed to the Franciscan convent, it was an unnecessary and vain bequest,—one which could not really be carried out, inasmuch as there was a superabundant quantity of ecclesiastic robes and ornaments in the churches of England. Instead of that, some endowment might be made to the abbey in which the Queens body would be interred, which would be, a more suitable donation and one far more worthy of notice than that of her own robes and vestments. The abbey in which she is to be buried, added Cromwell, is one of the most honourable in all England, distant only 16 or 17 miles from the place where she breathed her last; its name is Piterbery (Peterborough). As to the late Queen's servants, no one is better qualified or bound to attend to them, and reward their good services, than the King himself, who had appointed them, and he was ready to act most honourably in that respect. As to the Princess herself, it was in her hands not only to receive and possess everything her mother had bequeathed to her, but likewise to have whatever she might ask for, provided she showed herself a dutiful daughter, obedient to her father's commands.

On this last point the gentleman in question and I disputed for a time; but I have my reasons to believe that he himself regretted having broached the subject, for he knew not what to reply to my arguments, save that the King must needs be obeyed, and that a daughter ought not to presume to be wiser or more conscientious than her own father. Upon which I remarked to him that, in my opinion, the arguments and threats the King had used at various times in order to persuade her were only intended as the means of inducing the Queen, her mother, on whom everything depended, to accede to the King's will; and, moreover, that now that that cause no longer existed, I could not conceive what motive there could be to importune the Princess—especially at a time when she had so much reason to be afflicted and in despair, from which state of despondency and grief, illness, and perhaps also death, might ensue,—an irreparable loss, from which no good could possibly result. The gentleman's answer was that not ribulation or sorrow, no excuse whatever of that sort, ought to prevent the Princess obeying the King's commands; that on no account and for no consideration whatever would the King abandon the line of conduct which seemed to him just and reasonable with regard to his daughter, whatever might come of it afterwards; and that èven if the Princess should die at present that would not be, after all, so great a misfortune as people might think, for the King had, no doubt, by this time well pondered in his mind all the inconveniences and rumours that might rise therefrom, and was, sufficiently prepared to meet all charges.

This same language had the said gentleman held to my secretary as he accompanied him from Cromwell's residence to my own. Your Majesty will easily conceive by these details what the state of affairs here is.

Letters 1536. 29 Feb 1536. R. O. 371. Doubtful Divinity.

"The deposition of Tristram Reuel, late scholar of Christ's College, Cambridge, touching the translation of the book called the Sum of Christianity, ultimo Februarii, ao xxviimo."

About Easter last he borrowed of Dr. Leonard, a physician dwelling about the Crossed Friars [Map], a book called Farrago Rerum Theologicarum, from which he made "the collection of the book aforesaid, translating the same word for word without addition, saving the epistle, which was of his own device." He first presented it to my Lord of Canterbury's brother, who showed it to my Lord himself. The Archbishop committed the examination to my Lord of Worcester and his said brother¹, the archdeacon of Canterbury; and the Bishop of Worcester gave it to a monk, one of his doctors, to examine. Meanwhile, deponent carried the book printed to Mr. Latymer, the Queen's (age 35) cha[pla]in, "requiring him to present it to her [Grace, who], two days after, gave him .... Queen's grace thanked him .... [b]ut she would not trouble herself .... oke. And hereupon it was committed to [the sai]d monk, of whom the said Tristram had none answer." But my Lord of Worcester said there were two or three extreme points in it that might not be borne; "nevertheless, in case it should come before them that had authority to put forth books, he would say his opinion in it."

He says he desired Redman to print, as he wished to dedicate it to the Queen, because his writing was not very legible; also that his father would have had him a priest, to which he was not inclined, and he had enterprised this translation in the hope of getting some exhibition from the Queen.

In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 2. Endd.

Note 1. Edmund Cranmer, Archdeacon of Canterbury.

Letters 1536. 28 Mar 1536. In this three things are to be considered:—(1.) That in that case nothing more can be done for her advantage during her father's life, and she can take no action with good conscience against her father even for redress of the injuries done to her late mother, even if her life was "advancée sinestrement," as is suspected; and if the sentence of the divorce were pursued, to make the King give up his concubine (age 35), he might marry another, whereas it is certain he could have no issue from the concubine to hinder the succession of the Princess. And as one of the principal points which the King will think of with regard to our said cousin, and also the concubine and her adherents, will be to whom they will marry her, and it is important also to treat of it as a principal point in order to with draw our said cousin even for her surety, as well as for the security of further negociations, you will endeavour discreetly to discover to what match the king of England leans; and, as of yourself, and in such wise that no one can presume it is part of your charge, you may suggest Don Loys of Portugal, our brother-in-law, who was lately with us in the Tunis expedition, and do your best to recommend it either to the King or Cromwell. He is, in truth, the person who, among all others, seems best suited both for the Princess herself and for the King and his realm, and the concubine and her adherents ought to be less suspicious of him as the Portuguese are good neighbours and not quarrelsome, as you may suggest; but it must be with a suitable dowry. (2.) By this means the Princess might be drawn out of the kingdom, rescued from continual danger of her life, and allied with a person of suitable quality; and, when the time came, might be assisted by her allies in obtaining her right; and if issue came of the marriage, especially male issue, it would be a great occasion to her father to recall her and her children into the kingdom, if he is satisfied with the treaty we shall make together, and the good offices we shall continue to do him. And (3), although it be a good thing to bring back the King to his allegiance to the Church, even though the Church forbear some of her rights and profits, and also to withdraw our cousin out of the realm, yet we cannot do prejudice in the future either to the one or to the other, and means may be found hereafter of putting the said Church in full possession of her rights, especially if our said cousin succeed to the Crown; and she also, before leaving England, cannot make any treaty which can prejudice her, since everyone knows in what fear and danger she is kept. Moreover, although the concubine might not agree to either the one or the other of the above means (the declaration or suspension),—which she and all her adherents ought to think a great advantage, to be relieved from the fear and danger they are continually in,—and though she put forth further claims in behalf of her daughter and other children that she might have, yet you should not break off negotiations on this account, but ascertain in this also to what she will agree, and, after making such representations to her as you think fit, say you will refer to us. If you find her demands too exorbitant you may use Cromwell's help, if he can and will do what he has promised, and use all possible dexterity to make the most advantageous terms for her that you can; and if there be anything that requires to be kept secret from the said concubine or her adherents "il s'en usera selon ce."

Calendar of State Papers Spain Volume 5 Part 2 1531-1533. 01 Apr 1536. Wien, Rep. P. C., Fasc. 230, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

The other day, as the young marquis [of Dorset] (age 19), the dowager countess of Childra (Kildare) (age 39), Monsieur de Montague, and several others, were dining with me at this embassy, the last-named Lord, after complaining of the bad state of affairs in this country,¹ went on to say that this King's mistress (age 35) and Secretary Cromwell were on bad terms just now, and that there had been a talk of a new marriage for this King. Which rumour agrees well with my own news from the court of France, where, according to letters I have received, courtiers maintain that this king has actually applied, for the hand of Francis' daughter. Hearing this, and for the purpose of procuring information, and, if possible, learning what truth there was in the report, I called on Cromwell, and told him that I had purposely avoided visiting him many a time for fear of arousing his Royal mistress' suspicions, owing to the reasons he himself had explained to me. I recollected very well his telling me that she (Anne Boleyn) would like to see his head off his shoulders. Such a threat, I said, was constantly before my eyes, causing me great care and anxiety, and I sincerely wished him a more gracious mistress than she was, one more grateful for the immense services he (Cromwell) had rendered the King. He ought to take care not to offend or over-irritate her, or else he must renounce all hope of that perfect reconciliation we both were trying to bring about. I therefore begged and entreated him, in such an event, to guard against her attacks more effectually than the cardinal (Wolsey) had done, which I hoped his dexterity and prudence would be able to accomplish. If it were true, as I had been told, that the King, his master, was now thinking of a fresh marriage, that would, no doubt, be the way of preserving him (Cromwell) from many inconveniences, and likewise the best thing for the King to do, disappointed, as he had hitherto been, of male issue. Whatever might be said or preached on that score from the pulpit, the King knew very well that his marriage to Anne could never be held as valid, for many reasons, which I left to his consideration; and although from another marriage, more legitimate than his last, the King might possibly have male issue, which would eventually turn out to the Princess' prejudice, yet the love and affection I bore the King, and him in particular, as well as my earnest desire for the peace, honour, and prosperity of England, made me wish that he (Cromwell) should have another royal mistress, not out of hatred of Anne Boleyn, for she had never done me any harm, but for his own sake.

Cromwell seemed to take my words in good part, and thanked me for the affection I professed to him, &c., saying that he was well aware of the precarious nature of human affairs, to say nothing of those appertaining to royal courts; he had for a long time back known this, having had continually before his eyes several examples of it of a domestic nature. He had, however, admitted to himself that the day might come when fate would strike him as it had struck his predecessors in office: then he would arm himself with patience and place himself for the rest in the hands of God. True, it was, as I had hinted to him, that he would have to implore God's help if he wished to escape from dangers and inconveniences of that sort; and that he did, and he would, besides, do his utmost to avoid danger. After that Cromwell began to excuse himself for having promoted the King's marriage [to Anne]. True, it was (he said), that seeing the King so much bent upon it, and so determined, he (Cromwell) had paved the way towards it. Although the King, his master, was still inclined to pay his court to ladies², yet it was generally believed that in future he would lead a more moral life than hitherto—a chaste and marital one with his present Queen. This Cromwell said to me in such a cold indifferent manner that I had a strong suspicion that he meant just the contrary. Indeed, I observed whilst he said so, that not knowing what mien to put on, he leant against the window close to which we were both standing, and put his hand to his mouth to prevent the smile on his lips, or to conceal it altogether from me should it come on; adding, shortly after: "of one thing, however, you may be sure, namely, that should the King, my master, want another wife, it is certainly not among the French that he will look for one." After which he said that upon the arrival of Your Majesty's answer to the overtures that had been made to me, we would treat of all those matters, and come to an understanding upon the whole. At last, when I was about to depart, he said that although I had once refused to accept a horse, which he wanted to present to me, now I could not, without suspicion of anger or ill-will on my part, decline the gift of one which the earl of Sussex had presented to him the day before; and I must add that, whatever my excuses, I was literally obliged to accept the present.

Note 1. "These days, the young marquis, the widow Countess of Childra, Monsieur de Montagne, and certain other gentlemen came to dine with me. The said Sieur de Montagne, after several complaints about the disorder of the affairs here, etc."

"Estant ces iours venu disner avec moy le ieusne marquis, la veufve contesse de Childra, monsieur de Montagne et certains autres gentilhomes, le dict sieur de Montague apres pluseurs querimonies du desordre des affaires dyci, &c."

Note 2. "It was indeed true that, seeing the king his master determined and resolved to do so, he had disclosed the means for it, and that despite the fact that the said king his master was still inclined to feast and serve ladies, nevertheless it is believed that henceforth he would wish to live honourably and chastely, continuing in his marriage."

"Bien estoit vray que voyant le roy son maistre determine et resolv de ce faire, quil en avoit ouuert les moyens et que non obstant que le dict roy son maistre fut encoires incline a festoyer et servir dames, toutes foys se croit il que desormais vouldroit il vivre honestement et chastement continuant en son mariage."

Letters 1536. 01 Apr 1536. There lately came to dine with me the young marquis, the widowed Countess of Kildare (age 39), lord Montagu, and other gentlemen; when lord Montagu, after many complaints of the disorder of affairs here, told me that the Concubine (age 35) and Cromwell were on bad terms, and that some new marriage for the King was spoken of; which agrees with what was written to me from France that Henry was soliciting in marriage the daughter of France, so as to confirm their mutual intelligence and test how matters went. I told Cromwell that I had for some time forborne to visit him that he might not incur suspicion of his mistress for the talk he had previously held with me, well remembering that he had previously told me she would like to see his head cut off. This I could not forget for the love I bore him; and I could not but wish him a more gracious mistress, and one more grateful for the inestimable services he had done the King, and that he must beware of enraging her, else he must never expect perfect reconciliation; in which case I hoped he would see to it better than did the Cardinal, as I had great belief in his dexterity and prudence; and if it was true, what I had heard, that the King was treating for a new marriage, it would be the way to avoid much evil, and be very much for the advantage of his master, who had been hitherto disappointed of male issue, and who knows quite well, whatever they may say or preach, that this marriage will never be held as lawful, for several reasons which he might sufficiently understand; and that although a more lawful marriage should follow, and male issue from it would be to the prejudice of the Princess, yet the affection I bore to the honor and tranquillity of the King and kingdom, and towards him particularly, made me desire another mistress, not for hatred that I bore to this one, who had never done me any harm. Cromwell appeared to take all this in good part, and said that it was only now that he had known the frailty of human affairs, especially of those of the Court, of which he had before his eyes several examples that might be called domestic, and he always laid his account that if fate fell upon him as upon his predecessors he would arm himself with patience, and leave the rest to God; and that it was quite true, as I said, that he must rely upon God's help not to fall into mischief. He then began to defend himself, saying he had never been cause of this marriage, although, seeing the King determined upon it, he had smoothed the way, and that notwithstanding that the King was still inclined to pay attention to ladies, yet he believed he would henceforth live honorably and chastely, continuing in his marriage. This he said so coldly as to make me suspect the contrary, especially as he said so, not knowing what countenance to put on. He leaned against the window in which we were, putting his hand before his mouth to avoid smiling or to conceal it (ou pour lencouurir), saying afterwards that the French might be assured of one thing, that if the King his master were to take another wife, he would not seek for her among them. He then said that when an answer came from your Majesty upon the subject of our communication we should discuss everything and do some good work. At last, when I was going to leave, he said to me that although I had formerly refused a present of a horse he wished to give me, that now I could not do so without suspicion of ill-will, and he offered me one that the Earl of Sussex had presented to him the day before; and for all I could say to excuse myself, I was obliged to accept it. I think that those here are not content with the appointment made by the Lubeckers with the duke of Holstein; for, happening to talk of the Lubeckers with Cromwell, he said they were false villains and canaille; and that, notwithstanding the said appointment, and that the Duke called himself king of Denmark, the King, writing lately to him for the release of certain ships, would not call him King, saying he knew there was another King alive with daughters, who might pretend to the kingdom. Hereupon Cromwell began to complain of the detention in Flanders of Dr. Adam, of whom I lately wrote, and a servant of this King, who came from Lubeck and Denmark, and begged I would write again for their deliverance. This I could not refuse to do; nevertheless, as I have before stated, it seems to me that unless your Majesty is fully informed, or the said doctor has been well examined and confessed, he ought not to be released. He is a "tres fin galant," who has been the cause of many evils, as I doubt not you are well advised.

Calendar of State Papers Spain Volume 5 Part 2 1531-1533. 21 Apr 1536. Wien. Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229½, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

Before the King left his apartments to go to Chapel and hear mass, Cromwell came to me, and asked in the King's name whether I did not wish to visit the concubine (age 35) in her rooms, and kiss her hand; the King would be particularly pleased by my doing so, yet if I had the least objection, he referred entirely to my will. My answer was that for a long time back I had professed to be the King's slave, and had no other wish than to execute his commands; but that it seemed to me that for many reasons, which I would tell the King himself the very first time I had an audience from him, my visit to the lady under present circumstances would be highly inconvenient. I begged Cromwell to make my excuses, as though from himself and try to dissuade the King therefrom, as, in my opinion, it could only be detrimental to the negociation in hand. Cromwell went away, and soon after returned, saying that the King had taken my excuses in good part, and hoped that very shortly all matters would be speedily settled to the satisfaction of the parties. He then said to me that after dinner I could speak with the King at leisure, and that on leaving him, I should, according to custom, go into the Council room, and explain my charge. I replied that it seemed to me as if the matters under discussion were so honest and reasonable, and had been so long ago anticipated, that the King might take at once a resolution upon them; or else he (Cromwell), to whom Your Majesty's credentials had been addressed, could report to the Council much better than I myself could. I added that until I had heard what the King's intentions and will were respecting the whole or part of the proposed negociation I strongly objected to appear before the Privy Council, though I purposed addressing each of them in particular, and doing anything else they might advise.

Soon after this I saw the King pass; he made me a most gracious bow, holding his cap in his hand, and not allowing me to remain longer uncovered. He asked me how I was, and how I had passed my time since the last time he had seen me. He added that I was welcome, asked for news of Your Majesty, and seemed delighted to hear you were in good health. After that he asked where Your Majesty was, and on my answering that the courier stated that at his departure from Rome he had left you close to that city, he replied that to judge from the date of Your Majesty's letter to his secretary it would appear that on the departure of the courier from Rome you were at Gaeta. He then asked me whether Your Majesty intended making a long stay at Rome, and on my answering that I did not think so, unless thereby you could be of use to him and do his pleasure —sure as I was that for such a purpose and end Your Majesty would have no difficulty in making a longer stay, or doing other things for Ids honor and for love of him— he smiled and made another bow. He then said that he imagined it would have been far better for Your Majesty's plans and interests not to have gone so soon to Rome, but to have remained longer in the kingdom of Naples, in order to throw the bait to those who wanted it, and catch them more securely within your nets. (fn. n8) My answer was that there was still plenty of time left for dissimulation, thereby meaning that I was sure Your Majesty in this, as well as in other matters, would act conformably with his advice, as that of his oldest friend, brother, and almost father, as he would gather by what I should have the honor to tell him more at leisure. "Certainly" replied the King, "We will talk of that and other matters." I was conducted to the Chapel by [her brother] lord Rochefort (age 33), the concubines brother, and when the offering came a great many people flocked round the King, out of curiosity, and wishing no doubt to know what sort of a mien the concubine and I should put on; yet I must say that she was affable and, courteous enough on the occasion, for on my bring placed behind the door by which she entered the chapel, she turned round to return the reverence which I made her when she passed.

After mass the King went to dine with the concubine in her apartments, all the courtiers accompanying him except myself who was conducted by lord Rochefort to the Royal presence chamber, where I dined with the principal courtiers. As I afterwards learned from a distinguished officer of the Royal household, who was there present, the concubine asked the King during dinner why I had not come as the other ambassadors had done, and that the King had answered that there were good reasons for it. Nevertheless, another courtier affirms that he heard the concubine say to the King after dinner, that it was a great shame for the king of France to treat his own uncle, the duke of Savoy, as he was doing, and make preparations for the invasion of Milan for no other purpose, as she said, than to prevent and mar the enterprise against the Turk, and that it seemed as if the Most Christian, weary of life owing to his sufferings and bad health, wished to put an end to his days as soon as possible.

Letters 1536. 21 Apr 1536. Vienna Archives. 699. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

On coming to Court I was most cordially received by all the Lords of the Council, who congratulated me on the happy news, praising greatly the good service they presumed that I had done,—especially [her brother] Lord Rochford (age 33), the Concubine's (age 35) brother, to whom I said that I did not doubt that he had as great pleasure in what was taking place as any other, and that he would assist as in a matter for the benefit of the whole world, but especially of himself and his friends. He showed me "fort grosse chiere," and I dissembled in the same way with him, avoiding all occasions of entering into Lutheran discussions, from which he could not refrain.

Before the King went out to mass Cromwell came to me on his part to ask if I would not go and visit and kiss the Concubine, which would be doing a pleasure to this King; nevertheless, he left it to me. I told him that for a long time my will had been slave to that of the King, and that to serve him it was enough to command me; but that I thought, for several reasons, which I would tell the King another time, such a visit would not be advisable, and I begged Cromwell to excuse it, and dissuade the said visit in order not to spoil matters. Immediately afterwards Cromwell came to tell me that the King had taken it all in good part, hoping that hereafter "lon y supplyeroit assez," and he immediately added that after dinner I should speak with the King at leisure, and that on leaving him, agreeably to their custom, I ought to see those of the Council and explain my charge. I told him that I thought things were so honorable and reasonable, and had been foreseen so long, that I thought the King would make up his mind immediately; and if not, he to whom my credence was addressed would make a far better report to the Council than I could; nevertheless, that till I had heard part of the King's will, I could neither promise to go, nor not to go, to the said Council, though I meant to speak particularly to all, and do all that they would counsel me. Just after this the King came out and gave me a very kind reception, holding for some time his bonnet in his hand, and not allowing me to be uncovered longer than himself; and after asking how I was, and telling me that I was very welcome, he inquired of the good health of your Majesty and showed himself very glad to hear good news. He then asked where you were, and on my telling him that the courier had left you near Rome, he said that by the date of your Majesty's letters to his Secretary it appeared that you were at Gaeta when the courier left. Hereupon he asked if you would stay long at Rome, and on my telling him that I thought not, unless your Majesty could gratify him by a long delay, for which purpose I was sure you would make no difficulty either in remaining or doing anything else that you could on his account, he said he thought it would have been better for your interests not to have come so soon to Rome, but to have staid in Naples, so as to afford a bait to those who needed it to involve themselves further in the meshes. I said that there was still time enough to use such dissimulation, and that I was sure you would in this and other matters be glad to follow his counsel as that of a very old friend, good brother, and, as it were, a father, as he might understand by what I should tell him hereafter more at leisure. On this he said, Well, we should have leisure to discuss all matters. I was conducted to mass by Lord Rochford, the concubine's brother, and when the King came to the offering there was a great concourse of people partly to see how the concubine and I behaved to each other. She was courteous enough, for when I was behind the door by which she entered, she returned, merely to do me reverence as I did to her. After mass the King went to dine at the concubine's lodging, whither everybody accompanied him except myself, who was conducted by Rochford to the King's Chamber of Presence, and dined there with all the principal men of the Court. I am told the concubine asked the King why I did not enter there as the other ambassadors did, and the King replied that it was not without good reason. Nevertheless, I am told by one who heard her, the said concubine after dinner said that it was a great shame in the king of France to treat his uncle, the duke of Savoy, as he did, and to make war against Milan so as to break the enterprise against the Turks; and that it really seemed that the king of France, weary of his life on account of his illnesses, wished by war to put an end to his days. As soon as the King had dined, he, in passing by where I was, made me the same caress as in the morning, and, taking me by the hand, led me into his chamber, whither only the Chancellor and Cromwell followed. He took me apart to a window. I reminded him of several conversations which Cromwell and I had had, and also of those of your ambassador in France with Wallop, and also of the old affection your Majesty had borne him, and began to declare your will touching the four points, taking the utmost care to speak as gently as possible, that he might not find grounds of quarrel or irritation. He heard me patiently and without interruption, till at last, on my saying that your Majesty, desirous above all things of the peace of Christendom, had forborne your claim to Burgundy, which you might demand by a much better title than the invaders of Savoy and Milan, he answered that Milan belonged to the king of France, and the duchy of Burgundy also, for you had renounced it by the treaty of Cambray, which qualified the unreasonable conditions of that of Madrid, and that even if Milan had now come to your hands the defensive treaties comprehended only the lordships possessed at the time they were passed. I showed him, but not without difficulty, that he was illinformed about your rights to Milan and Burgundy, and also that when those treaties were made you were the lawful Lord of Milan, and he who held it was only feudatory, after whose death the duchy was not newly acquired by your Majesty, but had only been consolidated; which argument, as Cromwell informs me, has since been weighed and approved by the King and his Council.

Letters 1536. 24 Apr 1536. Vienna Archives. 720. Chapuys (age 46) to [Granvelle].

This very moment when the courier was about to mount I have been informed of his departure, and having already written pretty fully, I shall say little now. I forgot in my last to make answer about the intentions of those here with regard to the Council. They have made no formal reply, only saying that they would not disturb such a good thing, or cut themselves off from the number of Christians, but they conclude that such a Council must be convoked by the Emperor. Does not think they want one. Thinks the news of an arrangement between the Emperor and the king of France has thrown them into great confusion, and compelled them to dispatch this courier; because previously they cared nothing, and would not have written even to their ambassador if Chapuys had not urged them, which he very soon afterwards repented, for he would have dispatched the courier two days sooner without waiting for their letters. Yesterday the French ambassador was long at Court, and Chapuys has not been able yet to discover what he was negociating. The King also sent for the late Queen's physician, and told him he would have called him sooner but for fear of its being insinuated that there had been some intrigue to put the Queen to death. The King said he wished to make use of him, and thought that I would consent willingly, and get the Emperor to agree to it, otherwise he would not take him into his service, and that the means to get the Emperor and me to agree to it was to give out that he was retained for the Princess, with whom he would be left till all suspicions and murmurs had died out. And hereupon the King began to speak very well of me, and asked the physician two or three times if he had not spoken with me since Easter Tuesday when I was with him. I think he wished to find out what was in my mind after his brusque replies. Although I would not kiss or speak to the Concubine (age 35), the Princess and other good persons have been somewhat jealous at the mutual reverences required by politeness which were done at the church. I refused to visit her until I had spoken to the King. If I had seen any hope from the King's answer I would have offered not two but 100 candles to the shedevil, although another thing made me unwilling, viz., that I was told she was not in favor with the King; besides, Cromwell was quite of my opinion that I should do well to wait till I had spoken to the King. Even before receiving instructions from the Emperor, has always avoided "l'envoy" which the Princess urged, as again she has since done, for the reasons which he has heretofore written¹. London, 24 April 1536. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.

Note 1. "Sans quil eust pleu a sa matc me faire aduertir dexcuser lenvoy, dont la Princesse me sollicitoit comme encoires elle a depuis fait je nen (qu. m'en?) avoye garde, et continuellement luy ay satisfait des raisons que jay cy devant escriptes."