Letters 1536. 29 Feb 1536. R. O. 371. Doubtful Divinity.

"The deposition of Tristram Reuel, late scholar of Christ's College, Cambridge, touching the translation of the book called the Sum of Christianity, ultimo Februarii, ao xxviimo."

About Easter last he borrowed of Dr. Leonard, a physician dwelling about the Crossed Friars [Map], a book called Farrago Rerum Theologicarum, from which he made "the collection of the book aforesaid, translating the same word for word without addition, saving the epistle, which was of his own device." He first presented it to my Lord of Canterbury's brother, who showed it to my Lord himself. The Archbishop committed the examination to my Lord of Worcester and his said brother¹, the archdeacon of Canterbury; and the Bishop of Worcester gave it to a monk, one of his doctors, to examine. Meanwhile, deponent carried the book printed to Mr. Latymer, the Queen's (age 35) cha[pla]in, "requiring him to present it to her [Grace, who], two days after, gave him .... Queen's (age 35) grace thanked him .... [b]ut she would not trouble herself .... oke. And hereupon it was committed to [the sai]d monk, of whom the said Tristram had none answer." But my Lord of Worcester said there were two or three extreme points in it that might not be borne; "nevertheless, in case it should come before them that had authority to put forth books, he would say his opinion in it."

He says he desired Redman to print, as he wished to dedicate it to the Queen (age 35), because his writing was not very legible; also that his father would have had him a priest, to which he was not inclined, and he had enterprised this translation in the hope of getting some exhibition from the Queen.

In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 2. Endd.

Note 1. Edmund Cranmer, Archdeacon of Canterbury.

Letters 1536. 29 Feb 1536. Vienna Archives. Lanz, ii. 212. 373. Charles V. to Chapuys.

His last letters received were of the 18th and 30 Dec., and of the 9th ult., touching the sickness and death of the queen of England. Laments her decease, and the desolation of the Princess, her daughter. Desires to hear of the Princess' treatment—whether she continues at the same place as when her mother was alive—and whether there is any means of getting her away (de la transpourter ailleurs), or making some change in her estate. As to the king of England's desire to renew amity with the Emperor, considering the French king's threat to recommence war, who feels confident of Henry's support, Chapuys might suggest, as if of himself, that perhaps such a renewal of amity might be more easily effected now, and without any need of a council, with some suitable provision for the Princess, than during the Queen's life—not for the sake of coming to an agreement with Henry, which would not be for the Princess's advantage while he is so obstinate with his Concubine (age 35), but to abate the insolence of Francis, and perhaps to compel the king of England, in indignation, to treat with Charles for the benefit of the Princess; and, in any case, to gain time. Hopes then to make such preparations that Francis must either accept his conditions or he shall repent it. He may tell the king of England not to let himself be misled by the boasts of the French, for it will be seen in six weeks if Charles be not the stronger. He may also tell the King or Cromwell that all the French king's boasting (braveté) is only for the duchy of Milan, about which Charles can arrange with him any day on such terms as he pleases. Will inform Chapuys what comes of the negociations now on foot about it; and he may write his advice what stipulations he thinks Charles might insist upon with Francis in behalf of the Princess.

Since the above was written, received on the 25th his letters of the 21st and 29th Jan. Approves of his conduct in consoling and advising the Princess. Thinks the language of the King and Cromwell shows they want to set the above [alliance] on foot. Agrees with his advice that the Princess should feign a wish to enter religion. Delays writing to her lest his letters be intercepted; but Chapuys may assure her that he hopes to remedy her treatment (son affaire) to her satisfaction, whatever turn matters take, either for peace or war. Is much grieved at the death of his aunt, and especially that the manner of it should have been such as Chapuys reports. Naples, last day of Feb. 1536.Fr. From a modern copy, pp. 3.

Pepy's Diary. 29 Feb 1664. Up and by coach with Sir W. Pen (age 42) to Charing Cross, and there I 'light, and to Sir Phillip Warwick (age 54) to visit him and discourse with him about navy business, which I did at large and he most largely with me, not only about the navy but about the general Revenue of England, above two hours, I think, many staying all the while without, but he seemed to take pains to let me either understand the affairs of the Revenue or else to be a witness of his pains and care in stating it. He showed me indeed many excellent collections of the State of the Revenue in former Kings and the late times, and the present. He showed me how the very Assessments between 1643 and 1659, which were taxes (besides Excise, Customes, Sequestrations, Decimations, King and Queene's (age 54) and Church Lands, or any thing else but just the Assessments), come to above fifteen millions. He showed me a discourse of his concerning the Revenues of this and foreign States. How that of Spayne was great, but divided with his kingdoms, and so came to little. How that of France did, and do much exceed ours before for quantity; and that it is at the will of the Prince to tax what he will upon his people; which is not here. That the Hollanders have the best manner of tax, which is only upon the expence of provisions, by an excise; and do conclude that no other tax is proper for England but a pound-rate, or excise upon the expence of provisions. He showed me every particular sort of payment away of money, since the King's coming in, to this day; and told me, from one to one, how little he hath received of profit from most of them; and I believe him truly. That the £1,200,000 which the Parliament with so much ado did first vote to give the King (age 33), and since hath been reexamined by several committees of the present Parliament, is yet above £300,000 short of making up really to the King (age 33) the £1,200,000, as by particulars he showed me¹.

Note 1. A committee was appointed in September, 1660, to consider the subject of the King's revenue, and they "reported to the Commons that the average revenue of Charles I, from 1637 to 1641 inclusive, had been £895,819, and the average expenditure about £1,110,000. At that time prices were lower and the country less burthened with navy and garrisons, among which latter Dunkirk alone now cost more than £100,000 a year. It appeared, therefore, that the least sum to which the King (age 33) could be expected to 'conform his expense' was £1,200,000". Burnet writes, "It was believed that if two millions had been asked he could have carried it. But he (Clarendon) had no mind to put the King (age 33) out of the necessity of having recourse to his Parliament".-Lister's Life of Clarendon, vol. ii., pp. 22, 23.

Greville Memoirs. 29 Feb 1832. Ebrington (age 78) took Harrowby's letter to Lord Grey, who was satisfied but not pleased; the date and the circumstances (which were explained) removed all bad impressions from his mind. Since this a garbled version (or rather extracts) has appeared in the 'Times,' which endeavours to make a great stir about it. Harrowby was very much annoyed, and thought of sending the letter itself to the 'Times' to be published at once; but Haddington and I both urged him not, and last night he put a contradiction in the 'Globe.' I have little doubt that this as well as the former extracts came from the shop of Durham and Co., and so Melbourne told me he thought likewise. There was a great breeze at the last Cabinet dinner between Durham and Richmond again on the old subject—the Peers. I believe they will now take their chance. Our list presents forty-seven sure votes besides the doubtful, but not many pledges. As to me, I am really puzzled what to wish for—that is, for the success of which party, being equally disgusted with the folly of both. My old aversion for the High Tories returns when I see their conduct on this occasion. The obstinacy of the Duke, the selfishness of Peel, the pert vulgarity of Croker, and the incapacity of the rest are set in constant juxtaposition with the goodness of the cause they are now defending, but which they will mar by their way of defending it. A man is wanting, a fresh man, with vigour enough to govern, and who will rally round him the temperate and the moderate of different parties—men unfettered by prejudices, connections, and above all by pledges, expressed or implied, and who can and will address themselves to the present state and real wants of the country, neither terrified into concession by the bullying of the press and the rant of public meetings and associations, nor fondly lingering over bygone systems of government and law. That the scattered materials exist is probable, but the heated passion of the times has produced so much repulsion among these various atoms that it is difficult to foresee when a cooler temperature may permit their cohesion into any efficient mass.