Biography of Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York 1473-
Paternal Family Tree: Anjou aka Plantagenet
Maternal Family Tree: Jeanne Sabran
1461 Battle of Mortimer's Cross
1461 Edward IV Rewards his Followers
1464 Marriage of Edward IV and Elizabeth Woodville
1465 Coronation of Elizabeth Woodville
1469 Execution of Warwick's Supporters
1469 Execution of the Neville Brothers
1470 Welles' Rebellion and Battle of Losecoat Field aka Empingham
1470 Earldom of Northumberland returned to the Percy Family
1475 Creation of Garter Knights
1476 Death of the Duke of Norfolk
1478 Marriage of Richard Duke of York and Anne Mowbray
1483 Mowbray Succession Changed
1483 Elizabeth Woodville takes Sanctuary at Westminster Abbey
1483 Disappearance of the Princes in the Tower
1483 Execution of William Hastings by Richard III
1483 Richard of Shrewsbury Removed from Sanctuary
1483 Richard III Rewards his Supporters
1483 Robert Brackenbury appointed Constable of the Tower of London
Around 1454 John Grey (age 22) and [his mother] Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 17) were married. She the daughter of [his grandfather] Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 49) and [his grandmother] Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford (age 39). He a great x 5 grandson of King Edward I of England.
Chronicle of Gregory 1459. 12 Oct 1459. Ande this same year there was a grete afray at Lodlowe by twyne the King (age 37) and the [his grandfather] Duke of Yorke (age 48), the Erle of Salusbury (age 59), the Erle of Warwyke (age 30), the [his father] Erle of Marche (age 17). The Duke of Yorke lete make a grete depe dyche and fortefyde it with gonnys, cartys, and stakys, but his party was ovyr weke, for the kyng was mo then xxxM [Note. 3000] of harneysyd men, by-syde nakyd men that were compellyd for to come with the King. And thenne the duke fledde fro place to place in Walys, and breke downe the bryggys aftyr him that the kyngys mayny schulde not come aftyr hym. And he wente unto Monde. And there he taryd tylle the jornay was endyd at Northehampton. And he made newe grotys of a newe kune in Irlonde; in on syde of the grote was a crowne and in that othyr syde a crosse. And there he made many newe statutys, and his yong sonys [[his brother] King Edward V of England and Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York] were sende by yende the see unto the Duke of Burgayne (age 25) [Note. Husband of Edward's sister [his aunt] Margaret of York Duchess of Burgundy (age 13)], and they were full welle ande worschypfully ressayvyd.
On 10 Jul 1460 the Yorkist army led by the future [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 18) and including Richard "Kingmaker" Neville Earl Warwick, 6th Earl Salisbury (age 31), Archbishop George Neville (age 28), William Neville 1st Earl Kent (age 55), Edward Brooke 6th Baron Cobham (age 45) and John Scrope 5th Baron Scrope of Bolton (age 22) defeated the Lancastrian army at the 1460 Battle of Northampton.
Edmund Grey 1st Earl Kent (age 43) had started the day as part of the Lancastrian army but did nothing to prevent the Yorkist army attacking.
King Henry VI of England and II of France (age 38) was captured.
Humphrey Stafford 1st Duke of Buckingham (age 57) was killed. His grandson Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 5) succeeded 2nd Duke of Buckingham, 7th Earl Stafford, 8th Baron Stafford.
John Talbot 2nd Earl of Shrewsbury (age 42) was killed. His son John Talbot 3rd Earl of Shrewsbury (age 11) succeeded 3rd Earl of Shrewsbury, 3rd Earl Waterford, 8th Baron Furnivall, 12th Baron Strange Blackmere, 9th Baron Talbot.
Thomas Percy 1st Baron Egremont (age 37) was killed.
John Beaumont 1st Viscount Beaumont (age 50) was killed. His son William Beaumont 2nd Viscount Beaumont (age 22) succeeded 2nd Viscount Beaumont, 7th Baron Beaumont.
William Lucy (age 56) was killed apparently by servants of a member of the Stafford family who wanted his wife Margaret Fitzlewis (age 21).
Thomas Tresham (age 40) fought.
William Beaumont 2nd Viscount Beaumont and William Norreys (age 19) were knighted.
Thomas "Bastard of Exeter" Holland was executed following the battle.
The battle was fought south of the River Nene [Map] in the grounds of Delapré Abbey.
On 20 Jul 1460 Thomas Scales 7th Baron Scales (age 63) was murdered by boatmen whilst travelling from the Tower of London [Map] to Sanctuary, Westminster Abbey [Map]. His daughter Elizabeth Scales Countess Rivers succeeded 8th Baroness Scales. She was, or had been married to, Henry Bourchier (the year of his death may been 1458). She was in 1466 married to [his uncle] Anthony Woodville 2nd Earl Rivers (age 20), brother of [his father] King Edward IV's (age 18) wife [his mother] Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 23); an example of the Woodville family marrying rich heiresses.
On 02 Feb 1461 at the Battle of Mortimer's Cross at Mortimer's Cross, Herefordshire [Map] the future [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 18) commanded the Yorkist forces including William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 30), John Wenlock 1st Baron Wenlock (age 61), John Tuchet 6th Baron Audley, 3rd Baron Tuchet (age 35), John Savage (age 17) and Roger Vaughan (age 51).
In the Lancastrian army Owen Tudor (age 61) (captured by Roger Vaughan) and his son Jasper Tudor 1st Duke Bedford (age 29) fought as well as James Butler 1st Earl Wiltshire 5th Earl Ormonde (age 40) and Henry Roos. Gruffydd ap Nicholas Deheubarth (age 68) were killed. Watkin Vaughan (age 66) and Henry Wogan (age 59) were killed.
Monument to the Battle of Mortimer's Cross at Mortimer's Cross, Herefordshire [Map]. Note the mistake - Edward IV described as Edward Mortimer. The monument was erected by subscription in 1799.
Gruffydd ap Nicholas Deheubarth: In 1393 he was born to Nicolas ap Philip Deheubarth and Jonet Unknown at Sheffield.
Watkin Vaughan: Around 1395 he was born to Roger Vaughan of Bredwardine and Gwladys ferch Dafydd Gam "Star of Abergavenny" Brecon. Around 1435 Watkin Vaughan and Elinor Wogan were married. The date based on his age being around twenty. The difference in their ages was 29 years.
Henry Wogan: In 1402 he was born to John Wogan at Wiston.
On 29 Mar 1461 the Battle of Towton was a decisive victory for [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 18) bringing to an end the first war of the Wars of the Roses. Said to be the bloodiest battle on English soil 28000 were killed mainly during the rout that followed the battle.
The Yorkist army was commanded by King Edward IV of England with John Mowbray 3rd Duke of Norfolk (age 45), William Neville 1st Earl Kent (age 56), William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 30) (knighted), Walter Blount 1st Baron Mountjoy (age 45), Henry Bourchier 2nd Count of Eu 1st Earl Essex (age 57), John Scrope 5th Baron Scrope of Bolton (age 23) and John Wenlock 1st Baron Wenlock (age 61).
The Lancastrian army suffered significant casualties including Richard Percy (age 35), Ralph Bigod Lord Morley (age 50), John Bigod (age 28), Robert Cromwell (age 71), Ralph Eure (age 49), John Neville 1st Baron Neville of Raby (age 51), John Beaumont (age 33), Thomas Dethick (age 61), Everard Simon Digby, William Plumpton (age 25) and William Welles (age 51) who were killed.
Henry Percy 3rd Earl of Northumberland (age 39) was killed. His son Henry Percy 4th Earl of Northumberland (age 12) succeeded 4th Earl of Northumberland, 7th Baron Percy of Alnwick, 15th Baron Percy of Topcliffe. Maud Herbert Countess Northumberland (age 3) by marriage Countess of Northumberland.
Ralph Dacre 1st Baron Dacre Gilsland (age 49) was killed. He was buried at the nearby Saxton church where his chest tomb is extant. Baron Dacre Gilsland extinct.
Lionel Welles 6th Baron Welles (age 55) was killed. His son Richard Welles 7th Baron Welles, Baron Willoughby (age 33) succeeded 7th Baron Welles.
The Lancastrian army was commanded by Henry Beaufort 2nd or 3rd Duke of Somerset (age 25), Henry Holland 3rd Duke Exeter (age 30), Henry Percy 3rd Earl of Northumberland and Andrew Trollope.
Henry Holland 3rd Duke Exeter was attainted after the battle; Duke Exeter, Earl Huntingdon forfeit.
Those who fought for the Lancaster included William Tailboys 7th Baron Kyme (age 46), John Dudley 1st Baron Dudley (age 60), William Norreys (age 20), Thomas Grey 1st Baron Grey of Richemont (age 43), Robert Hungerford 3rd Baron Hungerford 1st Baron Moleyns (age 30), John Talbot 3rd Earl of Shrewsbury (age 12), Richard Welles 7th Baron Welles, Baron Willoughby, [his grandfather] Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 56), James Butler 1st Earl Wiltshire 5th Earl Ormonde (age 40), John Butler 6th Earl Ormonde (age 39), William Beaumont 2nd Viscount Beaumont (age 22), Henry Roos and Thomas Tresham (age 41). Cardinal John Morton (age 41) were captured.
Around Jun 1461, the time of his coronation, [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 19) created his two brothers as Dukes ...
[his uncle] George York 1st Duke of Clarence (age 11) was created 1st Duke Clarence.
[his uncle] King Richard III of England (age 8) was created 1st Duke Gloucester.
On 28 Jun 1461 [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 19) was crowned IV King England by Cardinal Thomas Bourchier (age 43) who was assisted by Archbishop William Booth (age 73) at Westminster Abbey [Map] during the Coronation of Edward IV. Duke York, Earl March, Earl Ulster, Earl Cambridge, Baron Mortimer of Wigmore merged with the Crown.
On 26 Jul 1461 William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 30) was created 1st Baron Hastings for supporting [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 19) in his claim to the throne.
Robert Ogle 1st Baron Ogle (age 55) was created 1st Baron Ogle by King Edward IV of England for having been the principal Northumbrian gentleman to support the Yorkist cause.
On 09 Sep 1461 Baldwin Fulford (age 46) was beheaded at Bristol, Gloucestershire [Map] on the orders of [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 19) for having supported King Henry VI of England and II of France (age 39).
On 28 Feb 1463 John Lovell 8th Baron Lovel 5th Baron Holand (age 30) died. On 28 Feb 1463 His son Francis Lovell 1st Viscount Lovell (age 7) succeeded 9th Baron Lovel of Titchmarsh, 6th Baron Holand at around eight years of age. He became a ward of [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 20) who gave his wardship to Richard "Kingmaker" Neville Earl Warwick, 6th Earl Salisbury (age 34) spending his childhood at Middleham Castle [Map] with the young (future) [his uncle] King Richard III of England (age 10).
On 01 May 1464 [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 22) and [his mother] Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 27) were married at Grafton Regis, Northamptonshire [Map]. [his grandmother] Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford (age 49), Elizabeth's mother, being the only witness. The date not certain. She the daughter of [his grandfather] Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 59) and Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford. He the son of [his grandfather] Richard Plantagenet 3rd Duke of York and [his grandmother] Cecily "Rose of Raby" Neville Duchess York (age 48). He a great x 2 grandson of King Edward III of England.
On 26 May 1465 [his mother] Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 28) was crowned Queen Consort England by Cardinal Thomas Bourchier (age 47) at Westminster Abbey [Map].
[his father] King Edward IV of England (age 23) attended.
John Cheney 1st Baron Cheyne (age 23), [his uncle] Anthony Woodville 2nd Earl Rivers (age 25), [his uncle] Richard Woodville 3rd Earl Rivers (age 12) and William Calthorpe (age 55) were created Knight of the Bath.
Elizabeth Tilney Countess of Surrey (age 21) carried her train.
Judge Richard Choke (age 45) was created Knight of the Bath.
Before Mar 1466 [his grandfather] Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 61) was created 1st Earl Rivers by [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 23).
On 13 May 1467 John de la Pole 1st Earl Lincoln (age 5) was created 1st Earl Lincoln by [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 25).
On 17 Jan 1469 Warwick's supporters were executed in Salisbury Marketplace [Map] in the presence of [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 26):
Thomas Hungerford was beheaded. His father Robert Hungerford 3rd Baron Hungerford 1st Baron Moleyns had been executed five years previously after the Battle of Hexham.
Henry Courtenay was beheaded.
On 29 Sep 1469 brothers Humphrey Neville of Brancepeth (age 30) and Charles Neville of Brancepeth were beheaded at York [Map] in the presence of [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 27) and Richard "Kingmaker" Neville Earl Warwick, 6th Earl Salisbury (age 40) bringing to an end the Neville-Neville feud that arose as a consequence of the senior line being dis-inherited.
On 19 Mar 1470 Robert Welles 8th Baron Willoughby 8th Baron Welles was beheaded at Doncaster [Map]. He was buried at Whitefriars Doncaster [Map]. Baron Welles forfeit. His sister Joan Welles 9th Baroness Willoughby of Eresby succeeded 9th Baroness Willoughby de Eresby. Richard Hastings Baron Willoughby (age 37) by marriage Baron Willoughby de Eresby. He, Hastings, a favourite of [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 27), younger brother of Edward's great friend William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 39).
On 27 Mar 1470 George Neville 1st Duke Bedford (age 9) was created 1st Duke Bedford by [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 27) in preparation for his marriage to [his sister] Elizabeth York Queen Consort England (age 4) which didn't, in the end, take place. He, George, was nephew to Richard "Kingmaker" Neville Earl Warwick, 6th Earl Salisbury (age 41) whose defection to the Lancastrian side may have caused the King to change his mind about his daughter's marriage.
On 14 Apr 1471 [his father] Edward IV (age 28) commanded at the Battle of Barnet supported by his brothers [his uncle] George (age 21) and [his uncle] Richard (age 18), John Babington (age 48), Wiliam Hastings (age 40) (commanded), Ralph Hastings, William Norreys (age 30), William Parr (age 37), John Savage (age 49), William Bourchier Viscount Bourchier (age 41), Thomas St Leger (age 31), John Tuchet 6th Baron Audley, 3rd Baron Tuchet (age 45), Thomas Burgh 1st Baron Burgh of Gainsborough (age 40), John Scott (age 48) and Thomas Strickland.
The Yorkists William Blount (age 29), Humphrey Bourchier (age 40), Humphrey Bourchier (age 36), Henry Stafford (age 46) and Thomas Parr were killed.
The Lancastrians ...
Warwick the Kingmaker (age 42) was killed. Earl Salisbury forfeit on the assumption he was attainted either before or after his death; the date of his attainder is unknown. If not attainted the Earldom may be in abeyance. Baron Montagu and Baron Montagu abeyant between his two daughters Isabel Neville Duchess Clarence (age 19) and Anne Neville Queen Consort England (age 14).
John Neville 1st Marquess Montagu (age 40) was killed. Marquess Montagu, Baron Montagu forfeit; unclear as to when he was attainted. He was buried at Bisham Abbey [Map].
William Tyrrell was killed.
William Fiennes 2nd Baron Saye and Sele (age 43) was killed. His son Henry Fiennes 3rd Baron Saye and Sele (age 25) succeeded 3rd Baron Saye and Sele. Anne Harcourt Baroness Saye and Sele by marriage Baroness Saye and Sele.
Henry Holland 3rd Duke Exeter (age 40) commanded the left flank, was badly wounded and left for dead, Henry Stafford and John Paston (age 27) were wounded, John de Vere 13th Earl of Oxford (age 28) commanded, and John Paston (age 29) and William Beaumont 2nd Viscount Beaumont (age 33) fought.
Robert Harleston (age 36) was killed.
Thomas Hen Salusbury (age 62) was killed.
Thomas Tresham (age 51) escaped but was subsequently captured and executed on the 6th of May 1471.
On 04 May 1471 [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 29) was victorious at the Battle of Tewkesbury. His brother [his uncle] Richard (age 18), Richard Beauchamp 2nd Baron Beauchamp Powick (age 36), John Howard 1st Duke of Norfolk (age 46), George Neville 4th and 2nd Baron Bergavenny (age 31), John Savage (age 49), John Savage (age 27), Thomas St Leger (age 31), John Tuchet 6th Baron Audley, 3rd Baron Tuchet (age 45), Thomas Burgh 1st Baron Burgh of Gainsborough (age 40) fought. William Brandon (age 46), George Browne (age 31), Ralph Hastings, Richard Hastings Baron Willoughby (age 38), James Tyrrell (age 16), Roger Kynaston of Myddle and Hordley (age 38) were knighted. William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 40) commanded.
Margaret of Anjou (age 41) was captured. Her son Edward of Westminster Prince of Wales (age 17) was killed. He was the last of the Lancastrian line excluding the illegitmate Charles Somerset 1st Earl of Worcester (age 11) whose line continues to the present.
John Courtenay 15th Earl Devon (age 36) was killed and attainted. Earl Devon, Baron Courtenay forfeit. Some sources refer to these titles as being abeyant?
John Wenlock 1st Baron Wenlock (age 71) was killed. Baron Wenlock extinct.
John Delves (age 49), John Beaufort (age 30), William Vaux of Harrowden (age 35) and Robert Whittingham (age 42) were killed.
Edmund Beaufort 3rd Duke of Somerset (age 32), Humphrey Tuchet (age 37) and Hugh Courtenay (age 44) were captured.
Henry Roos fought and escaped to Tewkesbury Abbey [Map] where he sought sanctuary. He was subsequently pardoned.
On 08 Apr 1473 (some sources state 1482) Humphrey Dacre 1st Baron Dacre Gilsland (age 49) was created 1st Baron Dacre Gilsland by [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 30). By letters patent he created Dacre Baron Dacre of Gilsland, declaring "that the said Humfrey Dacre, Knight, and the heirs male of the body of the said Thomas, late Lord Dacre, comyng, bee reputed, had, named and called the Lord Dacre of Gillesland". Mabel Parr Baroness Dacre of Gilsland by marriage Baroness Dacre Gilsland.
On 17 Aug 1473 Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York was born to King Edward IV of England (age 31) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 36) at Westminster Palace [Map].
In May 1474 Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York was created 1st Duke York.
In 1475 [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 32) created his two sons as Garter Knights:
214th [his brother] King Edward V of England (age 4).
In Sep 1475 Henry Holland 3rd Duke Exeter (age 45) drowned on his return from France having probably been thrown over-board on the orders of [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 33).
On 14 Jan 1476 John Mowbray 4th Duke of Norfolk (age 31) died at Framlingham Castle, Suffolk [Map]. Suspicious since he was only 32? Duke Norfolk, Earl Surrey and Earl Nottingham extinct. His daughter [his future wife] Anne Mowbray 8th Countess Norfolk (age 3) succeeded 8th Countess Norfolk, 11th Baroness Mowbray, 12th Baroness Segrave and inherited the vast Mowbray estates. She was subsequently married to Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York (age 2) two years later.
On 12 Jun 1476 Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York (age 2) was created 1st Earl Nottingham by [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 34).
On 07 Feb 1477 Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York (age 3) was created 1st Duke Norfolk, 1st Earl Norfolk by his father [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 34) in preparation for his marriage to [his future wife] Anne Mowbray 8th Countess Norfolk (age 4). She, Anne, being daughter of the last Duke of Norfolk of the 1st Creation John Mowbray 4th Duke of Norfolk.
In 1478 [his brother] George York 1st Duke Bedford was created 1st Duke Bedford by [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 35).
On 15 Jan 1478 Edward IV's youngest son Richard of Shrewsbury (age 4) and Anne Mowbray (age 5) were married at St Stephen's Chapel in Westminster [Map]. She by marriage Duchess Norfolk. She the daughter of John Mowbray 4th Duke of Norfolk and Elizabeth Talbot Duchess Norfolk (age 35). He the son of King Edward IV of England (age 35) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 41). They were second cousin once removed. She a great x 3 granddaughter of King Edward III of England.
The ceremony was attended by Edward's daughters Elizabeth (age 11), Mary (age 10) and Cecily (age 8).
The day before Thomas Howard (age 35) was knighted.
In 1483 Parliament changed the succession so Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York would continue to enjoy her inheritance (she died in 1481) effectively dis-inheriting William Berkeley 1st Marquess Berkeley (age 52) (who was subsequently created Earl and Marquess), and who accepted a payment of £34,000, and John Howard 1st Duke of Norfolk (age 53), who was subsequently created Duke of Norfolk, possibly in compensation.
Thomas Frowyk (age 55) was created Knight of the Bath.
See Woodville Marriages.
In 1479 William Herbert 2nd Earl Pembroke 1st Earl Huntingdon (age 27) was compelled to relinquish the Earldom of Pembroke by [his father] King Edward IV (age 36) who gave it to his son.
[his brother] Edward Prince of Wales (age 8) was created 1st Earl Pembroke.
In compensation William was created 1st Earl Huntingdon. [his aunt] Mary Woodville Countess Pembroke and Huntingdon (age 23) by marriage Countess Huntingdon.
On 19 Nov 1481 [his wife] Anne Mowbray 8th Countess Norfolk (age 8) died at Greenwich, Kent [Map]. She was buried at Chapel of St Erasmus of Formiae, Westminster Abbey [Map]. Earl Norfolk extinct. Baron Mowbray and Baron Segrave abeyant.
In Jan 1483 [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 40) had Parliament re-enact earlier legislation regarding the Mowbray succession so that his son, Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York (age 9), who had married [his former wife] Anne Mowbray 8th Countess Norfolk (who had died in 1481), would continue to benefit from them effectively dis-inheriting William Berkeley 1st Marquess Berkeley (age 57) (who was subsequently created Earl and Marquess) and John Howard 1st Duke of Norfolk (age 58) (who would become an ardent supporter of Richard III following Edward's death.
On 09 Apr 1483 [his father] King Edward IV of England (age 40) died at Westminster [Map]. His son [his brother] King Edward V of England (age 12) succeeded V King England. Those present included [his mother] Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 46), William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 52) and [his half-brother] Thomas Grey 1st Marquess Dorset (age 28).
Mémoires de Philippe de Commynes Chapter 6 Section 8.
From the hour that [his father] King Edward IV (age 40) died, the King our master was informed, and took no joy in it. And few days after he received letters from the [his uncle] Duke of Gloucester (age 30), who had become the King of England, and signed Richard, who had caused the death of the two sons [Note. The Princes in the Tower [his brother] King Edward V of England (age 12) and Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York (age 9)] of King Edward his brother. King Richard wanted the friendship of the King, and belived he would continue to receive the pension; but the King didn't want to respond to the letters, nor hear the messanger, and considered him very cruel and bad. The Duke of Gloucester had pledged allegiance to his nephew, considering him as his king and sovereign lord. However, shortly afterward, he committed this act. And, in the parliament of England, had degraded the two daughters of the said King of England and declared them bastards, on the pretext of the evidence of a Bishop of Bath (age 63) in England (who formerley had great credit with the King Edward then disappointed him, and held him in prison, and then ransomed himself with a sum of money) which Bishop said that King Edward had promised [Note. foy? ] marriage to an English lady [who he named] who he was in love with, to have his pleasure; and had made this promise in the presence of the Bishop, and, on this promise, slept with her: and did this to deceive her.
Nevertheless such games are very dangerous, [Note. tesmoing?] these signs. I saw alot of courtiers who, having the opportunity of such an adventure, would not have lost it for the sake of a promise. And this bad Bishop guarded revenge in his heart, for twenty years; but he is in [Note. meshut?]: because he had a son, who he loved very much, whom King Richard wished to do great things and to marry one of the two daughters, beneath their dignity, one of whom is now the present [his sister] Queen of England (age 17) and has two beautiful children.
See Edward IV marries Eleanor Talbot possibly.
See The Princes of the Tower described as Illegitimate.
Dès l'heure que le roy Edouard fut mort, le Roy nostre maistre en fut adverty, et n'en feit nulle joye quant il le sceut. Et peu de jours après receut lettres du duc de Clocestre, qui s'estoit faict roy d'Angleterre1, et se signoit Richard, lequel avoit faict mourir les deux filz du roy Edouard son frère. Lequel roy Richard requeroit l'amytié du Roy, et croy qu'il eust bien voulu ravoir reste pension; mais le Roy ne voulut respondre à ses lettres, ne ouyr le messagier, et l'estima très cruel et mauvais: car, après le trespas dudict roy Edouard, ledict duc de Clocestre avoit faict hommaige à son nepveu, comme à son roy et souverain seigneur, et incontinent après commit ce cas. Et, en plain parlement d'Angleterre, feit desgrader deux filles dudict roy Edouard et desclarer bastardes, soubz couleur3 qu'il prouva par ung evesque de Bas4 en Angleterre (qui aultresfois avoit eu grant credit avec ledict roy Edouard, et puis le desappoincta, et le tint en prison, et puis le ranconna d'une somme d'argent) lequel evesque disoit que ledict roy Edouard avoit promis foy de mariaige à une dame d'Angleterre (qu'il nommoit)5 pour ce qu'il en estoit amoureux, pour en avoir son plaisir; et en avoit faict la promesse en la main dudict evesque, et, sur ceste promesse, coucha avec elle: et ne le faisoit que pour la tromper. Toutesfois telz jeux sont bien dangereux, tesmoing ces enseignes. J'ay veu beaucoup de gens de court qui, une bonne adventure qui leur eust pleu en tel cas, ilz ne l'eussent point perdue par faulte de promettre. Et ce mauvais evesque garda ceste vengeance en son cueur, par adventure vingt ans; mais il luy en meschut: car il avoit ung filz, qu'il aymoit fort, à qui ledict roy Richard vouloit faire de grans biens et luy faire espouser l'une de ces deux filles, desgradees de leur dignité, laquelle de présent est royne d'Angleterre et a deux beaux enfans.
The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. [his father] King Edward of that name the Fourth (age 40), after he had lived fifty and three years, seven months, and six days, and thereof reigned two and twenty years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth day of April, the year of our redemption, a thousand four hundred four score and three, leaving much fair issue, that is, [his brother] Edward the Prince (age 12), thirteen years of age; Richard Duke of York (age 9), two years younger; [his sister] Elizabeth (age 17), whose fortune and grace was after to be queen, wife unto King Henry the Seventh (age 26), and mother unto the Eighth; [his sister] Cecily (age 14) not so fortunate as fair; [his sister] Brigette (age 2), who, representing the virtue of her whose name she bore, professed and observed a religious life in Dertford [Map], a house of cloistered Nuns; [his sister] Anne (age 7), who was after honorably married unto Thomas (age 10), then Lord Howard and after Earl of Surrey; and [his sister] Katherine (age 3), who long time tossed in either fortune-sometime in wealth, often in adversity-at the last, if this be the last, for yet she lives, is by the goodness of her nephew, King Henry the Eighth, in very prosperous state, and worthy her birth and virtue.
Around 03 May 1483 [his mother] Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 46) took Sanctuary, Westminster Abbey [Map] with Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York (age 9) and [his half-brother] Thomas Grey 1st Marquess Dorset (age 28). Her brother [his uncle] Bishop Lionel Woodville (age 36) was with her.
The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. But then, by and by, the lords assembled together at London. To ward which meeting, the Archbishop of York (age 59), fearing that it would be ascribed (as it was indeed) to his overmuch lightness that he so suddenly had yielded up the Great Seal to the Queen-to whom the custody thereof nothing pertained without special commandment of the King-secretly sent for the Seal again and brought it with him after the customary manner. And at this meeting, the Duke of Buckingham (age 28), whose loyalty toward the King no man doubted nor needed to doubt, persuaded the lords to believe that the [his uncle] Duke of Gloucester (age 30) was sure and fastly faithful to his Prince and that the [his uncle] Lord Rivers (age 43) and [his half-brother] Lord Richard (age 26) with the other knights were, for matters attempted by them against the Dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham, put under arrest for the dukes' safety not for the King's jeopardy and that they were also in safeguard and should remain there no longer till the matter were, not by the dukes only but also by all the other lords of the King's Council indifferently examined and by other discretions ordered, and either judged or appeased. But one thing he advised them beware, that they judged not the matter too far forth before they knew the truth-for by turning their private grudges into the common hurt, irritating and provoking men unto anger, and disturbing the King's coronation, toward which the dukes were coming up, they might perhaps bring the matter so far out of joint, that it should never be brought in frame again. This strife, if it should happen to come to battle, as it was likely, though both parties were in all things equal, yet should the authority be on that side where the King is himself.
With these arguments of the Duke of Buckingham - part of which he believed; part, he knew the contrary - these commotions were somewhat appeased, but especially because the Dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham were so near, and came so quickly on with the King, in none other manner, with none other voice or semblance, than to his coronation, causing the story to be blown about that those lords and knights who were taken had contrived the destruction of the Dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham and of other noble blood of the realm, to the end that they themselves would alone manage and govern the King at their pleasure. And for the false proof thereof, some of the dukes' servants rode with the carts of the stuff that were taken (among such stuff, no marvel, but that some of it were armor, which, at the breaking up of that household, must needs either be brought away or cast away), and they showed it unto the people all the way as they went: "Lo, here be the barrels of armor that these traitors had privately conveyed in their carriage to destroy the noble lords withal." This device, although it made the matter to wise men more unlikely, who well perceived that, if the intenders meant war, they would rather have had their armor on their backs than to have bound them up in barrels, yet much part of the common people were therewith very well satisfied, and said it were like giving alms to hang them.
When the King approached near to the city, Edmund Shaa (age 47), goldsmith then mayor, with William White and John Mathew, sheriffs, and all the other aldermen in scarlet, with five hundred horse of the citizens in violet, received him reverently at Hornsey, and riding from thence, accompanied him in to the city, which he entered the fourth day of May, the first and last year of his reign.
But the Duke of Gloucester bore himself in open sight so reverently to the Prince, with all semblance of lowliness, that from the great obloquy in which he was so late before, he was suddenly fallen in so great trust, that at the Council next assembled, he was the only man chosen and thought most suitable to be Protector of the King and his realm, so that-were it destiny or were it folly-the lamb was given to the wolf to keep. At which Council also the Archbishop of York, Chancellor of England, who had delivered up the Great Seal to the [his mother] Queen (age 46), was thereof greatly reproved, and the Seal taken from him and delivered to Doctor Russell, Bishop of Lincoln, a wise man and good and of much experience, and one of the best learned men undoubtedly that England had in his time. Diverse lords and knights were appointed unto diverse offices. The Lord Chamberlain and some others kept still their offices that they had before.
Now all was such that the Protector so sore thirsted for the finishing of what he had begun-though he thought every day a year till it were achieved-yet he dared no further attempt as long as he had but half his prey in hand, well knowing that if he deposed the one brother, all the realm would fall to the other, if he either remained in sanctuary or should by chance be shortly conveyed farther away to his liberty.
Wherefore straight away at the next meeting of the lords at the Council, he proposed unto them that it was a heinous deed of the Queen, and proceeding from great malice toward the King's counselors, that she should keep in sanctuary the King's brother from him, whose special pleasure and comfort were to have his brother with him. And that by her such was done to no other intent, but to bring all the lords in obloquy and murmur of the people, as though they were not to be trusted with the King's brother-they who were, by the assent of the nobles of the land, appointed as the King's nearest friends for the protection of his own royal person.
"The prosperity whereof stands," said he, "not all in keeping from enemies or ill viands, [poison?] but partly also in recreation and moderate pleasure, which he cannot in this tender youth take in the company of elder persons, but in the familiar conversation of those who be neither far under nor far above his age, and nevertheless of state appropriate to accompany his noble majesty. Wherefore with whom rather than with his own brother? And if any man think this consideration light (which I think no man thinks who loves the King), let him consider that sometimes without small things, greater cannot stand. And verily it redounds greatly to the dishonor both of the King's Highness and of all us that have been about his Grace, to have it run in every man's mouth, not in this realm only, but also in other lands (as evil words walk far), that the King's brother should be glad to keep sanctuary. For every man will suppose that no man will so do for nothing. And such evil opinion, once fastened in men's hearts, hard it is to wrest out, and may grow to more grief than any man here can divine.
"Wherefore I think it were not worst to send unto the Queen for the redress of this matter some honorable trusty man, such as both values the King's welfare and the honor of his Council, and is also in favor and credible with her. For all which considerations, none seems to me more suitable than our reverent father here present, my Lord Cardinal (age 65), who may in this matter do most good of any man, if it please him to take the pain. Which I doubt not of his goodness he will not refuse, for the King's sake and ours, and the well being of the young Duke himself, the King's most honorable brother, and after my Sovereign Lord himself, my most dear nephew, considering that thereby shall be ceased the slanderous rumor and obloquy now going about, and the hurts avoided that thereof might ensue, and much rest and quiet grow to all the realm.
"And if she be perchance so obstinate, and so precisely set upon her own will that neither his wise and faithful instruction can move her, nor any man's reason content her, then shall we, by mine advice, by the King's authority, fetch him out of that prison, and bring him to his noble presence, in whose continual company he shall be so well cherished and so honorably treated that all the world shall to our honor, and her reproach, perceive that it was only malice, audacity, or folly, that caused her to keep him there. This is my mind in this matter for this time, except any of your lordships anything perceive to the contrary. For never shall I by God's grace so wed myself to mine own will, but that I shall be ready to change it upon your better advice."
When the Protector had spoken, all the Council affirmed that the motion was good and reasonable, and to the King and the Duke his brother, honorable, and a thing that should cease great murmur in the realm, if the mother might be by good means induced to deliver him. Such a thing the Archbishop of Canterbury, whom they all agreed also to be thereto most appropriate, took upon himself to move her, and therein to give his uttermost best effort. However, if she could be in no way entreated with her good will to deliver him, then thought he and such others as were of the clergy present that it were not in any way to be attempted to take him out against her will. For it would be a thing that should turn to the great grudge of all men, and high displeasure of God, if the privilege of the holy place should now be broken, which had so many years been kept, and which both king and popes so good had granted, so many had confirmed, and which holy ground was more than five hundred years ago by Saint Peter, his own person come in spirit by night, accompanied with great multitude of angels, so specially hallowed and dedicated it to God (for the proof whereof they have yet in the Abbey Saint Peter's cloak to show) that from that time forward was there never so undevout a king who dared that sacred place to violate, or so holy a bishop that dared presume to consecrate.
"And therefore," said the Archbishop of Canterbury, "God forbid that any man should for any earthly enterprise break the immunity and liberty of that sacred sanctuary that has been the safeguard of so many a good man's life. And I trust," said he, "with God's grace, we shall not need it. But for any manner need, I would not we should do it. I trust that she shall be with reason contented, and all things in good manner obtained. And if it happen that I bring it not so to pass, yet shall I toward it so far forth do my best, that you shall all well perceive that no lack of my dutiful efforts, but the mother's dread and womanish fear, shall be the impediment."
"Womanish fear, nay womanish perversity," said the Duke of Buckingham. "For I dare take it upon my soul, she well knows she needs no such thing to fear, either for her son or for herself. For as for her, here is no man that will be at war with women. Would God some of the men of her kin were women too, and then should all be soon at rest. However, there is none of her kin the less loved for that they be her kin, but for their own evil deserving. And nevertheless, if we loved neither her nor her kin, yet were there no cause to think that we should hate the King's noble brother, to whose Grace we ourself be of kin. Whose honor, if she as much desired as our dishonor and as much regard took to his well being as to her own will, she would be as loath to suffer him from the King as any of us be. "For if she have any wit (as would God she had as good will as she has shrewd wit), she reckons herself no wiser than she thinks some that be here, of whose faithful mind, she nothing doubts, but verily believes and knows that they would be as sorry of his harm as herself, and yet would have him from her if she abide there. And we all, I think, are satisfied that both be with her, if she come thence and abide in such place where they may with their honor be.
"Now then, if she refuse in the deliverance of him, to follow the counsel of them whose wisdom she knows, whose truth she well trusts, it is easy to perceive that perversity hinders her, and not fear. But go to, suppose that she fear (as who may let her to fear her own shadow), the more she fears to deliver him, the more ought we fear to leave him in her hands. For if she cast such fond doubts that she fear his hurt, then will she fear that he shall be fetched thence. For she will soon think that if men were set (which God forbid) upon so great a mischief, the sanctuary would little impede them, for good men might, as I think, without sin somewhat less regard it than they do.
"Now then, if she doubt lest he might be fetched from her, is it not likely enough that she shall send him somewhere out of the realm? Verily, I look for none other. And I doubt not but she now thinks with great exertion on it, even as we consider the hindrance of sanctuary. And if she might happen to bring that to pass (as it were no great accomplishment, we letting her alone), all the world would say that we were a wise sort of counselors about a King-we that let his brother be cast away under our noses. And therefore I assure you faithfully for my mind, I will rather defy her plans, fetch him away, than leave him there, till her perversity or fond fear convey him away. "And yet will I break no sanctuary therefore. For verily since the privileges of that place and other like have been of long continued, I am not he that would be about to break them. And in good faith if they were now to begin, I would not be he that should be about to make them. Yet will I not say nay, but that it is a deed of pity that such men of the sea or their evil debtors have brought in poverty, should have some place of liberty, to keep their bodies out of the danger from their cruel creditors. And also if the Crown happen (as it has done) to come in question, while either part takes the other as traitors, I will well there be some places of refuge for both. But as for thieves, of which these places be full, and which never fall from the craft after they once fall thereto, it is pity the sanctuary should serve them. And much more murderers whom God bade to take from the altar and kill them, if their murder were willful. And where it is otherwise there need we not the sanctuaries that God appointed in the old law. For if either necessity, his own defense or misfortune draw him to that deed, a pardon serves which either the law grants of course, or the King of pity may.
"Then look me now how few sanctuary men there be whom any favorable necessity compelled to go thither. And then see on the other side what a sort there be commonly therein, of them whom willful prodigality has brought to nought. What a rabble of thieves, murderers, and malicious, heinous traitors, and that in two places specially: the one at the elbow of the city, the other in the very bowels. I dare well avow it. Weigh the good that they do with the hurt that comes of them, and you shall find it much better to lack both, than have both. And this I say, although they were not abused as they now be, and so long have been, that I fear me ever they will be while men be afraid to set their hands to the amendment: as though God and Saint Peter were the patrons of ungracious living.
"Now prodigals riot and run in debt upon the boldness of these places; yea, and rich men run thither with poor men's goods; there they build, there they spend and bid their creditors go whistle them. Men's wives run thither with their husbands' money, and say they dare not abide with their husbands for beating. Thieves bring thither their stolen goods, and there live thereon. There devise they new robberies; nightly they steal out, they rob and pillage and kill, and come in again as though those places gave them not only a safeguard for the harm they have done, but a license also to do more. However, much of this mischief, if wise men would set their hands to it, might be amended with great thanks to God and no breach of the privilege. The residue, since so long ago I knew never what pope and what prince more piteous than prudent has granted it, and other men because of a certain religious fear have not broken it, let us take a pain therewith, and let it in God's name stand in force, as far forth as reason will. Which is not fully so far forth as may serve to prevent us from fetching forth this noble man to his honor and wealth, out of that place in which he neither is nor can be a sanctuary man.
"A sanctuary serves always to defend the body of that man that stands in danger abroad, not of great hurt only, but also of lawful hurt. For against unlawful harms, never pope nor king intended to privilege any one place. For that privilege has every place. Know you any man any place wherein it is lawful for one man to do another wrong? That no man unlawfully take hurt, that liberty, the King, the law, and very nature forbid in every place and make to that regard for every man a sanctuary every place. But where a man is by lawful means in peril, there needs he the protection of some special privilege, which is the only ground and cause of all sanctuaries. From which necessity this noble prince is far. His love to his King, nature and kindred prove, whose innocence to all the world his tender youth proves. And so sanctuary as for him, neither none he needs, nor also none can have.
"Men come not to sanctuary as they come to baptism, to require it by their godfathers. He must ask it himself that must have it. And what reason-since no man has cause to have it but whose conscience of his own fault makes him feign need to require it-what reason then will yonder babe have? which, even if he had discretion to require it, if need were, I dare say would now be right angry with them that keep him there. And I would think without any scruple of conscience, without any breach of privilege, to be somewhat more homely with them that be there sanctuary men indeed. For if one go to sanctuary with another man's goods, why should not the King, leaving his body at liberty, satisfy the part of his goods even within the sanctuary? For neither king nor pope can give any place such a privilege that it shall discharge a man of his debts, being able to pay."
And that diversity of the clergy that were present, whether they said it for his pleasure or, as they thought, agreed plainly that by the law of God and of the church the goods of a sanctuary man should be delivered in payment of his debts, and stolen goods to the owner, and only liberty reserved him to get his living with the labor of his hands.
"Verily," said the Duke, "I think you say very truth. And what if a man's wife will take sanctuary because she wishes to run from her husband? I would think if she can allege none other cause, he may lawfully-without any displeasure to Saint Peter-take her out of Saint Peter's church by the arm. And if nobody may be taken out of sanctuary that says he will abide there, then if a child will take sanctuary because he fears to go to school, his master must let him alone. And as simple as that example is, yet is there less reason in our case than in that. For therein, though it be a childish fear, yet is there at the leastwise some fear. And herein is there none at all. And verily I have often heard of sanctuary men. But I never heard before of sanctuary children. And therefore, as for the conclusion of my mind, whosoever may have deserved to need it, if they think it for their safety, let them keep it. But he can be no sanctuary man that neither has wisdom to desire it nor malice to deserve it, whose life or liberty can by no lawful process stand in jeopardy. And he that takes one out of sanctuary to do him good, I say plainly that he breaks no sanctuary."
When the Duke had done, the laymen entire and a good part of the clergy also, thinking no earthly hurt was meant toward the young babe, agreed in effect that, if he were not delivered, he should be fetched. However, they all thought it best, in the avoiding of all manner of rumor, that the Lord Cardinal should first attempt to get him with her good will. And thereupon all the Council came unto the Star Chamber at Westminster. And the Lord Cardinal, leaving the Protector with the Council in the Star Chamber, departed into the sanctuary to the Queen with diverse other lords with him-were it for the respect of his honor, or that she should by presence of so many perceive that this errand was not one man's mind, or were it for that the Protector intended not in this matter to trust any one man alone, or else, if she finally were determined to keep him, some of that company had perhaps secret instruction immediately, despite her mind, to take him and to leave her no chance to take him away, which she was likely to plan after this matter was revealed to her, if her time would in any way serve her.
When the Queen and these lords were come together in presence, the Lord Cardinal showed unto her that it was thought by the Protector and the whole Council that her keeping of the King's brother in that place was the thing which highly sounded, not only to the great rumor of the people and their obloquy, but also to the unbearable grief and displeasure of the King's royal majesty; to whose Grace it were as singular comfort to have his natural brother in company, as it was to both their dishonor and all theirs and hers also, to suffer him in sanctuary-as though the one brother stood in danger and peril of the other. And he showed her that the Council therefore had sent him unto her to require her the delivery of him that he might be brought unto the King's presence at his liberty, out of that place that they reckoned as a prison. And there should he be treated according to his estate. And she in this doing should both do great good to the realm, pleasure to the Council and profit to herself, assistance to her friends that were in distress, and over that (which he knew well she specially valued), not only great comfort and honor to the King, but also to the young Duke himself, for both of them great wealth it were to be together, as well for many greater causes, as also for their both entertainment and recreation; which thing the lords esteemed not slight, though it seem light, well pondering that their youth without recreation and play cannot endure, nor find any stranger according to the propriety of both their ages and estates so suitable in that point for any of them as either of them for the other.
"My lord," said the Queen, "I say not nay, but that it were very appropriate that this gentleman whom you require were in the company of the King his brother. And in good faith I think it were as great advantage to them both, as for yet a while, to be in the custody of their mother, the tender age considered of the elder of them both, but especially the younger, who besides his infancy that also needs good looking to, has awhile been so sore diseased, vexed with sickness, and is so newly rather a little amended than well recovered, that I dare put no earthly person in trust with his keeping but myself alone, considering, that there is, as physicians say, and as we also find, double the peril in the relapse that was in the first sickness, with which disease-nature being forelabored, forewearied and weakened-grows the less able to bear out a new excess of the illness. And although there might be found another who would by chance do their best unto him, yet is there none that either knows better how to order him than I that so long have kept him; or is more tenderly like to cherish him than his own mother that bore him."
"No man denies, good Madam," said the Cardinal, "but that your Grace were of all folk most necessary about your children, and so would all the Council not only be content but also glad that you were, if it might stand with your pleasure to be in such place as might stand with their honor. But if you appoint yourself to tarry here, then think they yet more apt that the Duke of York (age 9) were at his liberty honorably with the King-to the comfort of them both than here as a sanctuary man to both their dishonor and obloquy. Since there is not always so great necessity to have the child be with the mother, but that occasion may sometime be such that it should be more expedient to keep him elsewhere. Which in this well appears that, at such time as your dearest son, then Prince and now King, should for his honor and good order of the country, keep household in Wales far out of your company, your Grace was well content therewith yourself."
"Not very well content," said the Queen, "and yet the case is not like: for the one was then in health, and the other is now sick. In which case I marvel greatly that my Lord Protector is so desirous to have him in his keeping, where if the child in his sickness miscarried by nature, yet might he run into slander and suspicion of fraud. And where they call it a thing so sore against my child's honor and theirs also that he abides in this place, it is all their honors there to suffer him abide where no man doubts he shall be best kept. And that is here, while I am here, which as yet I intend not to come forth and jeopardize myself after the fashion of my other friends, who, would God, were here in surety with me rather than I were there in jeopardy with them."
"Why, Madam," said another lord, "know you anything why they should be in jeopardy?"
"Nay, verily, Sir," said she, "nor why they should be in prison neither, as they now be. But it is, I trust, no great marvel, though I fear lest those that have not omitted to put them in duress without falsity will omit as little to procure their destruction without cause." The Cardinal made a countenance to the other lord that he should harp no more upon that string. And then said he to the Queen that he nothing doubted but that those lords of her honorable kin, who as yet remained under arrest should, upon the matter examined, do well enough. And as toward her noble person, neither was nor could be any manner of jeopardy.
"Whereby should I trust that?" said the Queen. "In that I am guiltless? As though they were guilty. In that I am with their enemies better beloved than they? When they hate them for my sake. In that I am so near of kin to the King? And how far be they away, if that would help, as God send grace it hurt not. And therefore as for me, I purpose not as yet to depart hence. And as for this gentleman my son, I mind that he shall be where I am till I see further. For I assure you, because I see some men so greedy without any substantial cause to have him, this makes me much the more further from delivering him."
"Truly, madam," said he, "and the further that you be to deliver him, the further be other men to suffer you to keep him, lest your causeless fear might cause you farther to convey him. And many be there that think that he can have no privilege in this place, who neither can have will to ask it, nor malice to deserve it. And therefore they reckon no privilege broken, though they fetch him out, which, if you finally refuse to deliver him, I verily think they will (so much dread has my Lord, his uncle, for the tender love he bears him), lest your Grace should by chance send him away."
"Ah, sir," said the Queen, "has the Protector so tender zeal to him that he fears nothing but lest he should escape him? Thinks he that I would send him hence, which neither is in the plight to send out, and in what place could I reckon him sure, if he be not sure in this the sanctuary, whereof there was never tyrant yet so devilish that dared presume to break. And, I trust God, the most holy Saint Peter-the guardian of this sanctuary-is as strong now to withstand his adversaries as ever he was.
"But my son can deserve no sanctuary, and therefore he cannot have it. Forsooth he has found a goodly gloss by which that place that may defend a thief may not save an innocent. But he is in no jeopardy nor has no need thereof. Would God he had not. Trusts the Protector (I pray God he may prove a Protector), trusts he that I perceive not whereunto his painted process draws? He says it is not honorable that the Duke abide here and that it were comfortable for them both that he were with his brother because the King lacks a playfellow. Be you sure. I pray God send them both better playfellows than him who makes so high a matter upon such a trifling pretext-as though there could none be found to play with the King unless his brother, who has no lust to play because of sickness, come out of sanctuary, out of his safeguard, to play with him. As though princes as young as they be could not play but with their peers, or children could not play but with their kindred, with whom for the most part they agree much worse than with strangers.
"But the child cannot require the privilege-who told him so? He shall hear him ask it, if he will. However, this is a gay matter: Suppose he could not ask it; suppose he would not ask it; suppose he would ask to go out. If I say he shall not, if I ask the privilege but for myself, I say he that against my will takes out him, breaks the sanctuary. Serves this liberty for my person only, or for my goods too? You may not hence take my horse from me, and may you take my child from me? He is also my ward, for as my learned Council shows me, since he has nothing by descent held by knight's service, the law makes his mother his guardian. Then may no man, I suppose, take my ward from me out of sanctuary, without the breech of the sanctuary. And if my privilege could not serve him, nor he ask it for himself, yet since the law commits to me the custody of him, I may require it for him-unless the law give a child a guardian only for his goods and his lands, discharging him of the care and safekeeping of his body, for which only both lands and goods serve.
"And if examples be sufficient to obtain privilege for my child, I need not far to seek. For in this place in which we now be (and which is now in question whether my child may take benefit of it) mine other son, now King, was born and kept in his cradle and preserved to a more prosperous fortune, which I pray God long to continue. And as all you know, this is not the first time that I have taken sanctuary, for when my lord, my husband, was banished and thrust out of his kingdom, I fled hither being great with child, and here I bore the Prince. And when my lord, my husband, returned safe again and had the victory, then went I hence to welcome him home, and from hence I brought my babe the Prince unto his father, when he first took him in his arms. And I pray God that my son's palace may be as great safeguard to him now reigning, as this place was sometime to the King's enemy. In which place I intend to keep his brother.
"Wherefore here intend I to keep him because man's law serves the guardian to keep the infant. The law of nature wills the mother keep her child. God's law privileges the sanctuary, and the sanctuary my son, since I fear to put him in the Protector's hands that has his brother already; and if both princes failed, the Protector were inheritor to the crown. The cause of my fear has no man to do but examine. And yet fear I no further than the law fears, which, as learned men tell me, forbids every man the custody of them by whose death he may inherit less land than a kingdom. I can no more, but whosoever he be that breaks this holy sanctuary, I pray God shortly send him need of sanctuary, when he may not come to it. For taken out of sanctuary would I not my mortal enemy were."
The Lord Cardinal, perceiving that the Queen grew ever longer the further off and also that she began to kindle and chafe and speak sore, biting words against the Protector, and such as he neither believed and was also loath to hear, he said unto her for a final conclusion that he would no longer dispute the matter. But if she were content to deliver the Duke to him and to the other lords there present, he dared lay his own body and soul both in pledge, not only for his safety but also for his estate. And if she would give them a resolute answer to the contrary, he would forthwith depart therewithal, and manage whosoever would with this business afterward; for he never intended more to move her in that matter in which she thought that he and all others, save herself, lacked either wit or truth-wit, if they were so dull that they could nothing perceive what the Protector intended; truth, if they should procure her son to be delivered into his hands, in whom they should perceive toward the child any evil intended.
The Queen with these words stood a good while in a great study. And forasmuch to her seemed the Cardinal more ready to depart than some of the remnant, and the Protector himself ready at hand, so that she verily thought she could not keep him there, but that he should immediately be taken thence; and to convey him elsewhere, neither had she time to serve her, nor place determined, nor persons appointed, all things unready because this message came on her so suddenly, nothing less expecting than to have him fetched out of sanctuary, which she thought to be now beset in such places about that he could not be conveyed out untaken, and partly as she thought it might fortune her fear to be false, and so well she knew it was either needless or without remedy to resist; wherefore, if she should needs go from him, she thought it best to deliver him. And over that, of the Cardinal's faith she nothing doubted, nor of some other lords neither, whom she there saw, which as she feared lest they might be deceived, so was she well assured they would not be corrupted. Then thought she it should yet make them the more warily to look to him and the more circumspect to see to his safety, if she with her own hands gave him to them of trust. And at the last she took the young Duke by the hand, and said unto the lords:
"My Lord," said she, "and all my lords, I neither am so unwise to mistrust your wits, nor so suspicious to mistrust your truths. Of which thing I purpose to make you such a proof that, if either of both lacked in you, might turn both me to great sorrow, the realm to much harm, and you to great reproach. For, lo, here is," said she, "this gentleman, whom I doubt not but I could here keep safe if I would, whatsoever any man say. And I doubt not also but there be some abroad, so deadly enemies unto my blood, that if they knew where any of it lay in their own body, they would let it out.
"We have also had experience that the desire of a kingdom knows no kindred. The brother has been the brother's bane. And may the nephews be sure of their uncle? Each of these children is the other's defense while they be asunder, and each of their lives lies in the other's body. Keep one safe and both be sure, and nothing for them both more perilous than to be both in one place. For what wise merchant ventures all his goods in one ship?
"All this notwithstanding, here I deliver him and his brother in him-to keep into your hands-of whom I shall ask them both before God and the world. Faithful you be, that know I well, and I know well you be wise. Power and strength to keep him, if you wish, neither lack you of yourself, nor can lack help in this cause. And if you cannot elsewhere, then may you leave him here. But only one thing I beseech you for the trust that his father put in you ever, and for trust that I put in you now, that as far as you think that I fear too much, be you well wary that you fear not as far too little." And therewithal she said unto the child: "Farewell, my own sweet son. God send you good keeping. Let me kiss you once yet before you go, for God knows when we shall kiss together again." And therewith she kissed him, and blessed him, turned her back and wept
and went her way, leaving the child weeping as fast.
When the Lord Cardinal and these other lords with him had received this young duke, they brought him into the Star Chamber where the Protector took him in his arms and kissed him with these words:
"Now welcome, my Lord, even with all my very heart." And he said in that of likelihood as he thought. Thereupon forthwith they brought him to the King, his brother, into the Bishop's Palace at Paul's, and from thence through the city honorably into the Tower, out of which after that day they never came abroad.
When the Protector had both the children in his hands, he opened himself more boldly, both to certain other men, and also chiefly to the Duke of Buckingham, although I know that many thought that this Duke was privy to all the Protector's counsel, even from the beginning.
And some of the Protector's friends said that the Duke was the first mover of the Protector to this matter, sending a private messenger unto him, straight after King Edward's death. But others again, who knew better the subtle cunning of the Protector, deny that he ever opened his enterprise to the Duke until he had brought to pass the things before rehearsed. But when he had imprisoned the Queen's kinsfolks and gotten both her sons into his own hands, then he opened the rest of his purpose with less fear to them whom he thought meet for the matter, and specially to the Duke, who being won to his purpose, he thought his strength more than half increased.
The matter was broken unto the Duke by subtle folks, and such as were masters of their craft in the handling of such wicked devices, who declared unto him that the young king was offended with him for his kinsfolks' sakes, and that if he were ever able, he would revenge them, who would prick him forward thereunto if they escaped (for the Queen's family would remember their imprisonment). Or else if his kinsfolk were put to death, without doubt the young king would be sorrowful for their deaths, whose imprisonment was grievous unto him. And that with repenting the Duke should nothing avail: for there was no way left to redeem his offense by benefits, but he should sooner destroy himself than save the King, who with his brother and his kinsfolks he saw in such places imprisoned, as the Protector might with a nod destroy them all; and that it were no doubt but he would do it indeed, if there were any new enterprise attempted. And that it was likely that as the Protector had provided private guard for himself, so had he spies for the Duke and traps to catch him if he should be against him, and that, perchance, from them whom he least suspected. The state of things and the dispositions of men were then such that a man could not well tell whom he might trust or whom he might fear. These things and such like, being beaten into the Duke's mind, brought him to that point where he had repented the way he had entered, yet would he go forth in the same; and since he had once begun, he would stoutly go through. And therefore to this wicked enterprise, which he believed could not be avoided, he bent himself and went through and determined that since the common mischief could not be amended, he would turn it as much as he might to his own advantage.
Then it was agreed that the Protector should have the Duke's aid to make him king, and that the Protector's only lawful son should marry the Duke's daughter, and that the Protector should grant him the quiet possession of the Earldom of Hertford, which he claimed as his inheritance and could never obtain it in King Edward's time. Besides these requests of the Duke, the Protector of his own mind promised him a great quantity of the King's treasure and of his household stuff. And when they were thus at a point between themselves, they went about to prepare for the coronation of the young king as they would have it seem. And that they might turn both the eyes and minds of men from perceiving their plans, the lords, being sent for from all parties of the realm, came thick to that solemnity.
But the Protector and the Duke, after that, once they had set the Lord Cardinal, the Archbishop of York (then Lord Chancellor), the bishop of Ely (age 63), Lord Stanley, and Lord Hastings (age 52) (then Lord Chamberlain) with many other noble men to commune and devise about the coronation in one place, as fast were they in another place contriving the contrary, and to make the Protector king. To which council, although there were admittedly very few, and they very secret, yet began there, here and there about, some manner of muttering among the people, as though all should not long be well, though they neither knew what they feared nor wherefore: Were it that before such great things, men's hearts of a secret instinct of nature misgives them, as the sea without wind swells of itself sometime before a tempest; or were it that some one man haply somewhat perceiving, filled many men with suspicion, though he showed few men what he knew. However, somewhat the dealing itself made men to muse on the matter, though the council was closed. For little by little all folk withdrew from the Tower and drew to Crosby's Place in Bishopsgate Street where the Protector kept his household. The Protector had the people appealing to him; the King was in manner alone. While some for their business made suit to them that had the doing, some were by their friends secretly warned that it might haply turn them to no good to be too much attendant about the King without the Protector's appointment, who removed also many of the Prince's old servants from him, and set new ones about him. Thus many things coming together-partly by chance, partly by purpose-caused at length not only common people who wave with the wind, but also wise men and some lords as well, to mark the matter and muse thereon, so far forth that the Lord Stanley, who was afterwards Earl of Darby, wisely mistrusted it and said unto the Lord Hastings that he much disliked these two several councils.
"For while we," said he, "talk of one matter in the one place, little know we whereof they talk in the other place."
"My Lord," said the Lord Hastings, "on my life, never doubt you. For while one man is there who is never thence, never can there be things once minded that should sound amiss toward me, but it should be in mine ears before it were well out of their mouths."
This meant he by Catesby, who was of his near secret counsel and whom he very familiarly used, and in his most weighty matters put no man in so special trust, reckoning himself to no man so dear, since he well knew there was no man to him so much beholden as was this Catesby, who was a man well learned in the laws of this land, and by the special favor of the Lord Chamberlain in good authority and much rule bore in all the county of Leicester where the Lord Chamberlain's power chiefly lay. But surely great pity was it that he had not had either more truth or less wit. For his dissimulation alone kept all that mischief up. If the Lord Hastings had not put so special trust in Catesby, the Lord Stanley and he had departed with diverse other lords and broken all the dance, for many ill signs that he saw, which he now construed all to the best, so surely thought he there could be none harm toward him in that council intended where Catesby was. And of truth the Protector and the Duke of Buckingham made very good semblance unto the Lord Hastings and kept him much in company. And undoubtedly the Protector loved him well and loath was to have lost him, saving for fear lest his life should have quelled their purpose. For which cause he moved Catesby to prove with some words cast out afar off, whether he could think it possible to win the Lord Hastings to their part. But Catesby, whether he tried him or questioned him not, reported unto them that he found him so fast and heard him speak so terrible words that he dared no further say. And of truth the Lord Chamberlain, with great trust, showed unto Catesby the mistrust that others began to have in the matter.
Memoirs of Philip de Commines Book 6 Chapter 8. Jun 1483. Our King was quickly informed of King Edward's death; but he expressed no manner of joy upon hearing the news. Not long after, he received letters from the [his uncle] Duke of Gloucester (age 30), who had made himself king1, styled himself Richard III., and barbarously murdered his two nephews2 [[his brother] King Edward V of England (age 12) and Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York (age 9)]. This King Richard desired to live in the same friendship with our king as his brother had done, and I believe would gladly have had his pension continued; but our king looked upon him as an inhuman and cruel person, and would neither answer his letters nor give audience to his ambassador; for King Richard, after his brother's death, bad sworn allegiance to his nephew, as his king and sovereign, and yet committed that inhuman action not long after; and, in full Parliament, caused two of his brother's daughters to be degraded and declared illegitimate, upon a pretence which he justified by means of the Bishop of Bath (age 63), who, having been formerly in great favour with King Edward, had incurred his displeasure, was dismissed, imprisoned, and fined a good sum for his releasement3. This bishop affirmed, that King Edward being in love with a certain lady whom he named, and otherwise unable to have his desires of her, had promised her marriage; and caused the bishop to marry
Note 1. Richard III did not assume the title of King until the 26th of June, 1483; after the death of his nephew Edward V.
Note 2. Molinet (ii. 402.) gives the following account of the murder of the princes: "The eldest was simple and very melancholy, aware of the wickedness of his uncle, but the youngest was joyous and witty, nimble, and ever ready for dances and games; and he said to his brother, who wore the order of the garter, 'My brother, learn to dance:' and his brother answered, 'It would be better for us to learn to die, for I think we shall not long remain in the world!' They were prisoners for about five weeks; and Duke Richard had them secretly slain by the captain of the Tower. And when the executioners came, the eldest was asleep, but the youngest was awake, and he perceived their intention, and began to say, 'Ha! my brother, awake, for they have come to kill you,' Then he said to the executioners, 'Why do you kill my brother? kill me, and let him live.' But they were both killed and their bodies cast into a secret place."
Chronicle of Jean Molinet Chapter 100. [Aug 1483]. The second son of King Edward, named George [Richard] (age 9), as previously mentioned, was brought and placed in the Tower of London with his elder brother; the Duke Richard had them given a state which greatly diminished. The elder son was simple and very melancholic, somewhat aware of the wickedness of his uncle, and the second son was very joyful and witty, evident and quick in dances and amusements, and said to his brother, wearing the Order of the Garter: 'My brother, learn to dance.' And his brother replied: 'It would be better for you and me to learn to die, for I believe we will not be in this world for much longer.' They were imprisoned for about five weeks; and by the captain of the tower, the Duke Richard secretly had them put to death and eliminated.
Some say he had them thrown into a great pit, and enclosed there without food or drink. Others say they were extinguished between two cushions, lying in the same room. And when it came to the execution, Edward, the elder son, was asleep, and the younger was awake, who perceived the malice, for he began to say: 'Oh, my brother, wake up, for they come to kill you!' Then he said to the apparitors, 'Why do you kill my brother? Kill me and let him live!' Thus one after the other were executed and extinguished, and the bodies thrown into some secret place; then they were collected, and after the death of King Richard, they were given royal obsequies.
Le second fils du roi Edouard, nommé Georges, comme dit est, frit rendu et bouté en la tour de Londres avecq son frère aisné; le duc Richard leur fit donner estât qui fort diminua. L'aisné fils estoit simple et fort mélancolieux, cognoissant aulcunement la mauvaisetié de son oncle, et le second fils estoit fort joyeux et spirituel, appert et prompt aux danses et aux esbats, et disoit à son frère, portant l'ordre de la Jarretière: "Mon frère, apprenez à danser."Et son frère lui répondit: "Il vauldroit mieux que vouset moi apprinsions à mourir, car je cuide bien sçavoir que guaires de temps ne serons au monde." Ils furent environ cinq sepmaines prisonniers; et par le capitaine de la tour, le duc Richard les fit occultement mourir et estaindre.
Aulcuns disent qu'il les fit bouter en une grande huge, et enclorre illec sans boire et sans manger. Aultres disent qu'ils furent estains entre deux quieutes, couchants en une mesme chambre. Et quant vint à l'exécution, Pierre , l'aisné fils, dormoit, et le jeune veilloit, lequel s'appercutdo malice, car il commença à dire: "Ha, mon frère, esveillez-vous, car l'on vous vient occir! Puis disoit aux appariteurs, Pourquoi tuez-vous mon frère? tuez-moi et le laissez vivre! Ainsi doncques l'un après l'autre furent exécutés et estaincts, et les corps rués en quelque lieu secret; puis furent recueillis, et après la mort du roy Richard eurent royaux obsecques.
Around Aug 1483 [his brother] King Edward V of England (age 12) and his brother Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York (age 9) disappeared from the Tower of London [Map]. Earl Nottingham, Earl Norfolk extinct.
The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. The [his brother] Prince, as soon as the [his uncle] Protector had left that name and took himself as King, had it showed unto him he should not reign, but his uncle should have the crown. At which word the Prince, sore abashed, began to sigh and said: "Alas, I would my uncle would let me have my life yet, though I lose my kingdom." Then he that told him the tale, spoke to him with good words and put him in the best comfort he could. But forthwith were the Prince and his brother both shut up, and all others removed from them, only one, called Black Will or William Slaughter, set to serve them and see them safe. After which time the Prince never tied his laces, nor took care of himself, but with that young babe, his brother, lingered in thought and heaviness till this traitorous death delivered them of that wretchedness.
For Sir James Tyrell devised that they should be murdered in their beds. To the execution whereof, he appointed Miles Forest, one of the four that kept them, a fellow hardened in murder before that time. To him he joined one John Dighton, his own housekeeper, a big, broad, square strong knave. Then all the others being removed from them, this Miles Forest and John Dighton about midnight (the innocent children lying in their beds) came into the chamber, and suddenly lapped them up among the bedclothes-so bewrapped them and entangled them, keeping down by force the featherbed and pillows hard unto their mouths, that within a while, smothered and stifled, their breath failing, they gave up to God their innocent souls into the joys of heaven, leaving to the tormentors their bodies dead in the bed.
Which after that the wretches perceived, first by the struggling with the pains of death, and after long lying still, to be thoroughly dead, they laid their bodies naked out upon the bed, and fetched Sir James to see them. Who, upon the sight of them, caused those murderers to bury them at the stair-foot, suitably deep in the ground, under a great heap of stones.
Then rode Sir James in great haste to King Richard and showed him all the manner of the murder, who gave him great thanks and, as some say, there made him knight. But he allowed not, as I have heard, the burying in so vile a corner, saying that he would have them buried in a better place because they were a king's sons. Lo, the honorable nature of a king! Whereupon they say that a priest of Sir Robert Brakenbury took up the bodies again and secretly buried them in a place that only he knew and that, by the occasion of his death, could never since come to light.
On 13 Jun 1483 [his uncle] King Richard III of England (age 30) arranged a Council meeting at the Tower of London [Map] attended by William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 52), Cardinal John Morton (age 63), Archbishop Thomas Rotherham (age 59) and Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 28). During the course of the evening Richard accused William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings, Cardinal John Morton and Archbishop Thomas Rotherham of treasonable conspiracy with the [his mother] Queen (age 46).
William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings was beheaded at Tower Green, Tower of London [Map]. He was buried in North Aisle St George's Chapel, Windsor Castle [Map] next to [his father] King Edward IV of England. His son Edward Hastings 2nd Baron Hastings Baron Botreaux, Hungerford and Moleyns (age 16) succeeded 2nd Baron Hastings.
Cardinal John Morton and Archbishop Thomas Rotherham were arrested.
On 16 Jun 1483 Cardinal Thomas Bourchier (age 65) removed [his father] Edward IV's youngest son Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York (age 9) from Sanctuary in Westminster Abbey [Map] to the Tower of London [Map] so that he could join his brother in preparation for his Coronation. Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 28) was present.
On 05 Jul 1483 John Howard 1st Duke of Norfolk (age 58) was created 1st Duke Norfolk by [his uncle] King Richard III of England (age 30). Margaret Chedworth Duchess Norfolk (age 47) by marriage Duchess Norfolk.
His son Thomas Howard 2nd Duke of Norfolk (age 40) was created 1st Earl Surrey. Elizabeth Tilney Countess of Surrey (age 39) by marriage Countess Surrey.
William Berkeley 1st Marquess Berkeley (age 57) was created 1st Earl Nottingham.
John Howard 1st Duke of Norfolk and William Berkeley 1st Marquess Berkeley were heirs to the vast Mowbray estates that had been inherited by [his former wife] Anne Mowbray 8th Countess Norfolk who had been married to Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York (age 9).
Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke York 1473-'s father [his father] King Edward IV of England had legislated that in the event of Anne's death his son Richard would continue to benefit from the inheritance; she died in 1481.
Francis Lovell 1st Viscount Lovell (age 27) was created 1st Viscount Lovell. Anne Fitzhugh Viscountess Lovell by marriage Viscountess Lovell. [Note. Some sources place his created on 01 Jan 1483 although the source for that is unknown. ]
On 17 Jul 1483 Robert Brackenbury was appointed Constable of the Tower of London for life. As Constable he was in direct care of The Princes in the Tower: [his brother] King Edward V of England (age 12) and his brother Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York (age 9).
Hall's Chronicle 1492. This yere was borne at Grenewiche [Map] lord Henry, second son to the King (age 34), which was created duke of Yorke, and after Prince of Wales, and in conclusion succeeded his father in crown and dignity. Nowe let us return to the new found son of King Edward, conjured by men’s policies from death to life.
And first to declare his lineage and beginning, you must understad that the [his aunt] Duchess of Burgoyne (age 45) so nourished and brought up in the seditious and scelerate factions of false contryers and founders of discord could never cease nor be unquiet (like a viper that is ready to burst with superfluity of poison) except he should infest and unquiet the King of England, for no desert or displeasure by him to her committed, but only because he was propagate and descended of the house of Lancaster, ever being adverse and enemy to her line and lineage. For which only cause she compassed, imagined and invented how to cast a scorpion in his bosom, and to infect his whole realm with, a pestiferous discord. To the intent that he being vanquished and brought to confusion, both the boiling heat of her malicious heart might be fully satiated with his innocent blood, and also advance and prefer some darling of her faction to his Empire rule and dignity. And principally remembering that the Earl of Lincoln, which was by her set forth and al his company had small fortune and worse success in their progression and enterprise, contrary to her hope and expectation, she like a dog reverting to her olde vomit, began to devise and spin a new web, like a spider that daily weaves when his caul is torn. And as the devil provides venomous sauce to corrupt banckettes, so for her purpose she espied a certain young man of visage beautiful, of countenance demure, of with subtle crafty and pregnant, called Peter Warbreck. And for his dastard cowardness of the Englishmen, in derision called Perkin Warbreck (age 17), according to the Dutch phrase, which change the name of Peter to Pekin, to younglings of no strength nor courage for their timorous hearts and pusillanimity. Which young man travelling many countries, could speak English and many other languages, and for his basenes of stock and birth was known of none almost, and only for the gain of his living from his childhood was of necessity, compelled to seek and frequent diverse realms and regions. Therefore the duches thinking to have gotten God by the foot, when she had the devil by the taile, and adjudging this young man to be a mete organ to convey her purpose, and one not unlike to be duke of Yorke, son to her brother [his father] King Edward, which was called Richard, kept him a certain space with her privately, and him with such diligence instructed, both of the secretes and common affaires of the realm of England, and of the lineage, descent and order of the House of Yorke, that he like a good scholar not forgetting his lesson could tell all that was taught him promptly without any difficulty or sign of any subornation and besides, he kept such a princely countenance, and so counterfeit a Majesty Royal, that all men in manner did firmly believe that he was extracted of the noble house and family of the Dukes of Yorke. For surely it was a gift given to that noble progeny as of nature in the root planted that all the sequel of that line and stock did study and devise how to be equivalent in honour and fame with their forefathers and noble predecessors.
On 08 Jun 1492 [his mother] Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 55) died at Bermondsey [Map]. She was buried at the Altar, St George's Chapel [Map].
1876. John Everett Millais 1st Baronet (age 46). "The Two Princes". An imagined portrait of the Princes in the Tower [his brother] King Edward V of England and Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York.
Hall's Chronicle 1492. When he had thus prudently consolate and appeased the minds of his men of war, he returned back again with his whole army, to the toun of Caieys [Map], where he began to smell certain secret smoke, which was like to turn to a great flame, without it were well watched and politicly seen to. For by the crafty invention and devilish imagination of that pestiforous serpent [his aunt] lady Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy, a new idol was set up in Flanders, and called Richard Plantagenet, second son to King Edward the 4th as though he had bene resuscitate from death to life, which sudden news more stack and fretted in his stomach, then the battle which now was set late forward and more pain he had (not without great jeopardy of himself) to appease and quench this new sprung conspiracy, then in making peace with the French King his enemy. And so he was content to accept and receive (and not to offer and give) the honest conditions of peace of his enemy proffered and oblated, except he would at one time make war, be the at home in his own country, and also in foreign and external nations. Wherefore King Henry foreseeing all these things before (and not without great counsel) concluded with the French King, to the intent that he being delivered of al outward enmity might the more quickly provide for the civil and domestical commotions, which he perceived well to be budding out. The conclusion of the peace was thus, y the peace should continue both their lives, and that the French King should pay to King Henry a certain sum of money in hand, according as the commissioners should appoint for his charges sustained in his journey:
The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. But as soon as the tidings of this matter came hastily to the [his mother] Queen, a little before the midnight following, and that in the sorest way, that the [his brother] King her son was taken; her [his uncle] brother, her [his half-brother] son, and her other friends arrested, and sent to no man knew where, to be done with God knows what. With such tidings, the Queen, in great fright and heaviness, bewailing her child's ruin, her friends' mischance, and her own misfortune, damning the time that ever she spoke in opposition to the gathering of power about the King, got herself in all haste possible, with her younger son and her daughters, out of the Palace of Westminster in which she then lay, and into the Sanctuary [Map], lodging herself and her company there in the Abbot's place.
Chronicle of Jean Molinet Chapter 100. ... then he had the said prince, his nephew, sent to the Tower of London. And because it seemed that he could not accomplish anything of value unless he had the second son of his nephew, aged twelve, in order to quell the dispute, he had him summoned by the Archbishop of Canterbury, uncle of the said children, who told the widowed mother of King Edward that her son George [Richard] should come hastily to the coronation of his brother; he would then see the honors that would be bestowed there in order to always learn. The queen, fully aware of her brother-in-law's deceptions, greatly mistrusted him; nevertheless, she confided in the said archbishop.
... puis fit bouter ledit prince son nepveu en la tour de Londres. Et pour ce qu'il sembloit qu'il ne povoit faire chose de valeur, s'il n'avoit le second fils son nepveu, eagé de douze ans, afin de anéantir la querelle, il le fit mander par l'arcevesque de Cautorbie, oncle desdits enfans, lequel dit à la mère vefve du roi Edouard, que son fils Georges vint hastivement au couronnement de son frère; si verroit les honneurs qui se feroient illecq afin de tousjours apprendre. La reine, toute apprinse des déceptions de son beau-frère, l'accordoit fort enuis; nonobstant elle se confioit audit arcevesque.
King Edward IV of England 1442-1483
King Edward III of England 1312-1377
John of Gaunt 1st Duke Lancaster 1340-1399
Ralph Neville 1st Earl of Westmoreland 1364-1425
Cecily "Rose of Raby" Neville Duchess York 1415-1495
Joan Beaufort Countess of Westmoreland 1379-1440
John Neville 3rd Baron Neville of Raby 1337-1388
Maud Percy Baroness Neville Raby
Thomas Holland 2nd Earl Kent 1350-1397
Richard Plantagenet 3rd Duke of York 1411-1460
Katherine Roet Duchess Lancaster 1350-1403
Kings Wessex: Great x 13 Grand Son of King Edmund "Ironside" I of England
Kings Gwynedd: Great x 10 Grand Son of Owain "Great" King Gwynedd
Kings Seisyllwg: Great x 16 Grand Son of Hywel "Dda aka Good" King Seisyllwg King Deheubarth
Kings Powys: Great x 11 Grand Son of Maredudd ap Bleddyn King Powys
Kings England: Son of King Edward IV of England
Kings Scotland: Great x 12 Grand Son of King Duncan I of Scotland
Kings Franks: Great x 9 Grand Son of Louis VII King Franks
Kings France: Great x 5 Grand Son of Philip IV King France
Great x 4 Grandfather: King Edward II of England Son of King Edward I of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: King Edward III of England Son of King Edward II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Isabella of France Queen Consort England 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 2 Grandfather: Edmund of Langley 1st Duke of York Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: William Hainault I Count Hainault III Count Avesnes III Count Holland II Count Zeeland 6 x Great Grand Son of King William "Conqueror" I of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Philippa of Hainault Queen Consort England 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Joan Valois Countess Zeeland Holland Avesnes and Hainault 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 1 Grandfather: Richard of Conisbrough 1st Earl Cambridge Grand Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Alfonso "Avenger" XI King Castile 4 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: Peter "Cruel" I King Castile 5 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Maria Burgundy Queen Consort Castile 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 2 Grandmother: Isabella of Castile Duchess York 6 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Juan García Padilla 1st Lord Villagera
Great x 3 Grandmother: Maria Padilla
Great x 4 Grandmother: María González Henestrosa Lady Villagera
GrandFather: Richard Plantagenet 3rd Duke of York Great Grand Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Roger Mortimer 2nd Earl March 5 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: Edmund Mortimer 3rd Earl March, Earl Ulster 6 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Philippa Montagu Countess March
Great x 2 Grandfather: Roger Mortimer 4th Earl March 6th Earl Ulster Great Grand Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Lionel Plantagenet 1st Duke of Clarence Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Philippa Plantagenet Countess March 5th Countess Ulster Grand Daughter of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Elizabeth Burgh Duchess of Clarence 2 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England
Great x 1 Grandmother: Anne Mortimer 2 x Great Grand Daughter of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Thomas Holland 1st Earl Kent 4 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: Thomas Holland 2nd Earl Kent Great Grand Son of King Edward I of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Joan "Fair Maid of Kent" Princess Wales Grand Daughter of King Edward I of England
Great x 2 Grandmother: Eleanor Holland Countess March and Ulster 2 x Great Grand Daughter of King Edward I of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Richard Fitzalan 10th Earl of Arundel 8th Earl of Surrey 5 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Alice Fitzalan Countess Kent 2 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Eleanor Plantagenet Countess Arundel and Surrey Great Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England
Father: King Edward IV of England 2 x Great Grand Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Ralph Neville 1st Baron Neville of Raby
Great x 3 Grandfather: Ralph Neville 2nd Baron Neville of Raby 8 x Great Grand Son of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Euphemia Clavering Baroness Neville Raby 7 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 2 Grandfather: John Neville 3rd Baron Neville of Raby 4 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Hugh Audley 1st Baron Audley of Stratton Audley 2 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Alice Audley Baroness Greystoke and Neville 3 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Iseult Mortimer 3 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 1 Grandfather: Ralph Neville 1st Earl of Westmoreland 5 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Henry Percy 9th and 1st Baron Percy
Great x 3 Grandfather: Henry Percy 10th and 2nd Baron Percy 5 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Eleanor Fitzalan Baroness Percy 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 2 Grandmother: Maud Percy Baroness Neville Raby 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Robert Clifford 1st Baron Clifford 6 x Great Grand Son of King Henry I "Beauclerc" England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Idonia Clifford Baroness Percy 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Maud Clare Baroness Clifford Baroness Welles 3 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
GrandMother: Cecily "Rose of Raby" Neville Duchess York Great Grand Daughter of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: King Edward II of England Son of King Edward I of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: King Edward III of England Son of King Edward II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Isabella of France Queen Consort England 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 2 Grandfather: John of Gaunt 1st Duke Lancaster Son of King Edward III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: William Hainault I Count Hainault III Count Avesnes III Count Holland II Count Zeeland 6 x Great Grand Son of King William "Conqueror" I of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Philippa of Hainault Queen Consort England 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Joan Valois Countess Zeeland Holland Avesnes and Hainault 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 1 Grandmother: Joan Beaufort Countess of Westmoreland Grand Daughter of King Edward III of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: Giles "Payne" Roet
Great x 2 Grandmother: Katherine Roet Duchess Lancaster
Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke of York Son of King Edward IV of England
Great x 2 Grandfather: John Woodville
Great x 1 Grandfather: Richard Woodville
GrandFather: Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers
Great x 2 Grandfather: Thomas Bittelsgate
Great x 1 Grandmother: Joan Bittelsgate
Great x 4 Grandfather: Hugh Beauchamp
Great x 3 Grandfather: John Beauchamp
Great x 2 Grandmother: Joan Beauchamp
Mother: Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England 6 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: John Luxemburg Lord of Ligby 7 x Great Grand Son of King William "Conqueror" I of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: Guy of Luxemburg I Count Saint Pol and Ligny 8 x Great Grand Son of King William "Conqueror" I of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Alix Dampierre 7 x Great Grand Daughter of King William "Conqueror" I of England
Great x 2 Grandfather: John Luxemburg Count St Pol 3 x Great Grand Son of King Henry III of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Jean Chatillon Count Saint Pol Great Grand Son of King Henry III of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Mathilde Chatillon Countess Saint Pol 2 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Jeanne Fiennes 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England
Great x 1 Grandfather: Peter Luxemburg I Count Saint Pol 4 x Great Grand Son of King Henry III of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: Louis Count of Enghien
Great x 2 Grandmother: Margaret Brienne
GrandMother: Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England
Great x 1 Grandmother: Margherita Baux 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 4 Grandfather: Roberto Orsini Count 2 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 3 Grandfather: Nicholas Orsini Count 3 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 4 Grandmother: Sueva del Balzo
Great x 2 Grandmother: Sueva Orsini 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England
Great x 3 Grandmother: Jeanne Sabran