27 Jan 1551. Mons. de Lansac came from the French king² by way of request to ask that Caumilles, the fisching of the Twede, Edrington, the ground batable, and the Scottische hostages that were put Mere in the kinges my father's dayes should be delivered to thei Scottes; that they might be suffered to traffique, as though they were in peax, and that al interest of the foresaid houses (hostages?) should be delivered to the Scottes. Also that those prisoners wich were bound to pay there raunsolmes before the paix last concluded should not enjoy the benefite of the paix.

Note 2. "First of Februarie. — This daie there came to the counsaill the Frenche ambassador, with mons. de Lansake, newly sent from the King his maister with this messaige, that, forasmuch as he had taken the protection of the Scottishre queene, considering that Scotlande was comprehended, he could no lesse do then to desire the King, his good brother, to restore Edrington, the fyshing in Tweede, and other like lymits, with the neutrall estate of the Debatable grounde, in like manner as everything was before the begining of the last warrs. Secondarily, where certain Englishmen had bene prisoners in Scotland, and delivered upon raunsoms agreed before the conclusion of peace, did now denye the payments of their said raunsoms, which was against reason, so prayed order might be taken that thei should paie accordingly. Thirdelye, being in peace with Scotland, &c. it was no reason wee shulde defend them the trafficque within this Realme, wherefore he prayed th'enteroourse betweene bothe realmes might be open, and that restitucion might be made of V. shippes of Scotlande staled there since the peace. Finallie, where certain ostages remaigned with us for divers of those prisoners that were taken at Solomosse, the French king desireth the King's majestic to deliver them, like as at his request they of St. Andrewes have bene delivered in Fraunce. Of all which matter the counsaill determined to take deliberacion, praying the Frenche to have patience for a few daies, and thei shulde be answered accordingly."

"iij^d. of Februarye. — This daie a servant of lorde Maxwell in Scotlande presented certein lettres from mr. Mason, th'effect whereof consisted in the request of lord Maxwell, with xvj. of his folkes, and as many horses, to passe through into Scotlande, whiche being debated in counsaill seemed a matter of greate ymportaunce, that the Scotts and Frenche shulde pass to and fro through this realme, Scotland being now made French. And because it appeareth the libertie thereof shuld much advance the Frenche affaires and hinder our owne, therefore it was resolved and answerd that he shiilde not passe this waie; whiche with fayre wordes was dissembled to him that came from lorde Maxwell, upon pretence that the realm had become so charged with the furnishing of those that syns the peace concluded had thus passed to and from, that wee coulde not convenyentlye any longer support it, wherefore he was prayed to have patience." (How the French king resented this may be seen in Tytler, Hist. Scotland, vi. 437.)

"xiiij^th of Februarie. — This dale the Frenche ambassador and mons^r. de Lansack had accesse to the counsaill for aunswere to the poincts proponed by the same Lansack, whiche were aunswered to this effect: — First, where he desyred full restitucion of Edrington and other things belonging to the realme of Scotlande in like astate as thei were before the beginning of the last warrs, albeit that by the treatie last made it was lawfull for the King's majestie to enjoie and keepe not only Edrington, with other things that he keepeth, not within that realme; haveing had the same in his possession long before the last treatie. Yet his Majestie, for the more perficte declaracion of his desire to the contynuance of the amytie, wolde send a gentleman of his owne very shortly to the French king, with suche aunswere in that parte as of reason he oughte to be contented withall.

"To the seconde part, touching the debts of prisoners due before the treatye, it was agreed that what prisoner soever was free of prison before the treatye, and indebted for his raunsome, he shulde paie the debt, on condicion the like order might be taken withe the Scotts that were at that tyme in like case indebted to Englishmen.

"To the iij^de, tooching the restitucion of shippes, and the libertye of trafEcque, the King's majestie, to gratifie his good brother the French king, was contented that those Scottish shippes whiche remaigne staled here shalbe sett at lybertie, except such as are piratts. And for the trafBcque, his Majestie is pleased that all the Scottish shippes whiche are driven in by tempest or that come by necessitie shall have libertie to goo agayne, according to the treatie made betweene king Edward iiij^th. and king James the iij^d., but as for further libertie of trafficque coulde not conveniently consent.

"Finallie, to the deliverie of the hostages, his Majestie's pleasure shulde be therein declared to the King his good brother by the said gentleman appoincted to goe from hense for that purpose.

"Moreover, wheare the Frenche ambassador desired his pacquetts of lettres might at all tymes passe to and fro without empeachment, it was agreed he shoulde so have them, and that therefore order shulde be taken as well for post horses to serve the bearers of his said lettres, to and fro, for their reasonable money; as also that the lorde wardeigne of the marches shulde, upon sight of the pacquetts, being either addressed to the Frenche king or to the said embassador, to suffer them to pass to and fro."

16 Feb 1551. Whalley¹ was examined for perswading divers nobles of the realme to make the duke of Somerset protectour at the next parleament, and stode to the denial, th'erl of Rutlande (age 24) affirming it manifestly.

Note 1. Richard Whalley, esquire, of Screaton, co. Nottingham, receiver of Yorkshire. "Feb. xvj. This daie th'erle of Rutlande (age 24) reported unto the counsaill certain ill practices and evil wordes used by mr. Whalley verie seditiouse and of greate importe; whereunto Whalley made deniall. But upon the debateing of the matter betweene them face to face, it appeared that mr. Whalley was culpable, for the whiche he was committed to the Fleete [Map]. Th'erle of Westmorelande (age 26) and baron Hilton were comaunded to repaire into their countreys for the more strength thereof in all events." — "Feb. xviij. Sir Frauncis Leeke was this daie called before the counsaill tooching the witnessing of the matter betweene th'erle of Rutland (age 24) and mr. Whalley, and examined upon ij . questions: First, wheather he reported to mr. Whalley a comunicacion of the lorde admyrall unto th'erle of Rutlande, in a question Wheather th'erle was a Somerset or a Warwicke, or a Lyncolneshire or Nottinghamshire. And the seconde, wheather th'erle of Rutlande, imediatelye after his taike with Whalley, reaported to mr. Leeke that he misliked much Whalley's talk. To the first he utterly denyeth that ther was any such comunicacion tooching my lord admirall. And to the ij^de he saithe that, at th'erle's house, the earle asked him of Whalley whan he sawe him, who tolde him he sawe him of late att his house Marie, saith th'erle, he hathe beene here with me, and pratled very muche whiche I like not." — "April ij. Mr. Whalley bounden in M¹. li. by recognisaunoe t'appeare from daie to daie, and t'abide suche order as the lordes shall awards. And thereupon discharged out of the Fleete." (Council Book.) He was sent to the Tower among Somerset's friends in the following October.

28 Feb 1551. The lerned man Bucerus (age 59)³ died at Cambrige, who was tow daies after buried in Saint Maries church [Map], at Cambrige, al the hole universite with the hole towne bringing him to the grave, to the nombre 3,000 persons; also there was an oracion of mr. Haddon made verie eloquently at his death, and a sermon of (dr. Parker (age 46)).^1a After that mr. Redman made a thirde sermon.^2a Wich three sermons made the peple wonderfully to lament his death. Last of al, alle the learned men of th'universite made ther epitaphes in his praise, laieng them on his grave.^3a

Note 3. Martin Bucer (age 59) and Paul Fagius, having been invited from Strasburgh by Cranmer (age 61), arrived in London on the 25th of April, 1549. They resided at Lambeth for a quarter of a year, and then proceeded to Cambridge, where Bucer became professor of Divinity, and Fagius of Hebrew. The climate of the English university soon affected them. Fagius died on the 13th Nov. 1550, "after having suffered most severely from a quartan fever since the 28th of August." (Letter of Bucer in the Zurich Letters, iii. 549.) Bucer almost immediately — in the month of August 1549 — fell into ill health, suffering from a complication of disorders, from which he had a temporary reprieve at the time of the death of Fagius. (See his letter, dated May 18, 1550, ibid. p. 543.) There is a little book edited by Conrad Hubert entitled "Historia vera de vita, obitu, sepultura, accusatione hffireseos, condemnatione, honorificaq' tandem restitutione beatorum atque doctiss. Theologorum, D. Martini Buceri et Pauli Fagii, quas intra annos xii. in Anglias regno accidit. Item historia Catharinse Vermiliee, D. Petri Martyris Vermilij castiss. atque pijssims coniugis, eshumatje, eiusdemq; ad honestam sepulturam restitutse. Cum Orationibus, Concionib. Epitaphijs, uariisq; Encomiasticis carminibus, Lectu dignissimis. Omnia paucissimis hactenus uisa. 1562." (Colophon, Argentina, m.d. li.) fF. 215. 12mo. Foxe gives the particulars of the barbarous exhumation and cremation of the bones of Bucer and Fagius which subsequently took place in the reign of queen Mary, accompanied by a curious engraving of the scene. The bones of the "wife of Peter Martyr underwent the same ordeal at Oxford. Some interesting notices of King Edward from the pen of Bucer will be seen in the Biographical Memoir.

Note 1a. Bucer left Matthew Parker (age 46) and Walter Haddon his executors. See in the Zurich Letters, iii. 361, one addressed by them to the guardians of Bucer's children, accompanied by an inventory of his personal property. The Latin oration of Haddon, who officiated as university orator, occurs in Haddoni Lucubrationes, Lond. 1597; also in Historia vera, mentioned in the preceding note, and in Buceri Scripta Anglicana (see next note), pp. 882 — 892. Parker's sermon was preached in English, but ex Anglico in Latinum versa was published both in the Historia vera and in Buceri Scripta Anghcana, pp. 892 — 899.

Note 2a. John Redman, master of Trinity college, preached on the day following the funeral. His sermon, which like Parker's was in English, does not appear to have been published. He died himself in the following November: see various documents relative to the "godly confession" he made on his death-bed printed by Foxe.

Note 3a. The "epitaphs" or epigrams were published in a book bearing this title: "De obitu doctissimi et sanctissimi theologi doctoris Martini Buceri, Eegij in celeberrima Cantabrigiensi Academia apud Anglos publice sacrarum literamm praelectoris, Epistolaj duse. Item, Epigrammata varia cum Græcæ (sic) tum Latinè conscripta in eundem fidelissimū Divini uerbi ministrum. Londini, Anno Domini m.d.li. (in officina Eeginaldi Vuolfij coloph.)," 4to. 52 leaves. The copy now in the Grenville collection in the British Museum was that which belonged to the earl of Arundel, and has his autograph ArundeL on the title-page. The book was edited by sir John Cheke; and the first of the two Epistolæ is addressed by him to Peter Martyr. It relates the proceedings on the day of the funeral, and is dated Westmonasterij, x Martij, M.D.Li. The second letter is addressed to Cheke by Nicholas Carr Novocastrensis (who was Cheke's successor as reader of Greek): it is dated from Trinity college, Cambridge, Anno Domini m.d.li. Id. Mart, and occupies the greater part of the book (27 leaves). Then follow the Epigrammata, which are by Henry duke of Suffolk (age 15), Charles Brandon (age 14) his brother, John lord Sheffield (age 13) (three young noblemen then at Cambridge), John Cheke, Anthony Cooke, Walter Haddon, Nicholas Carew (in Greek, the others in Latin), Robert Pember, Edward Bovington, Christopher Carlel (both in Latin and Greek), Miles Wilson, Henry Ailand (in Greek), John Tomson, John Frere (Latin and Greek), Thomas Gardiner, William Boyton (Greek), John Cul- peper (Latin and Greek), Eichard Kytchin, Peter Perusinus, Thomas Wilson, John Goodrich, Oswald Metcalfe, John Bacher (Baker?), WilKam Harward, Henry Wright, John Seman, Thomas Lews, William Temple, Nicholas Karvill (or Carvill, afterwards bishop elect of Worcester), William Leche, Francis Newton, Alexander Nowell, William Lewis, John Herd, Peter Bellopoelius, Bartholomew Traheron, Nicholas Udall, William Buckley, and Martin Fargan. Cheke has added an epitaph in Latin hexameters by himself on sir Anthony Denny, and four Greek lines headed "Marise Cicella; Epitaphium i. c.;" and the book concludes with a Latin letter addressed by him to Haddon, who was then seriously ill, shortly after the death of Bucer, dated 19 Martij, Anno 1551. Of this last a translation is given in Strype's Life of Cheke; but Strype never saw the book which has now been described. Its contents are all reprinted in the Historia vera, &c. already mentioned in the preceding notes, and again in Martini Buceri Scripta Anghcana fere omnia, also edited by Conrad Hubert, and printed Basilece, m.d.lxxvii. folio. An English letter from Cheke to Parker, written from Westminster on the 9th of March, is published with Cheke's "Gospel according to Saint Matthew," edited by James Goodwin, B.D. 1843, p. 115. It begins: "I have delivered the universitee lettres to the King's M. [this letter will be found in Dr. Lamb's Cambridge Documents, p. 154], and spoken with the lords of the councel, and with mi lord of Canturburie for m^res Bucere. I dout not she schal be wel and worthili considered." As the result of this we find the following entries: — "March xxxi. A lettre to (blank)- to paie to mistress Bucer her husbandes half-yeres pencion due to Mm at our Ladies daie last past, although he died before, and to allowe her reasonabehe for suche reparacions as shee bestowed about her howse. — A passport for the said mistress Bucer, and viij persones in her compaaye." (Council Book.) The university gave the widow a hundred crowns, and the King as many marks. (Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, ii. 54.)

18 Mar 1551. The lady Mary (age 35) my sister came to me to Whestmuster¹, wheare after salutacions she was called with my counsel into a chambre, where was declared how long I had suffered her masse against my will² in hope of her reconciliation, and how now, being no hope, wich I perceived by her lettres, except I saw some short amendement, I could not beare it. She answerid that her soul was God('s), and her faith she wold not chaung, nor dissemble hir opinion with contrary doinges. It was said I constrained not her faith, but willed her (not as a king to rule, but³) as a subject to obey. And that her esaumple might breed to much inconvenience.

Note 1. "The XV. day of March the lady Mary rode through London unto Saynt John's [at Clerkenwell], her place, with fifty knights and gentlemen in velvet coats and chains of gold afore her, and after her fourscore gentlemen and ladies, every one having a pair of beads of black. She rode through Chepeside and through Smithfield. The xvij. day [not 18 as in the King's Journal] my lady Mary rode from Saynt John's through Fleet-street unto the court at Westminster, with many noblemen, of lords and knights and gentlemen, and ladies and gentlewomen; and at the court-gate she alighted, and was received by mr. Wingtield, the comptroller of the King's house, and many lords and knights, and so she was brought through the hall into the chamber of presence, and so she tarried there, and had a goodly banquet, two hom-s. And soon after she took her horse and rode unto Saynt John's; and there she lay all night; and on the morrow her Grace rode to New hall in Essex; and there bided in grace, with honour, thanked be God and the King her brother." — Machyn's Diary, p. 5.

Note 2. These words are struck through with the King's pen.

Note 3. These words are inserted above the line.