Diary of Edward VI. 24 Mar 1550. Peax⁴ concluded between Englaund, Fraunce, and Scoteland, by, on th' English side, Jhon erl of Bedford lord previ seal, lord Paget de Beaudesert, sir William Petre (age 45) secretary, and sir Jhon Mason (age 47); on the French side, monsuir de Bochepot⁵, mons. Chastillon,^1a Guillart de Mortier,^2a and Bouchetel de Sarcy,^3a upon condicions, that al titles, tributs and defensis shuld remaine; that the fault of on(e) man, except he be unpunished, shuld not breake the league; that the shippes of marchaundis shal passe to and froe, that pirats shall be called bake, and shippes of warre; that prisoners shal be deliverid of both sides; that we shal not warr with Scoteland, except new occasion be gieven; that Boulein, with the pecis of new conquest, and 2 basilicus,^4a 2 demy canons, 3 culvrins, 2 dimy culvrins, 3 sacres, 6 faucons, 94 hagbutes a croke with wodden tayles,^5a 21 iron peces; and Lodres^1b and Dunglas, with, all th' ordonaunce, saving that that cam from Hadington, shall, within six monthes after this peax proclaimed, be delivred, and for that the French to pay 200,000 scutes within three dayes after the delivery of Boullein, and 200,000 scutes on our Ladie day in harvest next ensuyng, and that if the Scottes raised Lodr. et [?]. we shuld raise Roxborough and Aymouth. For the performance of wich on the 7 of April shuld be deliveride at Guisnes and Ard thies hostagies:

²Marques de Means (age 31).^1c, My lord of Soutlifolke (age 14).^2c

Mons. Trimouille (age 29).^1d My lord of Hertford (age 10).^2d

Mons. d'Anguien (age 21).^3d My lord Talbot (age 22).^4d

Mons. Montmorency (age 19).^5d My lord Fizwarren (age 21).^6d

Mons. Henaudiere.^7d My lord Matravers (age 12).^8d

Vicedam de Chartres (age 28).^9d My lord Straunge (age 18).^10d

Note 4. The commission issued by Henry H. King of France on the 20th Jan. to his four plenipotentiaries to treat for peace is printed in Rymer, Fœdera, xv. 202, and that to the same persons for its ratification, dated 31 March, ibid. p. 220. King Edward's instructions to his commissioners are printed by Burnet, History of the Eeformation, ii. Eecords, No 49, followed (No. 50) by other articles devised in answer to certain doubts moved on the 27th Feb. The original of the latter paper is in MS. Cotton. Caligula, E. IV. (not E. I. as Burnet gives the reference) fol. 270, preceded by other original instructions, also bearing the signatures of the King and council. The treaty itself is printed in Rymer's collection, xv. 211.

Note 5. François de Montmorency (age 54), seigneur de la Rochepot, governor of the isle of France, and lieutenant-general in Picardy. He was younger brother to the constable Anne duc de Montmorency (age 57); and died in 1551. Auselme, Histoire Genealogique, iii. 603.

Note 1a. Gaspard de Coligny II. seigneur de Chatillon-sur-Loing, son of Gaspard de Coligny I. marshal of France, who died in 1541, and brother to Odet cardinal de Châtillon and François seigneur d'Andelot. He was born in 1516, and was now lieutenant-general of the Boulenois in the absence of the seigneur de la Rochepot. After the death of the seigneur d'Annebaut, in 1552, he was made admiral of France. He was afterwards still more distinguished as the chief of the Huguenots, and was one of the victims of the massacre of St. Bartholomew in 1572. Anselme, Histoire Geneal. vii. 152, 883.

Note 2a. André Guillart seigneur du Mortier, a privy councillor.

Note 3a. Guillerm Bochetel seigneur de Sassy, secretary of state and the finances, and greffier of the order of St. Michael.

Note 4a. The acquittance of the French commissioners on the receipt of the artillery and munitions here mentioned, dated the 24th March, is printed in Rymer, xv. 218. The list agrees very nearly with that given by King Edward: — "c'est assavoir, deux Gros Cannons qu'on appelle Bazehqs, deux Demys Canons, trois Coullevrines, deux Demyes Coulevrines, deux Sacres, six Faulcons, soixante quartorze Harquebuzes a crochet de bronze, quinze pieces de fer qu'on appelle Serpentines bons et mauvais, six Harquebuzes de fer a crocq, quatre barillz pouldre serpentine, septcens boulletz de fer pour demyz canons, quatre cens quatre vingtz boullets de fer pour coullevrines, quatre cens quatre vingtz douze boullets de fer pour demys coullevrines, et quatre vingtz douze boullets de fer pour sacres "Two of the "long French pieces called Basiliques" had been brought to Portsmouth, and are mentioned in a warrant addressed to sir Francis Flemming, April 2, 1550. (Council Book.)

Note 5a. The MS. is indistinct in the word "tayles" or "rayles;" but the figures are 94, instead of 74, according to the French receipt. "Hagbuttes of croke of yron" occur in an inventory of the royal artillery, 1 Edw. VI. printed in Meyrick's Critical Inquiry into Antient Armour, vol. iii. p. 11: and the croke is there explained as "the crooked part of the butt protected by iron." The hakbute, or harquebus, was "a short but heavy fire-arm whicli preceded the musket, and carried a ball of about three ounces. The stock of it greatly resembled that of a cross-bow." (Glossary in the same work.) I suspect the crook was really a rest to support it when discharged.

Note 1b. Lauder, in Scotland.

Note 2b. The French hostages were given as security for the payment of the sum of 200,000 crowns in the following August; the English as security for the restoration of the town of Boulogne to France. The custom of giving hostages during the period of a treaty for peace is one of very remote antiquity. "Jurisconsultis obsides dicuntur, qui dati sunt a populi Komani hostibus pro captivis redimendis, vel pro pace componenda." (Lexicon Antiq. Eoman.) The selection of the children of persons of high rank for this purpose may also be traced to the Roman times. Csesar mentions a resolution "Obsides nobilissimi cujusque liberos poscere." (De Bello Gall. i. 31. j The same custom may be traced existing at long intervals in subsequent ages. On the treaty with Scotland in 1139, David king of Scots gave as hostages to king Stephen the sons of five earls. (Ric. of Hexham, in Twysden's Decern Scriptores.) At the conclusion of peace between Edward II. and France in 1325, ten noble youths, who happened at the time to be wards of the Crown, were appointed to accompany the royal train. Their names were Edward de Monthermer, Bernard de la Bret, Jame le Botiller, Johan de Multon, Eobert de Ferrers, Johan Lestrange, Esteven Dabingdon, Hugh le Despenser, Donenald de Mar, and Eic. Tuyt. Each was to be attended either by a maistre or a compaignon. (Archasologia, xxxvi. 248.) On the present occasion the English hostages were all youths; but those of the French were of more advanced age. On the 28th of March the council directed "lettres to the duchesse of Suffolke to give order as the duke of Suffolke her son (being appointed to be a hostage in France) may be furnished and accompanied as to their honours and state belongeth; so as he may be beyond the seas by Easter day; and signifying his abode there not to be long, and his charges to be maintained by the Kinges Ma^tie. The like letters to the duke of Somerset for th'earl of Hertford his son; to th'earl of Warwick for the lord Lisle (age 23) his son; to th' earl of Shrewsbury (age 50) for the lord Talbot (age 22); to the earl of Bedford for the lord Russell; to the earl of Derby for the lord Straunge (age 18); to the earl of Huntingdon for the lord Hastings; to the earl of Bath for the lord Fitzwarren; to the earl of Arundell for the lord Matravers. [Of these it will be perceived that three, the lords Lisle, Russell, and Hastings, were afterwards excused.] Letters to the lord Talbot for his speedy repayre hither by post for the same purpose. "On the 1st of April" the receiver of the Wards has warrant for CC markes to the duke of Suffolke towards his furniture into France." On the following day the Council issued a "warrant to mr. Ayleworth receiver of Devon and Cornwall for C li. to the lord Fitzwarren son to the earle of Bath, towards his furniture, being appointed one of the noblemen hostages to be sent into France. Also a warrant to mr. Wilhams for C li. to the lord Talbot, of the sales, for like purpose. Letters to the lord Cobham (age 53), deputy of Calais, to provide carriage for the stuff and other necessaryes of the hostages, with lodging. Mr. Williams had warrant for M li. to Robert Beverley for the household of the hostages, imprest of the sales. Letter to the said Beverley to defray money upon the warrant of Richard Blunt; governour of the hostages. Warrant to (blanJc) for xl li. towards the furniture of the officers of the household of the hostages, as followeth, for the Pantry, Ewry, Buttrey, Cellar, Kitchen, Pastry, and ScuUery, viij in number, according to the bill." On the xiij April the council sent "lettres to mr. Dansell to have in readiness M'M' crownes of the sunne to be sent into France to the Kinges ma^tie hostages there, whensoever mr. Richard Blount their governour, or in his absence he that shall have the chief charge of them, shall send for the same; wherein he [Dansell] shoulde be repayd according to the value of the money." On the vij May, "a warrant to (blank) for payment of CC marks by waie of his Ma^tie gifte towards the charges of the furniture of the erle of Hertford, appointed one of the hostaiges lately sent into Fraunce." On the iiij July "a warrant to (blank) to paie CCxlvli. xvj s. iijd. to the duke of Somerset in recompense of his charges emploied on the erle of Hertford when he was sent hostaige."

Note 1c. Francois de Lorraine (age 31), marquis de Mayenne, eldest son of Claude first duc de Guise (age 53), and brother to Mary queen of Scotland (age 7). His father died whilst he was in England on this occasion, on the 12th April, 1550. He became prince de Joinville in 1552, and grand-maitre of France in 1559. He was killed at the siege of Orleans in 1563. Anselme, Hist. Geneal. de France, iii. 486, viii. 387.

Note 2c. Charles Brandon, second duke of Suffolk (1545), who died of the sweating sickness in 1551. Two miniatures of him (one of which is incorrectly assigned to his brother) are engraved in Chamberlain's Holbein Heads. Other particulars respecting him are collected in a note to Machyn's Diary, p. 318.

Note 1d. Louis III (age 29). of the name, seigneur de la Tremouille, born in 1521. For his military services in Italy, and elsewhere, Charles IX. erected his vicomté of Thouars into a duchy in 1563. He died at the seige of Mesle in 1577. Anselme, iv. 170.

Note 2d. Edward Seymour (age 10), the Protector's (age 50) heir apparent, by his second wife Anne Stanhope (age 53); restored to the dignity of earl of Hertford by queen Elizabeth in 1559, and died in 1621. Mr. Tytler, vol. i. p. 279, has printed a letter of the duke of Somerset to lord Cobham, deputy of Calais, thanking him for letters dated 13th April 1550, whereby "we be advertised of the good health of our son the earl of Hertford, and also of his behaviour towards the company where he cometh, gaining thereby much commendation, whereof we be right glad." The duke, though no longer Protector, retained the royal "We."

Note 3d. Jean de Bourbon (age 21), comte de Soissons et d'Enghien, brother to Anthony de Bourbon (age 31) at this time duc de Vendosme and afterwards king of Navarre, and to the cardinal de Bourbon (age 26). He was bom in 1528, and died of a pistol-shot received at the battle of St. Quintin in 1557. Anselme, i. 330.

Note 4d. George Talbot (age 22), only son of the earl of Shrewsbury (age 50): he succeeded as ninth earl 1560, and died 1590.

Note 5d. François de Montmorency (age 19), eldest son of the constable Anne duc de Montmorency (age 57). He was born in 1530, and when duc de Montmorency was grand maitre and constable of France; he was elected a knight of the Garter in 1572, as his father had been in 1532. He died in 1579. Anselme, iii. 604.

Note 6d. John Bourchier (age 21), son and heir apparent of William [John] earl of Bath (age 51). He died in his father's life-time, leaving issue William, who succeeded his grandfather in 1560 [1561].

Note 7d. Jean III. seigneur d'Annebaut, only son of Claude d'Annebaut (age 55), marshal and admiral of France, by Françoise de Toumemine, baronne de la Hunaudaye, whose title he now bore. He died of wounds received at the battle of Dreux in 1562, and was the last of his ancient family. Anselme, vii. 179.

Note 8d. Henry FitzAlan (age 12), only son of the earl of Arundel (age 37), born in 1538. He also died during his father's life, in the year 1556, and the ancient earldom went in consequence to the Howards.

Note 9d. Francois de Vendome (age 28), vldame de Chartres, succeeded his father in 1526, and died in 1563, in his 38th year, or, according to other authorities, in 1560. Anselme, viii. 731.

Note 10d. Henry Stanley (age 18), son and heir apparent of the earl of Derby (age 40). He succeeded his father (age 40) as the fourth earl in 1576 [1572?], and died in 1592 [1593].

Diary of Edward VI. 25 Apr 1550. The lord Clinton (age 38) captain of Bolein [Boulogne], having sent away befor al his men saving 1800, and al his ordonnaunce saving that the treaty did reserve, issued out of the towne with these 1800, delivering it to mons. Chastillon (age 31), receiving of him the six hostagies English¹, aquittaunce for delivery of the towne^1a and save-conduyt to com to Cales [Map], whither when lie cam(e) he placed 1800 in the emperour's frontieres.

Note 1. These young noblemen, when released from their honourable and very agreeable duty, were desirous to prolong their stay in France, in order to visit the French court. On the 24th of April — "Mocion was made for license that our hostaiges, that is to wete, the duke of Suffolke (age 14), th'erle of Hertforde (age 10), the lorde Matraverse (age 12), the lord Talbott (age 22), the lorde Strange (age 18), and the lorde Fitzwaren (age 21), might make their repaire unto the Frenche corte to see the king, like as the French hostaiges have libertie here to come to the corte. Whereupon it was thought convenient, that, forasmuch as the appointment of the delivery of Boloigne is this present day, which being accomplissed our hostaiges must be restored home, therefore they shall not have license till the counsaill be advertised of their deliverance: that, if they go, they may go at libertie and not as hostaiges. And to that effect a lettre written to mr. Blount, requiring him immediately upon their delivery to advertise the lords here, and to lerne withall the time of the Frenche king's approche into those parties, to th'entent our younge lords may meet him as neere the confines as may be.

"April xxviij. Upon lettres receaved from my lord Clynton (age 38) and Richard Blount esquire, of the receipt of our hostaiges which are already retorned to Calays, it was agreed that, forasmuch as the French king's comyng downe into Bullonoys is uncertain, our young lords that had been hostaiges shulde immediately return home, notwithstanding their request and first determinacion that they shulde have licence to visite the French king." (Council Book.)

Note 1a. Boulogne was delivered to the seigneur de la Eochepot and the seigneur de Chastillon (age 31) on the 25th of April by the hands of Edward lord Clinton (age 38), sir Richard Cotton, and sir Leonard Beckwith: see the acquittance of the French commissioners, mentioned by King Edward, in Rymer, xv. 228; the treaty for its surrender having been concluded on the 24th March (ibid. 230).

Diary of Edward VI. 02 May 1550. Jhon (Joan) Bocher, otherwis Jhon (Joan) of Kent¹, was burnt for holding that Christ was not incarnat of the Virgin Mary, being condemned the yere befor, but kept in hope of conversion; and the 30 of April the bishop of London (age 50) and the bishop of Elie² were to perswad her. But she withstode them, and reviled the preacher (age 40) that preached at her death.³

The first paiment was paied at Cales [Map], and received by sir Thomas (Maurice) Dennis (age 42) and mr. Sharington (age 55).

Note 1. Joan Bocher, alias Knell, was a martyr for religious opinions, whose story is not related by John Foxe: but that historian mentions her incidentally in his account of the King's character, illustrating his meek nature by the following anecdote: "Hee alwaies spared and favoured the life of man: as in a certain dissertation of his once appeared, had with master Cheeke in favoring the life of heretickes: in so much that when Joane Butcher should have been burned, all the counsel could not moove him to put-to his hand, but were faine to get doctour Cranmer to perswade with him, and yet neither coulde hee with much labour induce the King so to doe, saying, What, my lord, will yee have me send her quick to the devill in her error ? So that doctour Cranmer himselfe confessed that hee had never so much to doe in all his life, as to cause the King to put-to his hand, saying that he would laie aU the charge thereof upon Cranmer before God." This story, apocryphal at the best, has been considered so far to the discredit of Cranmer (age 60) that his friends have been anxious to vindicate him. Mr. Bruce, in the Works of Roger Hutchinson, edited for the Parker Society, 1842, Preface, p. iv., has shewn that the King would not be required to sign any document on the occasion, the warrant of the council being sufficient. For the particulars of Joan Bocher and her heresy see Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 43; the General Index to the Works of the Parker Society, 1855, p. 124; also the General Index to the Works of Strype, Oxford edition. The religious insurrection in Kent, which the King has just mentioned under the date of the 26th April, was perhaps the proximate cause of her suffering; for it was on the 27th that the council issued their warrant to the lord chancellor (age 53) to make out a writ to the sheriffs of London for her execution. (Council Book.)

Note 2. Ridley (age 50) and Goodrich.

Note 3. "There preached before her, or she dyed, Scory (age 40); and she said to hym he lyed lyke a knave, &c." Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 66. The preacher was John Scory, afterwards bishop of Hereford in the reign of Elizabeth.

Calendars. May 7. [1527] Sanuto Diaries, v. xlv. pp. 194–198.

105. Gasparo Spinelli, Venetian Secretary in London, to his brother Lodovico Spinelli, in Venice.

On the 4th instant all the ambassadors, with the exception of the Emperor's, were summoned to Greenwich, where, in the presence of the King and the chief personages of the Court, the French ambassador, the Bishop of Tarbes, delivered an oration, which was answered by the Bishop of London, who, on the morrow, Cardinal Wolsey being unable to officiate from indisposition, sang mass with the usual ceremonies; after which at the high altar, where the missal was opened by the Cardinal, the French ambassadors swore in his hands (“in mano dil R~mo Cardinal”) to observe the perpetual peace now concluded with the King of England, he on his part swearing in like manner.

Two of the ambassadors, namely the prelate and the soldier, dined with the King, the others dining together apart.

On rising from table they went to the Queen's apartment, where the Princess (age 11) danced with the French ambassador, the Viscount of Turenne, who considered her very handsome (“molto bella”), and admirable by reason of her great and uncommon mental endowments; but so thin, spare, and small (“cosi magreta et scarma et picola”) as to render it impossible for her to be married for the next three years.

Then yesterday¹ there was a joust, the challengers at the tilt (“al campo”) being four², the competitors (“concorrenti”) sixteen, each of whom ran six courses; a very delectable sight, by reason of the prowess of the knights. The joust ended with the day, not without rain, which rather impeded the jousting.

The King and the Queens³, with some 200 damsels (“damigelle”), then went to the apartments which I informed you in a former letter were being prepared [on one side of the list-yard at Greenwich] for the reception of the French ambassadors, the rest of the company following them. The site adjoined the other chambers from whence the King and the nobility view the jousts. They were but two halls, about thirty paces in length, and of proportional height and breadth. The centre of the ceiling of the first hall was entirely covered with brocatel of no great value, but producing a good effect; the walls were hung with the most costly tapestry in England, representing the history of David; and there was a row of torches closely set, illuminating the place very brilliantly, being ranged below the windows, which were at no great distance from the roof. The royal table was prepared in front of the hall, with a large canopy of tissue (“soprarizo”), beneath which was the King, with the Queens, his wife and sister, at the sides. Then came two long tables, at one of which, on the right-hand side, were seated the French ambassadors and the Princes, each pairing with some great lady. At the other table, to the left, the Venetian ambassador and the one from Milan placed themselves, with the rest of the lords and ladies. At no great distance from the two tables were two cupboards, reaching from the floor to the roof, forming a semicircle, on which was a large and varied assortment of vases, all of massive gold, the value of which it would be difficult to estimate, nor were any of them touched; silver gilt dishes of another sort being used for the viands of meat and fish, which were in such variety and abundance that the banquet lasted a long while.

The door of this hall was in the form of a very lofty triumphal arch, fashioned after the antique, beneath which were three vaulted entrances; through one passed the dishes for the table, through the other they were removed, and on each side of the centre one, which was the largest, stood two enormous cupboards bearing the wine to be served at table. Over the triumphal arch was a spacious balcony for the musicians, bearing the arms of the King and Queen, with sundry busts of Emperors, and the King's motto, “Dieu et mon droit” and other Greek (sic) words. Could never conceive anything so costly and well designed (“ben ordinata”) as what was witnessed on that night at Greenwich.

On rising from table all were marshalled, according to their rank, along a corridor of no great length to the other hall, which was of rather less size than the first. The floor was covered with cloth of silk embroidered with gold lilies. The ceiling, which was well nigh flat, was all painted, representing a map of the world (“mapamondo in Alpa forma”), the names of the principal provinces being legible; there were also the signs of the zodiac and their properties (“le loro proprietà”), these paintings being supported by giants. Along the sides of the hall were three tiers of seats, each of which had a beam placed lengthwise, for the spectators to lean on, nor did one tier interfere with the other. Above these tiers were in like manner three rows of torches, so well disposed and contrived as not to impede the view.

Within the space for the spectators, on the right-hand side, in the first tier, the ambassadors were placed, in the second the Princes, in the third those to whom admission was granted, they being few. On the opposite side, in the same order, were the ladies, whose various styles of beauty and apparel, enhanced by the brilliancy of the lights, caused me to think I was contemplating the choirs of angels; they, in like manner, being placed one above the other. Two-thirds of the distance down the hall, an arch of a single span had been erected, its depth being five feet and a half [English measure], all gilt with fine gold, the inside of the arch being decorated with a number of beautiful figures in low relief. The magnificence of this arch was such that it was difficult to comprehend how so grand a structure could have been raised in so short a space of time. In the centre, to the front (“nel fronte nel mezo”), stood the royal throne (“soglio”), on which the King sat, the two Queens being seated below at his feet.

All the spectators being thus methodically placed, without the least noise or confusion, and precisely as pre-arranged, the entertainment commenced. One thing above all others surprised me most, never having witnessed the like any where, it being impossible to represent or credit with how much order, regularity, and silence such public entertainments proceed and are conducted in England. First of all, there entered the hall eight singers, forming two wings, and singing certain English songs; in their centre was a very handsome youth alone, clad in skyblue tatfety, a number of eyes being scattered over his gown; and having presented themselves before the King, the singers then withdrew in the same order, there remaining by himself the youth, who, in the guise of Mercury, sent to the King by Jupiter, delivered a learned Latin oration in praise of his Majesty; which panegyric being ended, he announced that Jupiter, having frequently listened to disputes between Love and Riches concerning their relative authority, and that being unable to decide the controversy, he appointed his Majesty as judge, and requested him to pronounce and pass sentence on both of them. Thereupon Mercury departed, and next came eight young choristers of the chapel, four on each side; those to the right were all clad in cloth of gold, much ornamented, and the first of them was Cupid (“Amor”); the others to the left were variously arrayed, and their chief was Plutus (“la Richesa”); in the centre walked one alone, in the guise of Justice, who sang.

In this order they presented themselves to the King, before whom Justice commenced narrating the dispute between the parties, in English, and desired Cupid (“Amor”) to begin with his defence, to which Plutus (“la Richeza”) replied, each of the choristers on either side defending their leaders, by reciting a number of verses. The altercation being ended, Cupid and Plutus determined that judgment should go by battle, and thus, having departed, three men-at-arms in white armour, with three naked swords in their hands, entered from the end of the hall, and having drawn up under the triumphal arch, an opening was made in its centre by some unseen means, and out of the arch fell down a bar, in front of which there appeared three well-armed knights. The combat then commenced valiantly, man to man, some of them dealing such blows that their swords broke. After they had fought some while, a second bar was let down, which separated them, the first three having vanquished the others, fighting with great courage; and the duel (“duello”) being thus ended, the combatants quitted the hall in like manner as they had entered it. Thereupon there fell to the ground at the extremity of the hall a painted canvas [curtain], from an aperture in which was seen a most verdant cave (“antro”) approachable by four steps, each side being guarded by four of the chief gentlemen of the Court, clad in tissue doublets and tall plumes, each of whom carried a torch. Well grouped within the cave were eight damsels of such rare beauty as to be supposed goddesses rather than human beings. They were arrayed in cloth of gold, their hair gathered into a net, with a very richly jewelled garland, surmounted by a velvet cap, the hanging sleeves of their surcoats (“camisa”) being so long that they well nigh touched the ground, and so well and richly wrought as to be no slight ornament to their beauty. They descended gracefully from their seats to the sound of trumpets, the first of them being the Princess, hand in hand with the Marchioness of Exeter (age 24). Her beauty in this array produced such effect on everybody that all the other marvellous sights previously witnessed were forgotten, and they gave themselves up solely to contemplation of so fair an angel. On her person were so many precious stones that their splendour and radiance dazzled the sight, in such wise as to make one believe that she was decked with all the gems of the eighth sphere. Dancing thus they presented themselves to the King, their dance being very delightful by reason of its variety, as they formed certain groups and figures most pleasing to the sight. Their dance being finished, they ranged themselves on one side, and in like order the eight youths, leaving their torches, came down from the cave, and after performing their dance, each of them took by the hand one of those beautiful nymphs, and having led a courant together (“menata una chorea”) for a while, returned to their places.

Six masks then entered. To detail their costume would be but to repeat the words “cloth of gold,” cloth of silver,” &c. They chose such ladies as they pleased for their partners, and commenced various dances, which being ended, the King appeared. The French ambassador, the Marquis of Turrene, was at his side, and behind him four couple of noblemen (“signori”), all masked, and all wearing black velvet slippers on their feet, this being done, lest the King should be distinguished from the others, as from the hurt which he received lately on his left foot when playing at tennis (“allo palla”) he wears a black velvet slipper. They were all clad in tissue doublets, over which was a very long and ample gown of black satin, with hoods of the same material, and on their heads caps of tawney velvet. They then took by the hand an equal number of ladies, dancing with great glee, and at the end of the dance unmasked; whereupon the Princess with her companions again descended, and came to the King, who in the presence of the French ambassadors took off her cap, and the net being displaced, a profusion of silver tresses as beautiful as ever seen on human head fell over her shoulders, forming a most agreeable sight. The aforesaid ambassadors then took leave of her; and all departing from that beautiful place returned to the supper hall, where the tables were spread with every sort of confection and choice wines for all who chose to cheer themselves with them. The sun, I believe, greatly hastened his course, having perhaps had a hint from Mercury of so rare a sight; so showing himself already on the horizon, warning being thus given of his presence, everybody thought it time to quit the royal chambers, returning to their own with such sleepy eyes that the daylight could not keep them open.

As the Bishop of Tarbes is departing tomorrow morning in haste, I will not be more diffuse. He will be accompanied by Master Poyntz [Sir Francis Poyntz] and Clarencieux, king-of-arms, to do what I wrote in a former letter. On their departure each of the ambassadors received a gold cup from his Majesty.

London, 7th May 1527. Registered by Sanuto, 3rd June.

[Italian.]

Note 1. 6th May, according to the date of Spinelli's letter. In Hall's Chronicle (pp. 721, 722, ed. London, 1809), mention is made of the mass at Greenwich on Sunday, 5 May, and of the jousts, but of these last he does not state the precise date, giving, however, the names of the challengers, and adding that whilst they tilted “yt rained apace.”

Note 2. Namely. Sir Nicholas Carew (age 31), Sir Robert Jernyngham, Sir Anthony Browne (age 27), and Nicholas Harvy. (See Hall, as above.)

Note 3. Catharine (age 41), and Mary Queen Dowager of France (age 31).

Henry Machyn's Diary. The viij day of July [1551] was a plage, and a proclamasyon that [a testern shou]ld be but ixd, and a grot iijd; and anodur proclamasyon cam [out the] xviij day of August, that testerns cryd at vjd a pese; a grot [at ijd]; ijd but jd; and a jd ob.; and a alpeny a fardyng.

Note. Proclamations for depreciation of the coinage. Printed copies of these proclamations are in the collection in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, and their substance is stated in Ruding's Annals of the Coinage, 4to. 1817, ii. 107. Mr. Ruding, in a note in that page, throws some discredit on king Edward's accuracy as to dates in his Diary; but on that point it may be remarked that the proclamations were clearly prepared by the privy council some days before it was thought proper to make them public. The proclamation which according to the present diary was made known in London on the 8th of July, is printed with a blank date, "the of June."

A remarkable example of the effect produced by this depreciation of the currency is given in the account of Arden's murder in the Wardmote book of Feversham. The proceeds of the murderers' effects, after the payment of expenses, amounted "after the old rate," to 120l. "whereof there was lost by abasing or fall of the said money 60l." In consequence of this act of government rumours were current that further abasements were contemplated; and "By the letteres from London" it was reported "that on the 25. daye of July, or on St. James' daye, was a proclamation declaringe it was not the kinge nor his counseles intente to altere or abase any more his coynes yet; for heare wee greate rumors that in all haste, and that prively, the kinge and counsell was busye aboute the alteringe thearof, to be done out of hand, whearuppon many men wane their debts, which else would not have byn payde this vij. yeares." (MS. Harl. 353, f. 107.)

In the journals of the Privy Council are frequent entries relative to the prosecution of persons guilty of predicting further depreciations.

Henry Machyn's Diary. 16 Jul 1551. The xvj day of July ded of the swet the ij yonge dukes of Suffoke [Note. Henry Brandon 2nd Duke of Suffolk (deceased) and Charles Brandon 3rd Duke of Suffolk (deceased)] of the swet, boyth in one bed in Chambryge-shyre [Map]; and [buried] at (blank in MS.); and ther ded from the viij day of July unto the xix ded of the swett in London of all dyssesus, viijc. iijxx. and xij. and no more in alle, and so the chanseller is serteffyd.

Note. Death of the two young dukes of Suffolk. Henry and Charles Brandon, the only sons of Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk. Their mother was his second wife, Katharine (age 32), daughter and sole heir of William lord Willoughby de Eresby. (See some excellent letters of hers in Miss Wood's collection, vol. iii.) The report which reached our diarist is incorrect in two respects: the noble youths did not die "in one bed" nor "in Cambridgeshire." Their deaths took place at the bishop of Lincoln's palace [Map] at Bugden, in the county of Huntingdon. A narrative, entitled "Epistola de vita et obitu duorum fratrum Suffolciensium, Henrici et Caroli Brandon," written by sir Thomas Wilson, was shortly after printed. Two interesting extracts from this rare volume will be found in the Gentleman's Magazine for Sept. 1825, vol. xcv. ii. 206. The young men, accompanied by their mother, had just arrived at Bugden, when the duke was suddenly taken ill of the fatal sweat, which in five hours deprived him of life. The younger brother Charles, though placed in a distant chamber, immediately learned what had happened, and being asked by the physician upon what he was meditating, replied, "I am thinking how hard it is to be deprived of one's dearest friend." "Why do you say so?" said he. He answered, "How can you ask me? My brother is dead. However, it is of little matter, I shall soon follow him." And so he did, in half an hour. Sir Thomas Wilson admits the title of duke to the younger brother immediately on the elder's demise, and so we find from our Diary "the ij. dukes" were so called in London. The other extract given in the Gentleman's Magazine is a very high character (in Latin) of the young duke Henry, written by Dr. Walter Haddon, regius professor of civil law in the university of Cambridge: of this Strype (Memorials, Book ii. c. 4,) has given the substance in a translated form. Sir Thomas Wilson, in his Arte of Rhetorique, has also an interesting passage describing the characters of these young noblemen; and some Latin verses on their death, "Carmina in Mortem," &c. were written by Michael Reniger, and printed in 1552, 4to. The circumstance that their mother the duchess was the great patroness of the reforming divines accounts for the extraordinary interest excited by their death. An engraving in Chamberlain's Holbein Heads is taken from two miniatures, supposed to represent these brothers: but if the dates given in the inscriptions are compared, they will be found both to belong to the elder boy.

Note. Mortality from the sweating sickness. Two other reports of this have come down to us, and, though the figures do not exactly correspond, yet they seem all to have been derived from official returns, and there is also some difference in the periods of time. "Letters from London reporte there died in London of the sweatynge sicknes from the 7. of July till the 20. of the same 938 persons, but howe many have died since to this daye, beinge the 23., I knowe not. I truste it is nowe cleane gone." (MS. Harl. 353, f. 107.) Shortly after the disease had terminated, the celebrated Dr. Caius wrote a treatise upon it, which was printed in the following year, under the title of "A boke or counseill against the disease commonly called the sweate, or sweatyng sicknesse. Made by John Caius, doctour in physicke. 1552." Printed by Richard Grafton in black letter, 40 leaves, 12mo. The Dedication to the earl of Pembroke is dated 1st April, 1552. (Caius also wrote a Latin treatise on the same subject, of which a late edition, entitled "Johannis Caii de Ephemera Britannica liber unus," was printed in London, 8vo. 1721.) From this curious volume we learn that the disease first appeared with the army of Henry the Seventh, which arrived at Milford, out of France, the 7 Aug. 1485; next in 1506; again in 1517; a fourth time in 1528; and a fifth in 1551, shortly before the composition of his treatise. On this occasion, "Beginning at Shrewesbury in the middest of April, proceadinge with greate mortalitie to Ludlowe, Prestene, and other places in Wales, then to Westchestre, Coventre, Oxenfoorde, and other tounes in the Southe, and suche as were in and aboute the way to London, whether it came notablie the seventh of July, and there continuing sore, with the loss of vijC.lxi. from the ix. day until the xvi. daye, besides those that died in the vii. and viii. dayes, of whom no registre was kept, from that it abated until the xxx. day of the same, with the loss of C.xlii. more. Then ceasing there, it wente from thence throughe al the east partes of England into the northe, untill the ende of Auguste, at which tyme it diminished, and in the ende of Septembre fully ceassed." The following singular passage relating to this disease occurs in a report of the preaching of Thomas Hancocke, minister of Poole in Dorsetshire. "—in his doctrine he taught them that God had plagued this Realme most justly for their sins with three notable plagues. The first plague was a warning to England, which was the Posting Sweat, that posted from town to town thorow England, and was named Stop-Gallant: for it spared none. For there were some dauncing in the Court at nine a'clock that were dead at eleven. In the same sweat also at Cambridge dyed two worthy imps, the duke of Suffolk his sons, Charles and his brother." (Strype, Memor. iii. chap. vii.) The singular name here noticed occurs also in the register of Uffculme, Devonshire, where the disease prevailed in the month following its devastation in London. "Out of 38 burials entered in that year, 27 were in the first 11 days of August, and 16 of them in three days. The disease of which these persons died is called, in the parish-register, the hote sickness or stup-gallant." Magna Britannia, by Lysons, who adds that he had not been able to find the term elsewhere.

Henry Machyn's Diary. 11 Oct 1551. The xj day of October wher creatyd [at Hampton [Map]] curtte my lord marqwes Dorsett duke of Suffolk (age 34); the yerle of Warwyke duke of Northumburland (age 47); [the earl] of Wyllshere (age 68) created the marqwes of Wyncha[ster; sir] Wylliam Harbard (age 50) made lord of Cardyff, and after the yerle of Penbroke; and knyghtes mad the sam time, sir William Syssyll (age 31), secretery, knyght, and M. Hare Nevylle knyght, [sir William] Sydney knyght, and M. Cheke, the kynges scollmaster.

Note. Creation of new peerages. The intended creation of the dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk, the marquess of Winchester, and the earl of Pembroke, was made known to the Privy Council on the 4th Oct. 1551, as thus recorded in their minutes: "This daye the lord chamberlen together wth the lord chamberlen (sic), beinge sente from the kinge to the lordes, declared on his majesties behalfe, that, for asmuch as the lord marques of Dorset hath lately opened to his highness the occasyones of his inhabilletie to serve in the place of generall warden of the marches towardes Scotlande, and therefore besought his majestie to call him from that place; his majestie, thinkinge the same lord marques' suite reasonable, and mindinge not to leave such a rowme of importance unfurneshed of an able personage, hath resolved both to revoke the said marques from that offyce, and to appointe the earle of Warwicke in his steed, who for his greate experience, and namly in those partes, his highnes taketh to be moste meeteste for that rowme. And hath further determyned, as well to th'ende that the said earle of Warwicke may the rather be had in the estymacione he deserveth for his digneties sake, as for that also his majestie thinketh necessarye, the noble houses of this his realme being of late much decayed, to erect other in their stead by rewardinge such as have alredye well served, and maye be therby the rather encowraged to contynewe the same, to call both his lordship and other noble personages to hier estates and digneties; and therfore hath appointed to advaunce firste the said earle of Warwicke to the degree of a duke; the lorde marques Dorsett, as well for his service sacke as for that he is lyke by waye of maryage to have claime to the tytle of duke of Suffolke, his highnes is pleased to call to that degree; the lord treasuror nowe earl of Wiltesheir to the degree of a marques; the master of the horse [sir William Herbert] to the degree of an earle; which his majesties mynd and determenacion his highnes pleasure is shalbe gon through with all, and these personages to be created on Sondaye nexte; to the assistance whereof his majestie willeth that such of the lordes and nobles as shalbe thought needfull, to be presente," &c. (MS. Harl. 352, f. 188b.)

Note. The three new knights. Mr. Sidney (age 69) and Mr. Neville (age 31) had been made gentlemen of the privy chamber on the 18th April 1550, and Mr. Cheke held the same appointment. (King Edward's Diary.) Sir Henry Neville (age 31) was the first settler at Billingbere of his name and family. He married Frances (age 9), only daughter and heir of sir John Gresham (age 33), and died July 13, 1593.

Henry Machyn's Diary. 26 Feb 1552. The xxvjth day of Feybruarii, the wyche was [the morrow aft]er saynt Mathuwe day, was heddyd on the Tower [hill sir] Myghell Stanhope (age 45) knyght, and ser Thomas Arundell (age 50); [and in]-contenent was hangyd the seylff sam tyme sir Raff [a Vane] knyght, and ser Mylles Parterege knyght, of the galowse besyd the .... and after ther bodys wher putt in to dyvers nuw coffens [to be be-] red and heds in to the Towre in cases and ther bered .. cent.

Note. Execution of sir Thomas Arundell. One of the "metrical visions" of George Cavendish, the gentleman usher of Cardinal Wolsey, furnishes some biographical particulars of sir Thomas Arundell: viz. that he was educated with Cardinal Wolsey, and was chancellor to queen Katharine Howard. He is also made to confess that "I was cheaf councellor in the first overthrowe of the duke of Somerset, which few men did know." (See Singer's edition of Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, 1825, vol. ii. p. 125.) A letter of the earl of Northumberland in 1527, directed "To his beloved cosyn Thomas Arundel, one of the gentleman of my lord legates prevy chambre," and at its foot "To my bedfellow Arundel," with which term he also commences, is printed from the duke of Northumberland's archives, ibid. p. 246. With regard to his fate there is a curious passage in a very rare book, bishop Ponet's "Short Treatise of Politic Power," which Strype has quoted in his Memorials, vol. ii. 306: but with an interpolation which, as it is made silently, is perfectly inexcusable. Writing of the earl of Warwick, Ponet states,—"at th'erles sute Arundel hathe his head with the axe divided from the shoulders."

But Strype, imagining that the earl of Arundel (who was also involved in trouble at this period, having been fined 12,000l. in Jan. 1549–50,) was the suffering party named by the bishop, altered this passage thus:——"at the earl's suit, Arundel escaped, otherwise had his head with the axe been divided from his shoulders."

See the "Life of Henry Earl of Arundel, K.G." edited by J. G. Nichols, 1834, p. 7; or the Gentleman's Magazine for July 1833, p. 16, and for Feb. 1848.

Note. Sir Michael Stanhope also makes a poetical lament in Cavendish's Metrical Visions. He states that he had been dubbed knight by king Edward, and had been of his privy chamber. He was half-brother of the duchess of Somerset (as sir Thomas Arundell was half-brother of the countess of Arundel), and was great-grandfather of the first earl of Chesterfield. See a curious letter regarding his widow's funeral written by their son sir Thomas Stanhope in 1588, in the Archæologia, vol. xxxi. p. 212.

Chronicle of Queen Jane and Two Years of Queen Mary 1553. 06 Jul 1553. KING EDWARD (age 15) died at Greenwich, on the 6th July 1553, "towards night."^a The event was kept perfectly secret during the next day;^b but measures were taken to occupy and fortify the Tower of London [Map].^c On "the 8. of July the lord maior of London was sent for to the court then at Greenwich, to bring with him sixe aldermen, as many merchants of the staple, and as many merchant adventurers, unto whom by the Councell was secretly declared the death of king Edward, and also how hee did ordaine for the succession of the Crowne by his letters pattents, to the which they were sworne, and charged to keep it secret."^d

Note a. Letter of the council to sir Philip Hoby (age 48), ambassador with the emperor, printed in Strype's Memorials, 1721, ii. 430. It was not written until the 8th of the month, and is silent regarding the successor to the throne. Mary (age 37), in her letter to the lords of the council, dated from Kenynghall [Map] on the 9th of July (printed in Foxe's Actes and Monuments), also states that she had learned from some advertisement that the king her brother had died on Thursday (the 6th) at night last past.

Note b. Northumberland's (age 49) intention was to keep the death of the king (age 15) a secret, until he should have obtained possession of the person of the lady Mary (age 37), who had been summoned to visit her brother, and was at no further distance from London than the royal manor of Hunsdon in Hertfordshire. But there were not wanting about the court those who from attachment to Mary, or from self-interest, ventured to incur the hazard of conveying to her this momentous intelligence; whereupon she immediately took alarm, and rode off towards the eastern coast, from which she might have escaped to the continent, had such a step become necessary. Many writers assert that it was the earl of Arundel (age 41) who made a private communication to her. I have not found any contemporary authority for this statement; but sir Nicholas Throckmorton (age 38), in his poetical autobiography (MS. Cole, vol xl. p. 272, verses 111, 112, 113, 114), claims the credit of having been the officious person. He had been a favourite servant of king Edward; and on his royal master's death,

"Mourning, from Greenwich I didd strayt departe

To London, to an house which bore our name.

My bretheren guessed by my heavie hearte

The King was dead, and I confess'd the same:

The hushing of his death I didd unfolde,

Their meaninge to proclaime queene Jane I tolde.

And, though I lik'd not the religion

Which all her life queene Marye hadd profest,

Yett in my mind that wicked motion

Right heires for to displace I did detest.

Causeless to proffer any injurie,

I meant it not, but sought for remedie.

Wherefore from four of us the newes was sent,

How that her brother hee was dead and gone;

In post her goldsmith then from London went,

By whome the message was dispatcht anon.

Shee asked, ' If wee knewe it certainlie ? '

Whoe said, ' Sir Nicholas knew it verilie.'

The author bred the errand's greate mistrust:

Shee fear'd a traine to leade her to a trapp.

Shee saide, ' If Robert had beene there shee durst

Have gag'd her life, and hazarded the happ.'

Her letters made, shee knewe not what to doe:

Shee sent them oute, butt nott subscrib'd thereto."

By "Robert" the lady Mary meant sir Robert Throckmorton, one of the four brothers.

Note c. See the Diary of Henry Machyn, p. 35. for 07 July 1553.

Note d. It appears most probable that this was the first intimation which the citizens had received of the existence of the letters patent: and that it was on this occasion that, being "sworn to them," they affixed their signatures, although the document had been previously executed on the 21st of June. No fewer than thirty-two signatures follow that of the lord mayor, but the parties were perhaps not all citizens, and from the arrangement of their names in the existing transcript (mentioned in the following note b ) it would be difficult to distinguish which were the aldermen, which the merchants of the staple, and which the merchant adventurers.

Chronicle of Queen Jane and Two Years of Queen Mary 1553. 10 Jul 1553. The 10. of July, in the afternoone, about 3. of the clocke, lady Jane (age 17) was convayed by water to the Tower of London [Map], and there received as queene.^a After five of the clocke, the same afternoone, was proclamation made of the death of king Edward the sixt, and how hee had ordained by his letters pattents bearing date the 21. of June last past^b that the lady Jane should be heire to the Crowne of England, and the heire males of her body, &c.

Note. a. Dr. Peter Heylyn, in his History of the Reformation, fol. 1674, p. 159, has described the interview supposed to have taken place between the dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk and their daughter the lady Jane, when they waited upon her on the morning of the 10th of July, and then first made known to her the fatal diadem to which she was destined. The scruples of the gentle heiress were overcome with much difficulty, and the whole course of argument, pro et contra, is stated at considerable length. I believe, however, that this is only one of those dramatic scenes in which historical writers formerly considered themselves justified in indulging, as I have not been able to trace it to any earlier authority. Its verisimilitude may indeed be justified by the passage of the duke of Northumberland's speech recorded by our present chronicler (p. 6), "Who, by your and our enticement, is rather of force placed therein, than by her own seeking and request." However, having been adopted by the writer of the Life of Lady Jane Grey in the Biographia Britannica, it is followed as authentic history by many subsequent writers. The more recent authors (including sir Harris Nicolas, Mr. P. F. Tytler, and Mr. Aungier the historian of Syon-house and Isleworth) have placed the scene of this interview at Syon; but Heylyn himself fixed it at Durham-house in the Strand: which was the duke of Northumberland's town mansion, and where the lady Jane's marriage had been celebrated only a few weeks before. Here Heylyn might well suppose she would be lodged at this critical period of her father-in-law's conspiracy. The fact, however, seems to have been otherwise. In the chronicle of the Grey Friars (which will be found in the Appendix) she is stated to have come down the river from Richmond to Westminster, and so to the Tower of London. If, then, she was supposed to have come from Richmond, she may very well have come from Syon, which was also at this time in the hands of the duke of Northumberland.

Note. b. Scarcely any of our historical writers show an acquaintance with these letters patent, though they have been conversant with the substance of them from the recital which is made in queen Jane's proclamation. A copy of the letters patent exists among Ralph Starkey's collections in the Harl. MS. 35, bearing this attestation: "This is a true coppie of Edward the Sixte his Will [this terme is misapplied], takene out of the original! undere the greate scale, which sir Robart Cottone delyvered to the King's Ma tie the xij th of Apprill 1611 at Roystorne to be canseled." From this source the document is printed, in connection with the lady Jane's trial, in Cobbett's State Trials; and Mr. Howard, in his Lady Jane Grey and her Times, pp. 213-216, has described its contents.

It is set forth in these letters patent that the king intended to complete this settlement of the crown by making a will, and by act of Parliament: thus following the precedent of his father Henry the Eighth's settlement, which this was to supersede (see an essay by the present writer in the Archaeologia, vol. xxx. p. 464). But the rapid termination of king Edward's illness prevented these final acts of ratification; and Northumberland, in consequence, could only rely upon the validity of the letters patent, which had passed the great seal upon the 21st of June.

There are, besides the letters patent, two other documents extant, marking the earlier stages of this bold attempt to divert the succession.

Note. 1. The king's "own devise touching the said succession." This was "first wholly written with his most gracious hand, and after copied owt in his Majesties presence, by his most high commandment, and confirmed with the subscription of his Majesties owne hand, and by his highnes delivered to certain judges and other learned men to be written in full order." It was written in six paragraphs, to each of which Edward attached his signature. Burnet has printed the whole in his History of the Reformation, Documents, book iv. no. 10, from the MSS. of Mr. William Petyt, now in the Inner Temple Library. Strype, in the Appendix to his Life of Cranmer, has printed the first four clauses only, from the same manuscript, the fifth and sixth having, as Burnet remarks, been erased with a pen, but not so as to render them illegible nor was it intended to cancel them, for they are followed in the letters patent.

Note. 2. An instrument of the Council, undated, but signed at the head by the King, and at its close by twenty-four councillors, &c. in which they "promise by their oaths and honors to observe, fully perform, and keep all and every article, branch, and matter contained in the said writing delivered to the judges and others." This also is printed both by Burnet and Strype.

Besides these documents, three very important papers in reference to this transaction are, 1. the narrative of chief justice Montagu, printed in Fuller's Church History; 2. sir William Cecill's submission to queen Mary, printed in Howard's Lady Jane Grey and Tytler's Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary; and 3. his servant Alford's statement as to Cecill's conduct at this crisis, written in 1573, and printed in Strype 's Annals, vol. iv. p. 347.

Henry Machyn's Diary. 08 Aug 1553. The viij day of August was bered the nobull kyng Edward the vj (deceased), and vij yere of ys rayne; and at ys bere[ing was] the grettest mone mad for hym of ys deth [as ever] was hard or sene, boyth of all sorts of pepull, wepyng and lamentyng; and furst of alle whent a grett company of chylderyn in ther surples, and clarkes syngyng, and then ys father('s) bedmen, and then ij harolds, and then a standard with a dragon, and then a grett nombur of ys servants in blake, and then anodur standard with a whyt greyhond, and then after a grett nombur of ys of[ficers,] and after them comys mo harolds, and then a standard with the hed offesars of ys howse; and then harolds, Norey bare the elmett and the crest on horsbake, and then ys grett baner of armes in-brobery, and with dyvers odur baners, and then cam rydyng maister Clarensshuws with ys target, with ys garter, and ys sword, gorgyusly and ryche, and after Garter with ys cotte armur in brodery, and then mor [harolds] of armes; and then cam the charett with grett horsses trapyd with velvet to the grond, and hevere horse havyng [a man] on ys bake in blake, and ever on beyryng a banar-roll [of] dyvers kynges armes, and with schochyon(s) on ther horses, and then the charett kovered with cloth of gold, and on the [charett] lay on a pycture lyeng recheussly with a crown of gold, and a grett coler, and ys septur in ys hand, lyheng in ys robes [and the garter about his leg, and a coat in embroidery of gold; about the corps were borne four banners, a banner of the order, another of the red rose, another of queen Jane (Seymour), another of the queen's mother. After him went a goodly horse, covered with cloth of gold unto the ground, and the master of the horse, with a man of arms in armour, which] was offered, boyth the man and the horsse. [There was set up a go]odly hersse in Westmynster abbay with banar [-rolls] and pensells, and honge with velvet a-bowt.

Note. Funeral of king Edward the Sixth. The ceremonial of this funeral is preserved in the College of Arms, I. 11, f. 117 b, and an abstract is given by Strype, Memorials, vol. ii. p. 431. The painters' charges are preserved in a paper bound in I. 10, in Coll. Arm. f. 117, of which Sandford has given the heads in his Genealogical History of the Kings of England, 1677, p. 472. Archbishop Cranmer and bishop Day were permitted to perform the service and a communion in English (see Burnet, vol. ii. p. 244). "The Funeralles of king Edward the Sixt," a poem, by William Baldwin, was reprinted by the Rev. J. W. Dodd, for the Roxburghe club, in 1817. Extracts had been given in the British Bibliographer.