Bede. AUGUSTINE, COMING INTO BRITAIN, FIRST PREACHED IN THE ISLE OF THANET [Map] TO KING ETHELBERT (age 47), AND HAVING OBTAINED LICENCE, ENTERED THE KINGDOM OF KENT, IN ORDER TO PREACH THEREIN. [A.D. 597.]

Augustine (age 57), thus strengthened by the confirmation of the blessed Father Gregory (age 57), returned to the work of the word of God, with the servants of Christ, and arrived in Britain. The powerful Ethelbert (age 47) was at that time king of Kent; he had extended his dominions as far as the great river Humber, by which the Southern Saxons are divided from the Northern. On the east of Kent is the large Isle of Thanet [Map] containing according to the English way of reckoning, 600 families, divided from the other land by the river Wantsum, which is about three furlongs over, and fordable only in two places, for both ends of it run into the sea. In this island landed the servant of our Lord, Augustine (age 57), and his companions, being, as is reported, nearly forty men. They had, by order of the blessed Pope Gregory (age 57), taken interpreters of the nation of the Franks, and sending to Ethelbert (age 47), signified that they were come from Rome, and brought a joyful message, which most undoubtedly assured to all that took advantage of it everlasting joys in heaven and a kingdom that would never end with the living and true God. The king (age 47) having heard this, ordered them to stay in that island [Map] where they had landed, and that they should be furnished with all necessaries, till he should consider what to do with them. For he had before heard of the Christian religion, having a Christian wife of the royal family of the Franks, called Bertha (age 32); whom he had received from her parents, upon condition that she should be permitted to practice her religion with the Bishop Luidhard, who was sent with her to preserve her faith. Some days after, the king (age 47) came into the island, and sitting in the open air, ordered Augustine (age 57) and his companions to be brought into his presence. For he had taken precaution that they should not come to him in any house, lest, according to an ancient superstition, if they practiced any magical arts, they might impose upon him, and so get the better of him. But they came furnished with Divine, not with magic virtue, bearing a silver cross for their banner, and the image of our Lord and Saviour painted on a board; and singing the litany, they offered up their prayers to the Lord for the eternal salvation both of themselves and of those to whom they were come. When he had sat down, pursuant to the king's (age 47) commands, and preached to him and his attendants there present, the word of life, the king (age 47) answered thus:—"Your words and promises are very fair, but as they are new to us, and of uncertain import, I cannot approve of them so far as to forsake that which I have so long followed with the whole English nation. But because you are come from far into my kingdom, and, as I conceive, are desirous to impart to us those things which you believe to be true, and most beneficial, we will not molest you, but give you favourable entertainment, and take care to supply you with your necessary sustenance; nor do we forbid you to preach and gain as many as you can to your religion." Accordingly he permitted them to reside in the city of Canterbury [Map], which was the metropolis of all his dominions, and, pursuant to his promise, besides allowing them sustenance, did not refuse them liberty to preach. It is reported that, as they drew near to the city, after their manner, with the holy cross, and the image of our sovereign Lord and King, Jesus Christ, they, in concert, sung this litany: "We beseech Thee, O Lord, in all Thy mercy, that thy anger and wrath be turned away from this city, and from the holy house, because we have sinned. Hallelujah."

Charter 3. 605. In nomine Domini nostri Iesu Christi. Notum sit omnibus tam presentibus quam posteris quod ego Æthelbertus (age 55) Dei gratia rex Anglorum, per euangelicum genitorem meum Augustinum de idolatra factus Christicola, tradidi Deo per ipsum antistitem aliquam partem terre iuris mei sub orientali muro ciuitatis Dorobernie [Map], ubi scilicet per eundem in Christo institutorem monasterium in honore principum apostolorum Petri et Pauli condidi, et cum ipsa terra et cum omnibus que ad ipsum monasterium pertinent perpetua libertate donaui, adeo ut nec mihi nec alicui successorum meorum regum nec ulli unquam potestati siue ecclesiastice siue seculari quicquam inde liceat usurpare, sed in ipsius abbatis sint omnia libera dicione. Si quis uero de hac donatione nostra aliquid minuere aut irritum facere temptauerit, auctoritate et beati pape Gregorii nostrique apostoli Augustini simul et nostra imprecatione sit hic segregatus ab omni sancte ecclesie communione et in die iudicii ab omni electorum societate. Circumcingitur hec terra his terminibus: in oriente ecclesia sancti Martini, et inde ad orientem be sywenne dune, et sic ad aquilonem be wykenge mearce, iterumque ad orientem et ad austrum be burnware mearce, item ad orientem et ad austrum be suth burnware mearke, et sic ad austrum et occidentem be kynges mearke, item ad aquilonem et orientem be kynges mearce, sicque ad occidentem to riðere ceape, et ita ad aquilonem to druting stræte. Actum est hoc in ciuitate Dorouernie, anno ab incarnatione Christi .dcv., indictione .vi.

Ego Athelbertus (age 55) rex Anglorum hanc donationem meam signo sancte crucis propria manu confirmaui.

Ego Augustinus gratia Dei archiepiscopus libenter subscripsi.

Ego Eadbaldus regis filius faui.

Ego Hamigisilus dux laudaui.

Ego Hocca comes consensi.

Ego Augemundus referendarius approbaui.

Ego Graphio comes benedixi.

Ego Tangisilus regis optimas confirmaui.

Ego Pinca consensi.

Ego Geddi corroboraui.

A.D. 605 (Canterbury). Æthelberht, king of the English, to St Augustine for the minster of SS Peter and Paul (St Augustine's), Canterbury; grant of land to the east of Canterbury. Latin with bounds.

Archive: Canterbury, St Augustine's

MSS: 1. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 111, pp. 310-11 (s. xvi)

Note 2. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 189, 46rv (s. xiv)

Note 3. Cambridge, Trinity Hall, 1, 22r (facsimile of lost single sheet, s. xv; Deanesly 1942, pl. facing p. 114)

Note 4. Cambridge, Trinity Hall, 1, 22r (s. xv)

Note 5. BL Add. 53710, 2v-3r (s. xiv)

Note 6. BL Add. 53710, 254r (s. xvi)

Note 7. BL Cotton Claud. D. x, 9r (s. xiii)

Note 8. BL Cotton Jul. D. ii, 84r (s. xiii)

Note 9. BL Cotton Tib. A. ix, 107v-108r (s. xiv)

Note 10. BL Cotton Vesp. B. xx, 277rv (s. xii; Gem 1997, p. 53)

Note 11. BL Cotton Vitell. A. ii, 6v (s. xii)

Note 12. BL Harley 358, 47v-48r (s. xvi)

Note 13. BL Lansdowne 447, 23v-24r (s. xvii)

Note 14. BL Lansdowne 863, 90v (s. xvi)

Note 15. Bodleian, Add. C. 296, 77r (s. xvii; ex 11)

Note 16. Bodleian, Dugdale 11, 20v (s. sxvii)

Note 17. Bodleian, Tanner 165, 97r (s. xv)

Note 18. Winchester, Cathedral Library, XXB, 157rv (s. xvi)

Printed: Spelman, Concilia, i. 119, ex MS 3; Twysden, X Scriptores, cols 1761-2 ex MS 5; Mon. Angl., i. 24, ex ? MS 10; Alford 1663, ii. 3; Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 728 ex Spelman; K 3 ex MS 3 etc.; Mon., Angl. (rev. edn), i. 110 (no. 36) ex MS 17, i. 126-7 (no. 2) ex 1st edn; Hardwick, Elmham, pp. 111-13, ex MS 3; HS, pp. 55-6, ex K etc.; B 5; Pierquin, Recueil, pt 1, no. 3; Kelly, St Augustine's, no. 2, ex MSS 3, 8, 10; Morris 1995, pp. 103-4, ex B.

Translated: Davis, Thorne, pp. 8-9 (ex Twysden, X Scriptores).

Comments: HS, pp. 55-6, questionable or spurious; Stevenson 1891, p. 742 n. 22, spurious, forged after 1066; Turner 1915, pp. xx-xxi; Wallenberg, KPN, p. 5, on place-names; Deanesly 1941/1, pp. 55-69; Deanesly 1942, pp. 104-10, authentic; Levison 1946, pp. 174-233, spurious, forged in late 11th century; Hunter 1973, on MS 3; Scharer 1982, p. 59, spurious; Sparks and Tatton-Brown 1987, p. 204, on bounds; Kelly 1988, perhaps forged soon after Conquest; Kelly, St Augustine's, pp. 11-13, spurious, forged on the basis of S 2; Morris 1995, pp. 89-98, some authentic basis.

Charter S2. 605. In nomine Domini nostri Iesu Christi. Omnem hominem qui secundum Deum uiuit et remunerari a Deo sperat et optat, oportet ut piis precibus consensum hilariter ex animo prebeat, quoniam certum est tanto facilius ea que ipse a Deo poposcerit consequi posse, quanto et ipse libentius Deo aliquid concesserit. Quocirca ego Æthilberhtus (age 55) rex Cantie, cum consensu uenerabilis archiepiscopi Agustini ac principum meorum, dabo et concedo Deo in honore sancti Petri aliquam partem terre iuris mei quæ iacet in oriente ciuitatis Dorobernie [Map], ita dumtaxat ut monasterium ibi construatur, et res quæ supra memoraui in potestate abbatis sit, qui ibi fuerit ordinatus. Igitur adiuro et precipio in nomine Domini Dei omnipotentis qui est omnium rerum iudex iustus¹ ut prefata terra subscripta donatione sempiternaliter sit confirmata, ita ut nec mihi nec alicui successorum meorum regum aut principum siue cuiuslibet conditionis dignitatibus et ecclesiasticis gradibus de ea aliquid fraudare liceat. Si quis uero de hac donatione nostra aliquid minuere aut irritum facere temptauerit, sit in presenti separatus a sancta communione corporis et sanguinis Christi, et in die iudicii ob meritum malitie suæ a consortio sanctorum omnium segregatus. Circumcincta est hec terra his terminibus: in oriente ecclesia sancti Martini, in meridie uia oþ burhgat, in occidente et in aquilone drutingestræte. Acta in ciuitate Dorouerni anno ab incarnatione Christi .dcv., indictione .vi.

Ego Æthelbertus (age 55) rex Cancie sana mente integroque consilio donacionem meam signo sancte crucis propria manu roboraui confirmauique.

Ego Ægustinus gratia Dei archiepiscopus testis consenciens libenter subscripsi.

Eadbald. Hamigils. Augemund referendarius. Hocca. Grafio. Thangil. Pinca. Geddi.

Note 1. Ps. vii. 12: qui est omnium iudex iustus

A.D. 605 (Canterbury). Æthelberht (age 55), king of Kent, to St Peter; grant of land to the east of Canterbury for the foundation of a minster. Latin with English bounds.

Archive: Canterbury, St Augustine's

MSS: 1. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 111, p. 310 (s. xvi)

Note 2. Cambridge, Trinity Hall, 1, 21v (facsimile of lost single sheet, s. xv; Hunter 1973, pl. 1; Kelly, St Augustine's, pl. 1)

Note 3. Cambridge, Trinity Hall, 1, 21v (s. xv)

Note 4. Canterbury, City Archives, Roll I/Z/1 m. 3 (s. xvi)

Note 5. BL Add. 53710, 221v (s. xiv)

Note 6. BL Add. 53710, 253v-254r (s. xvi)

Note 7. BL Cotton Claudius D. x, 61r (s. xiv)

Note 8. BL Cotton Cleop. F. i, 236r (s. xvi)

Note 9. BL Harley 358, 47v (s. xvi)

Note 10. BL Lansdowne 447, 23v (s. xvii)

Note 11. PRO Ch.R 20 Edw. II, m. 2

Note 12. PRO Ch.R. 36 Edw. III, m. 7

Note 13. PRO Ch.R. 8 Hen. IV, m. 6

Note 14. PRO Pat. R. 2 Hen. VI, pt 3, m. 5

Note 15. PRO Pat. R. 4 Edw. IV, pt 4, m. 29

Note 16. PRO Pat. R. 14 Hen. VII, pt 1, m. 16

Note 17. Bodleian, Dodsworth 10, 7r (s. xvii)

Note 18. Bodleian, Dodsworth 120, 115rv (s. xvii)

Note 19. Bodleian, Dugdale 11, 20r (s. xvii)

Note 20. Bodleian, Engl. Hist. C. 241, 21v (s. xvi)

Note 21. Winchester, Cathedral Library, XXB, 157r (s. xvi)

Printed: Spelman, Concilia, i. 118-19; Twysden, X Scriptores, col. 2123 ex MS 5; Mon. Angl., i. 23, ex ? MS 7; Alford 1663, ii. 76; Somner 1703, Appendix, p. 6, ex ? MS 5; Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 728, ex Spelman; K 2 ex MS 3; Mon. Angl. (rev. edn), i. 126 (no. 1); Hardwick, Elmham, pp. 109-10, ex MSS 2, 3; HS, pp. 54-5, ex K etc.; B 4 ex K, HS etc.; Pierquin, Recueil, pt 1, no. 2; Kelly, St Augustine's, no. 1, ex MSS 2, 7, 21; Morris 1995, pp. 102-3, ex B.

Translated: Davis, Thorne, pp. 565-6 (ex Twysden, X Scriptores).

Comments: HS, pp. 54-5, spurious or questionable; Turner 1915, p. xx, suspicious; Wallenberg, KPN, pp. 4-5, on place-names; Deanesly 1941/1, pp. 53-9; Deanesly 1942, p. 104 n. 7; Levison 1946, pp. 174-233, spurious, probably forged in late 11th century; Hunter 1973, on MS 2; Scharer 1982, p. 59, spurious; Kelly 1988, perhaps forged shortly before Conquest; Kelly, St Augustine's, pp. 4-9, fabrication partly modelled on a lost charter of Æthelberht II (725-62), witness-list may derive from a lost 7th-century source; Morris 1995, pp. 89-98, some authentic basis.

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. 1009. This year were the ships ready, that we before spoke about; and there were so many of them as never were in England before, in any king (age 43) days, as books tell us. And they were all transported together to Sandwich, Kent [Map]; that they should lie there, and defend this land against any out-force. But we have not yet had the prosperity and the honour, that the naval armament should be useful to this land, any more than it often before was. It was at this same time, or a little earlier, that Brihtric, brother of Earldorman Eadric "Streona aka Acquisitive" Mercia, betrayed Wulnoth, the South-Saxon knight, father of Earl Godwin (age 8), to the king (age 43); and he went into exile, and enticed the navy, till he had with him twenty ships; with which he plundered everywhere by the south coast, and wrought every kind of mischief. When it was told the navy that they might easily seize him, if they would look about them, then took Brihtric with him eighty ships; and thought that he should acquire for himself much reputation, by getting Wulnoth into his hands alive or dead. But, whilst they were proceeding thitherward, there came such a wind against them, as no man remembered before; which beat and tossed the ships, and drove them aground; whereupon Wulnoth soon came, and burned them. When this was known to the remaining ships, where the king (age 43) was, how the others fared, it was then as if all were lost. The king (age 43) went home, with the aldermen and the nobility; and thus lightly did they forsake the ships; whilst the men that were in them rowed them back to London. Thus lightly did they suffer the labour of all the people to be in vain; nor was the terror lessened, as all England hoped. When this naval expedition was thus ended, then came, soon after Lammas, the formidable army of the enemy, called Thurkill's army, to Sandwich, Kent [Map]; and soon they bent their march to Canterbury, Kent [Map]; which city they would quickly have stormed, had they not rather desired peace; and all the men of East-Kent made peace with the army, and gave them 3,000 pounds for security. The army soon after that went about till they came to the Isle of Wight; and everywhere in Sussex, and in Hampshire, and also in Berkshire, they plundered and burned, as THEIR CUSTOM IS.⁵⁴ Then ordered the king (age 43) to summon out all the population, that men might hold firm against them on every side; but nevertheless they marched as they pleased. On one occasion the king (age 43) had begun his march before them, as they proceeded to their ships, and all the people were ready to fall upon them; but the plan was then frustrated through Earldorman Eadric "Streona aka Acquisitive" Mercia, AS IT EVER IS STILL. Then after Martinmas they went back again to Kent, and chose their winter-quarters on the Thames; obtaining their provisions from Essex, and from the shires that were next, on both sides of the Thames. And oft they fought against the city of London; but glory be to God, that it yet standeth firm: and they ever there met with ill fare. Then after midwinter took they an excursion up through Chiltern⁵⁵, and so to Oxford, Oxfordshire [Map]; which city they burned, and plundered on both sides of the Thames to their ships. Being fore-warned that there was an army gathered against them at London, they went over at Staines; and thus were they in motion all the winter, and in spring, appeared again in Kent, and repaired their ships.

Note 54. These expressions in the present tense afford a strong proof that the original records of these transactions are nearly coeval with the transactions themselves. Later MSS. use the past tense.

Note 55. i.e. the Chiltern Hills; from which the south-eastern part of Oxfordshire is called the Chiltern district.

Henry Machyn's Diary. 14 Mar 1551. The xiiij day of Marche was hangyd, in Smyth-feld [Map], on John Mosbe and ys syster, for the death of a gentyll man of Feyversham, one M. Arden the custemer, and ys owne wyff was decaul.... and she was burnyd at Canturbery [Map] and her sarvand hangyd ther, and ij at Feyversham and on at Hospryng, and nodur in the he way to Canturbery, for the death of M. Arden of Feyversham. [and at Flusshyng was bernyd Blake Tome for the sam deth of M. Arden. [Note. This last line was added to the entry some time after it was written.]

Note. The murder of master Arden of Feversham. The particulars of this memorable domestic tragedy will be found very fully narrated in Holinshed's Chronicle; and from the Wardmote Book of Feversham in Jacob's History of that town, 8vo. 1774, p. 197. See also a long narrative among Stowe's transcripts, MS. Harl. 542, ff. 34-37. It created so great a public interest that it became the subject not only of a Ballad which will be found in Evans's collection, 1810, vol. iii. pp. 217-225; but also of a Play published in 4to. 1592, again in 1599 and 1633, and lastly in 1770, when the editor, Edward Jacob, esq. who afterwards published the History of Feversham above mentioned, in his preface offered "some reasons in favour of its being the earliest dramatic work of Shakspeare now remaining." Mr. Collier's remarks on this subject will be found in his History of the Stage and of Dramatic Poetry, iii. 52. Lillo also began a tragedy founded on the same story, which was finished by Dr. John Hoadly, and printed in 12mo. 1762.

The concern taken by the government in the prosecution of the parties guilty of this murder, is shown by the following extracts from the Privy Council book:-

"1551, 5^th Marche. A Lettere to the Justyces of Peace in Kente, advertesinge them the order taken for the punishmente of those that murdered Mr. Ardeyrn; Videliset, Sicely Pounder, widowe, and Thomas Mosbye, to be hanged in Smithfield, in London; Alice Ardeyrn, to be burned at Canterburye, and Bradshawe, to be hanged there in cheanes; Michaell Saunderson, to be hanged, drawne, and quartered, at Feversham, and Elizabeth Stafford to be burned there." (MS. Harl. 352, fol. 156.) On the same day, "A Letter to the Sherifes of London, to receave of the Sherife of Kent, Cicelye Poundere, widowe, and Thomas Mosbye, to be hanged in Smithfield, for the Murder of Thomas Ardeine of Fevershame; and a Letter to the Maiore of Canterburye, to receave of the Sherife of Kente Alice Ardeine, to be burned at Canterburye, and Bradshawe, to be hanged there, for the Murder of Mr. Ardeine." (lb. fol. 157.)

The actual murderer, and also one Greene, a confederate, had escaped. The following entries will be found to correct and explain Holinshed's account of their capture.

"1551, 28^th May. A Lettere to Mr. North, to enlarge one Bate out of thecountere, who convayed away one Greene, of Fevershame, after the Murdere of Mr. Ardeine was ther don, and undertaketh to brynge forthe Greene again, yf he may have libertie; providinge that he take sufficient sureties, either to become prisonere againe, or else to bringe forthe the said Greene." (lb. fol. 174.)

"1551, 15^th June. A Letter to S^r. William Godolphine knighte, of thankes for his dilligence in the apprehencione of Blacke Will, that killed Mr. Arderne of Feversham, and to send him in saufe garde, with promise of paymente for the charges of the bringeres "It appears from Holinshed and from our Diary (in which this person is called Black Tom,) that he was not sent home, according to this request, but was "burnt on a scaffold, at Flushing, in Zealand."