01 Jan 1535. 1. The Princess (age 18) has been informed that, by virtue of the statute lately passed, which has been made more severe against those who refuse to swear and acknowledge the second marriage, after these holydays she must renounce her title and take the oath, and that on pain of her life she must not call herself Princess or her mother Queen, but that if ever she does she will be sent to the Tower. She will never change her purpose, nor the Queen either. The Council here, owing to what has been discovered in France touching the Zwinglian heresy, have prohibited a book printed here a year ago in English, which is full of the said heresy. I am told also that of late the Chancellor has caused 15 books of the New Testament in English to be burned. Booksellers have been forbidden to sell or keep a prognostication lately made in Flanders, which threatens the King with war and misfortune this year; and some of the leading men of the Council have said that, matters being as they are, nothing is wanted to set the realm topsy turvy but to translate and publish the said prognostication in English. The Governor and Burgomaster of Belguez (Berghes) have come with a good company to treat, as it is said, in anticipation of the "festes" which are held at Belguez. I am told the King and Council care little about their coming, giving the people to understand that they have come for fear the English take other measures, and that they would not obey the Emperor if he forbade intercourse. I am told a kinsman of Kildare made overtures to deliver him to the King's men; and Kildare, being informed of it, gave such a banquet to those who watched him as they intended to give him,—took 500 or 600 of them along with his said kinsman, and sent them to execution. I am inclined to think this true, because of late Cromwell has several times said that before many days the said Kildare would be brought hither prisoner. London, 1 Jan. 1535.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 5.

14 Jan 1535. 48. As to master Godscalke, he must be ere this in Flanders. There is no way of hearing, as no Scotch ambassador has been here since the one who came to swear to the peace, who returned immediately; nor have the English sent any until now. The duke of Norfolk's brother leaves to-morrow, and carries some rich garments to present to the king of Scots, with cloth of gold and silver; and it is said he is to ask James to send back some English Observants who go about preaching there that this king is schismatic. He must also have some other charge, as the Council have met several times. At all events, he will have leisure to inquire about the business of Godscalke, and will probably again solicit James to be present at the proposed interview. People are astonished at the despatch of so stupid and indiscreet a man. I hear also he is to present a Barbary horse and three other great horses.

I have not been able to learn more about the count de Hui, except that I hear he got a very meagre present, and left ill content. Eight days ago Norfolk sent to tell me that his master, desiring to be frank with the Emperor. wished to communicate to me certain letters lately written to him by one named Jacques, a native of Bruges, who had left the Court of your Majesty, where he was halberdier, for some homicide; and after he had taken refuge in France, as I was informed, not only by him but by the treasurer of Besancon, who was then ambassador in that country, that he had done service to the Emperor, I took him into my service, but did not feel I could trust him, and got rid of him. He then returned to France, entered the service of Mons. de Likerke, fled to Scotland for another homicide, and at last, as I wrote a few days ago, has arrived here. He relates in the said letters several services he has done to your Majesty, which, he says, have been ill-requited, charging you with avarice and ingratitude more than any other prince; for which reason he offered, through the duke of Norfolk, to do service to this king against your Majesty, and said he would endeavour to get into my service again to play the spy and let them know when I sent off despatches. He informed them also of the day that messire Gouschalke left your Majesty, and when he embarked for Flanders, saying that Kildare had accompanied him through Ireland with 500 horses till he embarked for Scotland, and that he had given Kildare all the ordnance in the zabre that brought him from Spain, and that he had done all he wanted in Scotland, so that your Majesty, who wanted to usurp everything, with the aid of the Irish and Scotch (who were now very bad Frenchmen on account of the refusal of the promised marriage), would make an expedition against England, although it would be fruitless, and that messire Gotschalke, who had once been chancellor of king Christiern, would conduct the affairs of your Majesty as unhappily as those of his late master. He said also that Gotschalke was very angry at him because he would not take some letters to Kildare in Ireland, and that he had some words with him, which, as he wrote, he did not wish to let me know. He said also in the said letters that he was kinsman of the provost of Cassel, who was formerly here as ambassador from your Majesty.

14 Jan 1535. 48. Having considered the whole matter, I told the gentleman, and sent word to the duke of Norfolk that there could have been no danger of the said Jacques doing mischief, for there was not the smallest chance of my taking him into my service again, and, moreover, that even if he were there and understood all I did, he could not have reported anything but what was honorable; it would rather have done me good by showing that things were quite otherwise from what was suspected. Nevertheless, I thanked them for what was a really friendly turn done to your Majesty and myself, adding that I would hereafter thank them in person. The Duke answered my messenger that if I would come to him he would await me at the place where the King's ships are built, halfway between Greenwich and this town. Next morning I was there at the appointed hour. The Duke and the treasurer Fitzwilliam had been waiting for me some time, being anxious to show me two ships which were then on land, the one finished and the other not. In doing which the Duke several times said it was a good thing for a king of England to be provided with such vessels to inspire awe in those who wished to attack him, and that he thought with these two, and four or five in the river before them, they could tight the whole world. He also said that your Majesty would have much trouble with Barbarossa, who was "taille" (?) not only to waste Sicily but also several other countries, and they had also news that Barbarossa was "paisible" of Tunis, and that the Turk was arming in great force at Constantinople. I said I thought that these ships might also serve against the Turk, and that everything might be set right "apres les fumees passees," and as to Barbarossa, I had firm hope that God would defend his own cause, and that often when the affairs of your Majesty seemed desperate, they were on the eve of a triumphant issue. When the Duke saw that I did not make much of his suggestions, he turned to another matter, and said I knew well the inestimable money (fn. 2) (?) that his master would derive from the power that the churchmen had given him. As it would have done no good to irritate those whom the case touched, I only said to him that those who had granted that had shown themselves very good subjects. He then said that if your Majesty would not show so much respect to the bishop of Rome, you might do the same yourself and fill your coffers. I answered, if that were determined by a General Council, it would tend to a common agreement. I then proceeded to thank the King and the Duke for their communication about the aforesaid letters, and I begged that I might have them to send, as evidence of their friendship, to your Majesty. He said he didn't know what had become of them, and was afraid he had burnt them that morning with some others, but would send them if he found them. I have little doubt he has them, but they mean to make use of them in France and Scotland. I told the Duke also that M. de Roguendorff had written to me that I ought particularly to report to him the disorder of affairs here, thinking that for the honesty and virtue the Duke had known in him, he would try to remedy it, and that if there were any misunderstanding between your Majesty and this king, he would endeavor to get the king of the Romans to be a mediator. The Duke replied he would it should cost him one of his hands that your Majesty and the King his master should be good friends, and that if M. de Roguendorff or I were prepared to make any overture, he would do his best in the matter. I said it was no use referring to Roguendorff, who had no knowledge of affairs here, or to me, who had no ability to speak of such things before such a prudent council as that of the King; for I had ventured formerly to represent that the good treatment of the Queen and Princess was very necessary not to offend God and the world, and not having seen any amendment in that matter, I did not intend to speak of it any more, especially as the English ambassador had intimated to your Majesty that they should be treated with all favor and respect.

27 Jan 1535. R. O. 119. John Husee to Lady Lisle (age 41).

I received your letter of Walter, servant to Lady Guarnes-he, and have delivered the 20s. I will show Mr. Tayler your Ladyship's pleasure. Your dog may be well spared, for I am told her Grace makes not much of them. I doubt that the broderer will be reasonable about the frontlets, but you have not written if you have received the same, or answered my bill of prices of grocery I hope to write in my next what end Mr. Secretary makes in my Lord's matter with Sir Edward Seymour (age 35). It rests entirely with him to show his friendship. I am sorry you have been so disquieted at the beginning of the year. My Lord will never get £500, Calais money, by the three persons you write of. Some things now colored will at length be plainly set out. I hope to get you both an ancient gentlewoman and a good tailor. Mr. Bassett came hither on the 26th, and will remain till the morrow of Candlemas day, when he will enter his chamber at Lincoln's Inn. I have spoken with Mr. Holleys this day, but Mr. Lane is not yet come. I have no doubt he will be well pleased to have the young gentleman in his company, who, I assure you, is both gentle, sober and wise. Mr. Syllyard will see to him in Mr. Lane's absence; and Mr. Densell also. Please send Mr. Tywke and Mr. Densell the French wine, Mr. Bassett is out of apparel. He has no good gown but one of chamlet, which was illfashioned, and is now amending. His damask gown is worth nothing but to make a jacket; for his velvet coat was broken to guard his chamlet gown. Reports the state of his other articles of dress. The kersey is not for him, and I have sent it by Edward Russell. He has brought with him a feather bed, bolster, blankets, counter-point and two pair sheets. He requires another bed furnished with a pillow. I intend to make him two pr. black hose, a new damask gown faced with foynes or genetts, and a study gown faced with "fox powttes" of cloth at 6s. a yd., &c. Would like £3 or £4, as what is wanted will take 20 marks at least. Bremelcome wants a coat, as he has only one. London, 26 Jan.

Hol., pp. 3. Add.

27 Jan 1535. R. O. 120. [Lord Lisle (age 70)] to Leonard Smyth.

I have received your letters dated 24 Jan., stating that one Hunt is minded to make his complaint, and that I should write to the Dean of Arches to stay process in my favor. I never meddled with any of his matters, but he made a false oath before the marshal here, and had 20 days' respite before the commissary to reprove those who had sworn the contrary. He promised me and divers of the Council to give surety for £100 to be paid to the King if he did not prove his oath true. This he never did, but "fletyd away" at Sandgate or Whitesand. My letter to the Dean of Arches was to the effect that we have a plain ordinance that no curse shall be pronounced against any soldier here for fault of appearance. Hunt had procured two false knaves to perjure themselves, for which they wore papers and were banished. He was pardoned, being the King's servant, but now that he has committed the same, the retinue have desired me to discharge him, abhorring his company as a great reproach and slander to them all. If he deny this, call John Shepherd, a soldier of this town, to whom he gave money to deliver to his adversaries for agreement. Notwithstanding, if Mr. Secretary will send a commission to some of the Council and constables and vintners here, and if they say he is other than a false knave, and ought to have a room again, he shall have it and 12d. a day out of my purse. When he complains, inform Mr. Secretary thereof. Calais, 27 Jan.

If you think it convenient, I will cause the commissary to come over with the process. I trust Mr. Secretary will give no credit to any surmise unto I may make answer. There have been many running tales surmised about me since I came hither. If God were here among us, every man would not say well by him. He (Hunt) says he was stopped five tides, but he cannot prove it was by my mind, except that John à Burges complained that Hunt would have robbed him in his own house, whereupon I sent them both to the mayor. Mr. Secretary wrote asking that he might he restored, but I answered that if it had not been for Mr. Compton he would have worn paper, and if I put him to his room again all the retinue would cry out on me. God send me a good end in my matter with Sir Edward Semour (age 35). Commend me to your brother.

Pp. 2. Endd.. The copy of my letter sent to Leonard Smythe.

05 Feb 1535. Castelnau's Memoirs, i. 405. (Edit. Brussels, 1731.) 174. Palamedes Gontier to Admiral Chabot (age 43).

Was detained at Boulogne, as he wrote on Thursday night. Next day embarked at 4 a.m. Had a bad passage. The tide not serving to go up to Gravesend, went by Waterford (Canterbury?), and arrived on Sunday in London.

Passed the Thames near the house of Boidoval (Bridewell?), where he met Morette, who was very glad to see him, not daring to show himself to the King, who had spoken to him very sharply about the delay in Chabot's (age 43) answer. He sent to tell Norfolk and Cromwell of Gontier's arrival, and he was straightway conducted to Westminster to the King. After reading the Admiral's (age 43) letters and asking after his and the King's health, Henry drew him apart, and leaning on the sideboard heard what he had to say. Said that the Admiral (age 43) had not forgotten since his return to declare to Francis what Henry had charged him with, especially his entire good-will to preserve and increase the friendship and alliance between them, at which Francis was much rejoiced. As to the proposed marriage between the Princess (age 1) and Mons. d'Angoulesme (age 13), Francis doubts not that having given her that name, Henry will assure it to her and treat her as his only heiress, so that the Crown of England may come to her on his death. The Admiral (age 43) says that his king thinks some means ought to be found to deprive Lady Mary (age 18) of any occasion or means of claiming the Crown.

Here the King explained to him what had been done by Parliament since the Admiral's (age 43) departure; that the Princess (age 1) had been proclaimed and an oath taken throughout the kingdom; that everyone takes Mary (age 18) for the bastard she is, and he will have no other heir but the Princess, with whom, and in his power (en sa main), now is and will be the said Mary; there is no chance of her becoming queen or claiming any right to the Crown. He went on to say that it was only required for Francis to cause the Pope to annul the invalid dispensation given for the first marriage, and then all doubts would cease. Went on to the other points of his instruction. He is willing to give up the title of France, to take away all occasion of ancient enmities, and declared to Chabot the means to bring it to pass. Spoke about the 50,000 cr. for the pension for life, and 10,000 cr. of salt, saowing him how obliged the King and the kingdom would be if he were to give them up, without mentioning that that would be enough to break off the interview of the two Queens. Henry took this ill, saying that he had done so much for Francis, his children and his kingdom, that it is not fair to ask him to give this up, which he knows is unwillingly paid and odious; it is an honour to his kingdom to have them; it was a strange recompense when he offered the heiress of a kingdom to a younger son; they ought rather to give him something than ask; that it made him think there was a practise going on elsewhere, considering the delay in giving him an answer. Said to him that he ought to take this proposal differently, as it was founded on an overture he had himself made to the Admiral; he would put the French king under the greatest obligation to him, and it would be more to his glory and profit in the future than the payment. As to the perpetual pension, he did not object to what was proposed. He objected to the idea of being included if a treaty were made between Francis and the Emperor; there must be no hope of a treaty. The Emperor had already offered to accept what had been done in England, both the second marriage and other things, and even that the Princess should be heiress and Mary succeed in case of her death. With regard to the article excusing Francis from commencing war against the Emperor, unless he declares himself in aid of Piedmont, Savona or Genoa, on which side he will be very glad to begin the war on account of the quarrels which he has, Henry asked him when he wished to begin. Replied that he had the authority to hasten or delay, as he wished, for Francis would act according to the answer sent back by Gontier. Meanwhile he was not losing a single hour in putting his forces in readiness.

05 Feb 1535. 174. On the Monday following at 8 a.m. declared his charge to Cromwell; the Admiral's hope that he would help to bring matters to a good issue, and Francis' satisfaction on hearing that such a virtuous and wise person had the ear of the King. To this Cromwell replied with thanks and expressions of affection that I cannot write. He alone has more influence with his master than any other; the late Cardinal of York had not more. He spoke much of his master's prosperity and authority and the quiet of the kingdom. He has increased his revenue by 500,000 cr., for since the Admiral's departure Parliament has given him the ordinary tenths, besides which he will take this year the annates of bishopries, abbeys, and other benefices, of which the possessors are bound to take from the King new bulls and provisions, and give up those from the Pope as null, and to swear to hold their benefices of the King. He showed me a copy of the oath sworn by the bishops. He says that by a little writing, from himself alone, he can be obeyed and summon all princes and lords for his master's service.

Cromwell then took him to Westminster, where he presented his letters to Norfolk (age 62). He asked much about the Admiral, as did "Messieurs de Suffolck (age 51) et Fischer" (Fitzwilliam?). After dinner, was taken by Cromwell to the King in the matted gallery, where the Admiral (age 43) spoke with the King the first time. He asked a copy in writing of what Gontier had said to him, and put it in his sleeve without looking at it. He then began to walk about, and talked for three hours.

He complained of the practises on the side of Spain for the marriage of the Emperor's daughter with the Dauphin, and not long ago the Imperial ambassador had been for a long time shut up with the French queen; that three despatches had been made towards Spain since the Admiral's return, and he saw now that the delay in Gontier's coming was to wait for a reply. He said they wished to accomplish (joindre) the marriage of the Dauphin and also at the same time that of his daughter the Princess, so as to be supported on both sides. Unless these practises are broken he must be careful of speaking, showing that he has great suspicions, for this was not the language that Francis used both by mouth and in writing. He remembered also one day Francis saying to his children that they must never forget the inhuman treatment of the Emperor to him and to them, and if they did not avenge it after his death, if he could not himself, as he hoped, he gave them his curse. He accused the Emperor of deceit and breaches of faith, and of trying to disturb by false offers the friendship between them, repeating what he had said the previous evening, that he had made him offers, and he could be on good terms with him if he liked, but any reconciliation on this side would be too dangerous. He had kept his promise, and never been engaged in any practises, and he complained of what had been done at Marseilles, of which he had no knowledge nor participation till afterwards. He said the French Council governed as if their only object was to lose good friends, and he wished Francis would take the management of his affairs more into his own hands. In consequence of having supported France he had lost the Emperor's friendship, who called him son bon pere, and had often written and promised that he would do nothing contrary to what he ought as a son. France would find herself deceived, whatever promises he had made; even the surrender of Milan would not be accomplished when the time came. His only intention was to show to England and others that there was no reliance upon Francis' friendship. He would find himself cut out in Italy if he did not advance soon, for the Emperor would be there first, speaking also of the league agreed to by all the potentates and signories of Italy. As to the Pope, Francis ought to act quite differently, and get out of him what he had.

05 Feb 1535. 174. The King then called Cromwell, and used the same language as Cromwell had done about the augmentation of his revenue, the union of his kingdom, and the peace of conscience he enjoys in having thrown off subjection to Rome. He said if Francis would do the like, he would gain more than 2,000,000. He repeated what he had said before about the pensions and the salt, saying that he had already done enough for his good brother, and that Francis should not presume he had any need whatever to contract the Princess his daughter to a third son. He hoped the money he sent to Bavaria would be repaid, especially as he had delivered it on condition of Ferdinand not being received as king of the Romans. Francis might perhaps be deceived about the duke of Wurtemburg and the Landgrave. He knows how Mons. de Gueldres is behaving, and that he has coined money inscribed with these words "cette fois et non plus.¹"

Spoke to the King soberly, in accordance with his instructions and what the Admiral had commanded him. Told him of the desire of Francis to remain firm to him for ever and treat of an inviolable alliance, and repeated the reasons for his accepting Francis's overtures, not forgetting to say that he had been marvellously pressed, but would never condescend to agree with the Emperor to anything contrary to his relations with Henry, even if he were obliged to listen to such proposals.

He spoke much of his trust in Francis, and finally said he would consider what Gontier had given to him, and bade him discuss these matters fully with Cromwell.

On Tuesday last, the day of the Purification, one of the greatest solemnities celebrated during the year by the King, Morette went to Westminster with Gontier.

During divine service the King sent for him by Cromwell, being in a little oratory. He spoke of the interview, approving of the queen of Navarre and other ladies being there. Said what the Admiral had ordered him on this head, especially about the Queen, who has no inclination apart from the King, without setting her affection on brother, aunt or sister. He approved of the voyage of Normandy to be made this Lent. Presented the letter in favor of the "Grand Escuyer (age 39)" of England, to which he replied that the said place of the Chancellor of the Order was filled by the king of Scotland, and the number of 24 could not be excceded. On the first vacancy he would remember the said Grand Escuyer.

Note 1. this time and no longer.

05 Feb 1535. 174. In the afternoon Cromwell took him to the Queen, to whom he delivered the Admiral's letters and charge. She complained of his long delay, which had caused her husband many doubts. She said the Admiral must think of applying some remedy, and act towards the King so that she may not be ruined and lost, for she sees herself very near that, and in more grief and trouble than before her marriage. She charged him to beg the Admiral to consider her affairs, of which she could not speak as fully as she wished, on account of her fears, and the eyes which were looking at her, her husband's and the lords' present. She said she could not write, nor see him again, nor stay longer. She then left him, the King going to the next room, where the dance was beginning (se leverent), without the said Lady going thither.

As far as he can judge, she is not at her ease on account of the doubts and suspicions of the King, which he has mentioned before.

During the dance, Norfolk, Suffolk, "Fischer Chancelier," Cromwell and others assembled in Council, he thinks to consider his charge. Norfolk said he intended to do all he could to send him back content; he was at his house a month ago, not expecting his coming: the King intended to have spent the carnival (ces jours gras) at Windsor, but now would not leave till he was despatched. Has since seen Cromwell twice, who says he will do all he can. May be despatched next week.

Many lords have inquired about the procession and harangue at Paris in honor of the Sacrament and for the punishment of the Lutherans, for which they praise the King. Norfolk, Suffolk, Ovaston, (fn. 4) Borgouny (Abergavenny), all knights of the Garter, and others, who were entertained by Morette yesterday, took much pleasure in hearing Gontier's account of it, as he had seen it the day before he left. London, 5 Feb.

Fr.

25 Feb 1535. Vienna Archives. 263. Chapuys to Charles V.

About eight days ago the Queen (age 49) your aunt wrote me a letter requesting me to beg the King to send her the Princess her daughter, to have her cured of her illness, which she thought would be easy with the aid of God and of her physician and apothecary. joined with the care which she herself would have of her. for she meant to be her nurse. with several honorable proposals (propoz) too long to write. Immediately on receipt of the said letter I sent to Cromwell for an audience of the King, which was assigned me for next morning. Then, after reading the Queen's letter to the King. I made several representations on the subject. reserving, however, the principal reasons (les principales). e.g., the report made to me by the physicians. both that I might use them another time, and also not to provoke him too much the first time, and thirdly, because I thought it best to keep a part of my reasons for Cromwell, who would know best how to urge them. The King heard me patiently and graciously. and, instead of answering as usual that he knew better than anyone else how to provide for his daughter, he very gently answered he wished to do his utmost to procure his daughter's health, and would proceed with the same diligence about it as he had begun, and that, since the Queen's physician could not assist, he would find others. But. on the other hand, while seeing to the health of his daughter, he must not forget what was due to his own honor, which would be injured if, by bad keeping, the Princess were taken out of this kingdom, or if she herself escaped, as she might easily do by night if she were with the Queen her mother: for he perceived some indication that your Majesty would be glad to withdraw the said Princess somehow, and that I knew well what had been put forward touching the marriage of his said daughter between your Majesty and the king of France, which put him all the more in doubt, and made him consider how to prevent this. I remarked that there was no probability that your Majesty would attempt to steal away the said Princess, for several reasons that I alleged, and that, during the five years these matters had lasted, there had not been the slightest indication of it. He then said there was no great occasion to put the Princess again in the Queen's hands, for it was she who had put it into her head to show such obstinacy and disobedience, as all the world knew; and although sons and daughters were bound to some obedience towards their mothers, their chief duty was to their fathers, and since the Princess could not have much help of the Queen, and it was clear the whole matter proceeded from the latter, she must submit to his pleasure. I did not wish to dispute with him on the subject, but asked that he would at least put the Princess under the care of her old gouvernante, the countess of Salisbury (age 61), whom she regarded as her second mother. He replied that the Countess was a fool, of no experience, and that if his daughter had been under her care during this illness she would have died, for she would not have known what to do, whereas her present governess is an expert lady even in such female complaints. Seeing that nothing could be done at that time, I said that besides the causes which I had told him moved me to press this subject, my principal object was to avoid the perplexity in which I saw him on Sunday before Shrovetide; and I begged he would believe it was mainly owing to the great desire I had to do him service. He thanked me, and showed himself very glad, especially when I took leave without "rencharge." He was so glad to get quit of the matter that he did not dare to ask my news until I was at the door of the room, when he begged also that I would communicate any intelligence as I received it. As it was not a holiday I had no thought of dining there, but I was unable to excuse myself. All the lords were in Council, and dined at Cromwell's house, except the duke of Richmond, who remained to entertain me. My men were also retained to dine, and great cheer shown them. All which was done merely to increase the jealousy of the French.

25 Feb 1535. 263. The day before yesterday I called on Cromwell, to whom I reported what had passed between me and the King; and although he had been already informed of it, he showed great satisfaction, commending the dexterity which he said I had used in talking of those matters with the King, who was very well pleased with me. I said that since speaking with the King I had consulted with the physicians, who were unanimously of opinion that the Princess's illness was caused by distress and sorrow, which at this moment could be very easily cured if she were put in some place where she could take pleasure and have exercise; otherwise, remaining where she was, she would be in great danger of her life, which I had told the King would be the most serious thing that could happen in this kingdom, as no doubt his wisdom could well understand. And since the King objected to send the Princess to the Queen, I hoped he would at least send her to some house near her, in order that, both now and whenever necessary, she might be visited by the Queen's physician and apothecary, for he had clearly seen the danger in which she expected to fall, because the King's physician would not undertake her cure except along with the Queen's physician, who was too far off. I hoped he would also send to the Princess some of her old and loyal servants to keep her cheerful, commending [the arrangement] that the present gouvernante (age 59) should have charge of her, as there might be danger in any immediate change, lest someone gave her a slow poison; whereas, so long as she remains under her charge, I suppose she would not do or promise such a thing, on account of the suspicion already entertained of her. Long ago I warned her by a third hand of the mischief which might arise to her if anything happened to the said Princess, and I also took care to get the King's physician to tell her that of late there was a common report in London that she had poisoned the said Princess; which put her in terrible fear, so that she can do nothing but weep when the sees the Princess so ill. Cromwell replied that he knew all that I had said, that my requests were reasonable, and that he had been on the watch for an opportunity to secure more favorable treatment for the said Princess, as he had long ago promised; but matters were rather hard of digestion, and he couldn't yet get his master to chew them, and dared not press the subject for fear of incurring suspicion. It would be necessary to wait till either the King brought forward the subject himself, or some occasion arose tending thereto; and as affairs were beginning to look better, and I had half opened the door, they would enter the more boldly into business. and he hoped at his return from Court he should be able to bring me some news that would give me satisfaction. He was very familiar and confidential in this conversation, and I think he has only to study his conduct as regards the King, who is by nature so very suspicious.

25 Feb 1535. 263. He then reminded me of several conversations he had formerly held with me about the establishment of friendship with your Majesty, which there were many who wished to disturb, not only strangers, but perhaps servants of your own, and said the King had lately received news that your Majesty had undertaken this coming March to send an army into Ireland, and that in Flanders they held council day and night about an expedition against his master, which. after I had shown him my opinion, he confessed to be a got-up story. Thereupon I told him that long ago we had held similar conversations, but that if he would not put his hand to the work all our words would not mend matters much for the next twenty years; and to speak frankly to him, as I would to my confessor were it not that I had always known his great love of amity, and that no one could appreciate its importance more than the King his master, besides that I considered him a plain dealing prince, free from dissimulation, I should almost have suspected that the attentions paid to me were artificial, and dissembled for the purpose of being used in other places. But the King should consider that even if I knew it was so. nevertheless for his service I would not forbear to keep up a good appearance, whatever others might think of it. Cromwell thanked me for being so frank, and said, even if I had not disclosed my opinion to him, he had imagined it to be such as he did not doubt that I saw what was going on. and to satisfy me he would tell me that, even if I had charged him with dissimulation, of which he assured me he had not been guilty, nevertheless I should have occasion to be satisfied, and hoped that affairs would improve greatly, as I might well believe from the language the King had used with me; but I must not suppose there had been anything like artifice or dissimulation, and he was very glad an opportunity had arrived for giving effect to his wishes for the said amity. He did not tell me what he reterred to. but he meant that there was trouble between them and France, and that I must not be surprised that no overture had been made. because the King had had no leisure to think of it and even if he had determined on it he could hardly venture to propose it as it appeared to him there would be some shame in doing so, and that the King was so very cautious that there may be some secret which they will not declare particularly to anyone. Perhaps the King would give him power in general to consult with me what could be done agreeably to his honor, and if he had such a charge he believed some good would be done, but without authority from his master he did not wish to enter on the subject, as it would be a mere waste of time and a sort of mockery which he would not use towards the ministers of such a prince as your Majesty, but at his return from Court he hoped to bring me some agreeable news. He then said he had intended for some days to make me a long discourse "de la contreponderacion de lamyte de v're Majeste[et] toutes les autres," and to set forth what was found about it in the chronicles about the necessity of intercourse with the subjects of your Majesty, the aid England has always obtained from the Flemings in case of a war with France, and the impossibility of stirring up the English to make war against your Majesty, adding that whenever he was called on to speak of the friendship of France he has always done so in ambiguous terms, which might be construed in different ways, so that he might not be accused afterwards of inconstancy. He said also that Likkerke had several times spoken about this establishment of friendship to master Wallop, their ambassador in France, who in this matter had done good service, writing always to persuade his master to the friendship of your Majesty, and that had come very much of his prompting. He praised their ambassador very much, because he was a bad Frenchman.

25 Feb 1535. 263. When I came to Cromwell the treasurer of Brittany was going out, who, as Cromwell told me before we entered on other subjects, had brought him news that the Turk, having defeated the Sophy, was returning to Constantinople, where they were making great triumph and preparations for the army which the said Turk was going to send to Barbarossa, who was now victorious and in peaceful possession of Tunis. The treasurer had also reported to him particularly the costliness of the feast which the Portuguese ambassador had given to the king and queen of France, and by the manner in which Cromwell reported this to me, he appeared to deride the French for making so much of these news, for which one might accuse them of irreligion and vanity. I said that, as to the Turk, I believed that within two days he would hear the contrary, and so he did; for next day I sent to show him letters from Venice and Ragusa that some merchants had received, stating that the Turk had been defeated, of which he showed himself very glad. As to the feast, I considered that a much better one was that which the king of Portugal, it was said, was to give your Majesty of certain carvels for the fleet against Barbarossa. When I left him Cromwell told me he only waited to know from me where this Jacques could be found, of whom I wrote to your Majesty, to take him and send him to me to be dealt with at my pleasure, either by sending him to you or having him punished here. And he had such commandment from the King that he believed the said Jacques was already prisoner in the hands of the duke of Norfolk. Cromwell had already made me this offer, but, awaiting an answer from the queen Regent in Flanders, I did not dare accept it, fearing that, in reward for this courtesy, they would ask for some of the letters ("quelcung des letters") from thence, which might be a bad exchange. And while I was waiting for the said answer, the said Jacques went from here "dans une charrue denvers" (in a carvel of Antwerp?).

25 Feb 1535. 263. The Princess has just sent to tell me that if your Majesty were to write to the King her father, requesting him to place her with the Queen, or at least take her from where she was, that, in her opinion, "ledit roy en oseroit conplaire a v're Majesty." I have promised that I would write of it, nevertheless that I feared the King would think you wished to dictate to him how he should treat his daughter, and perhaps I could manage by gentleness more than such a letter could accomplish. Your Majesty, however, will exercise your discretion on the subject; but if you think proper to write, I would suggest that it would be best to thank the King for what he has said to me, and the care he has taken about the Princess's illness, trusting that as the said illness only arose from sorrow caused [by] being where she is, Henry would ascertain the fact, as he was already determined to do according to my report. If such a letter produced no other result, it would at least serve as half a protest.

Whatever pretence the King makes about the Princess's illness, he has been very cold; in fact, she was taken ill on Friday, and he did not send his physician thither till Thursday after, and I do not know if he would have gone even then if I had not for three days importuned Cromwell. On Friday afterwards she was let blood, and on Monday following, when I spoke to the King, he did not know she had been let blood or anything about her condition. Since the first news I have sent to her four or five times by my servants, who make a poor report of her treatment and of her company. She sent to me yesterday two persons to beg that I would continue to send some of my servants to her, for that caused her to be better respected. Your Majesty may consider what solace and pastime she can have with those about her, hearing them desire her death, by which, they say, the world would be at peace, and they discharged of the pain and trouble they have had about her. As to getting her away from here, if the King do not remove her from hence, it could be accomplished by having a pinnace on the river and two armed ships at the mouth of the river; at least I could find means to get her out of the house almost at any hour of the night.

It has been reported of late that one of Kildare's men had come to Bristol and taken a good ship, and that Kildare had lately made several invasions and done great injury to the English. London, 25 Feb. 1534[5].

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 10.

08 Apr 1535. R. O. 516. John Husee to Lord Lisle (age 70).

Has received his letter by John Broke. As for the £100 the King is cessed at, has delivered his Lordship's letter to Mr. Treasurer, who is in doubt how the King will take it, and says Mr. Secretary knows not but that his Lordship has paid the £135 already. Will do his best to show Mr. Secretary the full contents of his Lordship's pleasure; but Fowler refuses to meddle with the account if Lisle's request be granted, as it will have to be audited before the Commissioners. Smyth is in the country. Will ask Hidd's bonds of him on his return. The patent of £10 is at your pleasure. Mr. Densell has promised I shall have by Sunday next the minute for the assurance of the £120 Mr. Saymer must pay you yearly. Will endeavour to get it finished before he departs, and bring Lisle's part of the award and Saymer's bond with him. Has spoken for six pair of hose to be sent by next ship. Has received the King's letter and Mr. Secretary's, touching Oye Sluice, and will do his best therein. As for Buck's confession against Fryer, he goes now with my Lady to Calais, and cannot tarry to depose before my Lord Chancellor. He will always abide by what he has said. Cannot get Lisle's bill of victualling signed, but hopes to have it on Saturday. The King was at supper with Mr. Secretary on Wednesday last, and is now at Hackney; will be here on Saturday, and so to Hampton Court, whither the Queen (age 34) is removed, as one of her gentlewomen has got the measles. Mr. Secretary says you shall have the Staple Inn, and he will cause the King to write in it. Can get no answer of Bryan touching your patent. The saddle and harness is ready to be sent by next ship. Thinks it will turn out that Norfolk, Mr. Secretary, Mr. Treasurer, and Mr. Almoner or Mr. Comptroller of the King's house, go to the French king about Whitsuntide. London, 8 April.

Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.

20 Apr 1535. R. O. 567. [John Hale, Vicar of Isleworth, to the Council.]

I fell and hurt my leg at Wyngham, at Allhallowtide was twelvemonth, and remained till about Candlemas next. On Saturday after Ash Wednesday I fell into a fervent ague. How long I continued, with various relapses, the parishioners of Isleworth know, so that I took not my journey through whole five weeks before Michaelmas last, and lost "our Lady's quarter" ended the Midsummer before that by my sickness. I had several falls from my horse, from one of which I was troubled in my wits, as also by age and lack of memory. Will nevertheless report, as well as I can, with whom I talked, and in what manner, of the King's grace. I remember, about two years ago, the fellow of Bristow showed, both to me and others of Syon, the prophecies of Marlyon; for, by my truth, Master Skydmore showed me also the same, with whom I had several conversations concerning the King's marriage and other behaviours of his bodily lust. Once Cownsell the porter "sayd that our suffren had a short of maydons over oon of his chambyres at Farnam while he was with the oold lord of Wynchester." Had also conversations with Skydmore, with Sir Thomas my priest, and with Master Leeke; and once, I think, about two years ago, of the Acts of Parliament made against churchmen, with the prior of Hounslow, who offered to show me a prophecy; but we had no leisure to speak together further, for we only met at the new inn, where Mr. Yowng, Awnsam and his wife, and others, dined with us. Skydmore also used to speak of young Sir Rice, saying that Welshmen and priests were sore disdained nowadays. As to Mr. Ferne, my wits were so troubled with sickness that I cannot perfectly remember what he rehearsed; but by Mr. Bydyll's rehearsal, Mr. Steward of Syon told me it was likely to be enacted that no more tithe corn should be made. I was sick long after, and, being aged and oblivious, did not see him till we met at the Secretary's at the Rolls. Also Mr. Waren, old surveyor, and the master of Ashford, in Kent, sometime steward to the bp. of Canterbury, spoke in the churchyard of Istleworth of the hard statutes made and to be made against the Church. Finally, I confess the four bills by Mr. Feerne, Mr. Leeke, Mr. Skydmore, and Sir Thomas Mody to be true, and that by such seditious ways I have maliciously slandered the King and Queen and their Council; for which I ask forgiveness of God, king Henry VIII., and queen Anne, and shall continue sorrowful during my life, which stands only in the King's William "Moreover, Mr. Skydmore dyd show to me yongge Master Care (age 9), saying that he was our suffren Lord the Kynge's son by our suffren Lady the Qwyen's (age 34) syster (age 36), whom the Qwyen's (age 34) grace myght not suffer to be yn the Cowrte."

Pp.3. Headed: Jhus Salvator Mundi, miserere mei quia timor mortis conturbat me. Endd.:

05 May 1535. 666. I forbear to write about the Queen and her affairs, as I presume she is doing so herself. London, 5 May 1535.

P.S.—Yesterday morning, the 7th, I received yours of the 20th ultimo; after which I sent to Cromwell, who is lodged in the country, quite near a lodging I have got, to speak with him; and the hour being late, and he much occupied, he desired to be excused till today. This afternoon, about 3 o'clock, he passed by me on his return from Court, and expressed his great desire to complete the negotiations for a stricter friendship, with which view the King would consent to anything, saving his honor, even to the summoning of the Council, provided you would not have the matter of the divorce treated there. On my making the remonstrances I had done when he came a second time to visit me this Lent, and several others which I need not recite, he confessed that they were true and lawful, and that he would report them tomorrow to the King, and on Monday I should have an answer. After much conversation, he observed that even if it could be proved that this second marriage was unlawful, your Majesty ought to dissemble, because you had fully acquitted yourself to God and to the world, and remit the matter to the conscience of the King, who was a virtuous and Catholic Prince. seeing that by such dissimulation inestimable good would follow. not only to both your subjects. but to the whole of Christendom, to the confusion of heretics and the destruction of the Turk and of his friends near at hand, meaning the French; declaring that the king of France, to recover Milan, would not only bring the Turk into Christendom, but all the devils as well; and he desired friendship between your Majesty and the King to abate the pride of the French. and to steady their lightheadedness. Certainly, when they were in need they were "le plus simple nacion du monde," and the King had not derived a crown's worth of pleasure from all the benefit he had done them. After this he said that many good things were suspended, only for the affection you bore to the Princess, who was mortal and of sickly disposition, and if God would take her your Majesty would have no complaint to make against them: and that he had heard from several quarters, to which, however, he attached no credit, that your Majesty and the king of the Romans had proposed to create schism and dissension in England, and then make the enterprise. which many of those with your Majesty, and in Flanders and Germany, thought easy, necessary, and useful for the most part of the realm. But it must be considered that it was not so easy or inexpensive as they might suppose: and even if your Majesty were to conquer. it would be no great honor to you to have thus treated without cause an old and cordial friend, and that you would not gain the kingdom after his death, having thus conquered it, but the disgrace would remain to you. On this I asked him how he heard that your Majesty had intended to create schism in the kingdom. He answered that it had been proposed "de par dela," to forbid their merchants to have intercourse with your Majesty's countries. in order to make the people rebel. Thus he could not dissemble that that was the true means. I know not how he came thus openly to declare it, and still less how he spoke of the persuasions made to your Majesty to invade the kingdom, which is much more than I have written to you. Cromwell gave me to understand that the day before yesterday. Ascension Day. there had been discussion in the King's Council upon the abovesaid matters; and, notice being taken of the marriage of your Majesty with this Princess, the King had spoken as loudly in praise of your Majesty as could be, and Cromwell had said it would be expedient if the articles delivered by Likerke to their ambassador were authorised by your Majesty. that the King should send you an embassy with ample power to make a closer alliance with you, which could not be done if this last marriage was annulled by a General Council. And on my repeating to him that when the said submission was made, matters might be treated in friendly wise more to the honor of the parties, and meanwhile God might enlighten those who were concerned,—he answered that he would like to see to it beforehand for the better assurance of his master.

Cromwell came again to excuse himself that he had not spoken to me sooner on business; and that I must not suppose that it was from any wish to gain time, because they considered that delay was rather in your favor and that of the king of the Romans than theirs; for you increased every day the number of your friends and servants, and that waiting for the result of the diet of Calais did not matter to them a penny. The King had not been able to refuse it, because the king of France had made such [requests] for it, but his master made so little account of that diet that he had not written a single word about it to his ambassador, nor even informed Morette of it; and, as for him, he had got himself exempted from the Commission, and the bishop of Ely ("Yly") would go in his place. He felt almost assured that nothing would be concluded at all, skilful as the French were, who asked of them their daughter for the duke of Angoulême, in order to make their profit of them, while she was under age, and, when they thought expedient, to break all conventions,—which never could last long with them, both by reason of their natural fickleness, and because the French support the Church of Rome, which they will not hear of. In the course of our conversation he said, though he was not commissioned to do so, he wished that, leaving matters as they stood, a marriage could be arranged between the prince of Spain and the little bastard; and that the Princess, if she continued to live, should also have some honorable match provided for her to the satisfaction of your Majesty; in which case the King would give her as large and honorable a dowry as ever was given to Queen or Empress. I replied still that it would be necessary to settle the matter which so greatly touched the honor, reputation, and conscience, first, of the King, his master, and, secondly, of your Majesty. He told me that I should have answer on Monday, and that if I desired to talk with the King at any time and on any subject whatever I should be very welcome. I told him that it would be doing injustice to his good sense and judgment to anticipate the matter which he had in hand, and which he could arrange with the King far better than anybody. Seeing that he spoke so freely against the French, and that he assured me they would not treat with them, I made no mention of what was contained in your Majesty's letter, but only spoke to him of the intelligence they had with those of Lubeck. He acknowledged that the King had lent them a sum, for which he would show me the bond, and said that the Lubeckers were "canailles" and beggars, who had come to seek the King, his master, offering various things, and had then spread reports that the King had sent for them to treat concerning Denmark. It was true the King had given them some audience. Cromwell strongly denied that the King had contributed any money for the restitution of the duke of Wirtemburg, though he consented, at the urgent request of the king of France, to delay payment of his pension for one year, the amount for two terms being 107,000 crs.; which, he says, will give rise to some confusion, for the French have played a trick in making the quittance for the last payment comprise the quittance for terms past. As to what is contained in your last letters about getting away the Princess, my man returned from her this morning, and has reported that she thinks of nothing else than how it may be done, her desire for it increasing every day, especially since the said monks have been executed; for, since then, her gouvernante (age 59) has been continually telling her to take warning by their fate. Till now she has not been able to see how it could be done; nor I either, as the place is unknown to me. Whatever can be devised I will notify to your Majesty.

The good old lord of whom I wrote has sent to me today by one of my servants to say he was going home immediately, and would lose no time for the advancement of the business; and that he intended, if I thought right, to send a gentleman to your Majesty to inform you of everything. He will send the said gentleman to me in a few days, and then I will inform you of everything. London, 8 May 1535.

French, from a modern copy. Pp. 7.

05 Jun 1535. 826. On the 28th Cromwell came twice to my lodging, not having found me the first time; and, anxious and troubled as he showed himself, he told me that when the French came to Calais they began by protesting that they would not speak of war, and they continued this language till Rochford (age 32) left; but afterwards, as the Duke of Norfolk (age 62) wrote, they entirely changed their tone, and were very desirous of war. He said he would not specify in what quarter; not withstanding he immediately observed to me that it was for Milan. Further, in the way of confidence, Cromwell showed me a writing, which, he said, had been enclosed in a letter sent to him by the Admiral of France, although it bore no signature or appearance of being an inclosure. He allowed me to read it in full. The purport was that Francis, having carefully examined the question of the validity of the two marriages of the king of England, found the first unlawful and the other valid, and promised to defend the latter, and procure revocation of the sentence given to the contrary by the Holy See. On reading it I smiled, and said the French knew well what they were doing, and did not promise things without knowing for how much an ell, and, having obtained what they wanted, knew how to wash their hands of their promises. And for this they had several means sufficiently apparent, especially as there would be time enough, before they were called on to fulfil their promises. I added that since the said king of France had taken so much trouble in examining matrimonial questions, this King had no occasion to send lately to Calais; and that, having the promise of such a prince as the king of France, who is not only so great but allied to the Queen, this King, who alleged the fear that princes entertained of the kindred and affinity of your Majesty, ought to make no difficulty in submitting to the determination of the Council. To this he made no reply. In truth I should doubt that the said writing had been drawn up by the English, who want to impute it to the king of France, for otherwise it would not agree with what a very good person has sent to inform the Princess, i.e. that the French insisted on having her for the Dauphin; and this is said commonly at the lodging of the French ambassador. It seems the more probable from what the King said lately, that the Admiral had written on his arrival at Calais, that there was nothing so true as that your Majesty had previously offered them the said Princess.

05 Jun 1535. 826. As to what Cromwell said to me about war against Milan, I told him that it was not likely that Francis would disturb your Majesty's holy enterprise; that the conquest of Milan was more difficult than it had ever been; that the French professed that they meant to keep treaties; and that, even if Francis did conquer Milan, he would have more need of your Majesty's friendship to keep it than he had now, and that he would refuse no condition for that purpose. This I said that they might not imagine you would be moved by such menaces to do whatever they wished. I used every means I could to ascertain the conditions asked in return for the aforesaid offers; and, among other things, I asked him if the French did not require hostages, seeing that the girl was still young, or a cessation of their pensions in the meantime. He said as to the first nothing had been said; as to the second, "Yes, indeed!" en grondissant, without saying more; but next day he added that if the French wanted to cheat them of their pension (ses jouoyent de vouloir avoir leur pension) they would presently have "la passion," i.e. war. I talked about hostages, because I had been told that the French demanded the Princess as a hostage. To give me to understand that there was no fear of the French not complying with all their demands, Cromwell told me they would never think of doing otherwise, seeing they were excluded from the friendship of all other princes, and that they had lost all hope on the side of Germany, and did not know how they stood with the Swiss. I confirmed all that he said, saying that as God had given him so much sense and intelligence it would be the more shame to him if he did not know how to use successfully such an opportunity. This I said to him for the mystery which your Majesty will very well understand. Afterwards he told me that, notwithstanding the offers made to them by the French, if there appeared any hope of a renewal of amity with your Majesty the French should have a very short answer, although they always wished to preserve the friendship of the French, and that, awaiting news from your Majesty, he had caused the said Rochford (age 32) to stay here, to the great regret of the French admiral; and finally, hoping for some good fruit of the things we had discussed together, he would take care that Rochford (age 32) did not return so soon to Calais, and especially that nothing was treated to the disadvantage of your Majesty or to the hindrance of the new alliance; telling me what their ambassador in France had notified to the King his master, that Likerke, having heard the answer to the overtures made on behalf of your Majesty, had sent to you in haste, and hoped for a favourable answer, provided that your Majesty had not left Barcelona before the 26th ult.; and that this King and those of his Council (who were, in this matter, at their wits' end) desired that meanwhile I would consider the terms and means for this noble and necessary work, the restoration of amity, giving me to understand that I could do it very well, and better than the whole of them, and that I would in this show myself a good and true counsellor of the King.

05 Jun 1535. 826. To encourage them in these communications, I did not insist that there was no other means than that which was indicated in the said overtures, but told Cromwell, after excusing my insufficiency, that I would give it full consideration; but that I did not see as yet how they understood matters, seeing that there was no amendment in the treatment of the Queen and Princess, and that the King his master always showed himself colder than he had done heretofore; and that I remembered that when the earl of Wiltshire went in embassy towards your Majesty, the duke of Norfolk declared that this King was ready to make himself, so to speak, a slave of your Majesty if you would consent to the divorce; and that to get rid of the blame and doubt that might be attached to it, the King, for the service of God and benefit of all Christendom, would have been glad to spend part of his goods; and now that the cause was settled at Rome, and they ought to make greater offers, I did not see that stricter alliances ought to be spoken of. Moreover, the last time I spoke to the King his master, when I alluded to his predecessors, who had formerly conquered Rhodes and done a thousand brave things in the conquest of the Holy Land, saying that he also was able to do like them, he had made me a very cold answer, that he had not the same advantage as his predecessors, who were nearer at hand because they held Guienne. Nevertheless I had not cared to inform your Majesty of this answer, but rather of what the King his master had affirmed publicly, not only to the admiral of France, but also to several of his company, viz., that the money that he took and meant to take from churchmen he intended to apply against the Infidels or in some other pious works. Cromwell answered, that as soon as he had some hope of this re-establishment of cordiality, the Queen and Princess would be most favourably treated; and that, with regard to what the King had said to me, that it was too far to send against the Infidels, the King remembered very well having said it, as the King himself had lately told him; but one must not think too much of that, but rather believe that, matters being accommodated, he is as ready to go in person against the Infidels as anyone in the world, and would moreover bring a very great company, for he had taken measures to get an inestimable treasure, as Cromwell assured me that, besides what he had received from the benefices which he has bestowed since January last, he had bonds for more than full payment, which amounted to more than 500,000 ducats; and, to be frank, his master had become very greedy, and unless some other way were found to spend his money he would collect in his treasure all the money of the kingdom, to the great injury of private persons. Moreover, not only England, but also Flanders and France, were sore about the money which the King his master spent in his wars with France, and for this reason he and the other counsellors wished to find means to make him spend it for the general good, thinking this would also moderate his greediness. Cromwell also told me that the German of whom I lately wrote was sent hither by the duke of Mecklenburg, and that for his despatch he had given him a letter of credence to the said Duke, and the present which the King had ordered to be given him for his trouble in coming, but had never wished to speak with him. He also told me that the secretary of Lubeck was despatched at the same time, as the King would no longer trouble himself with the business of the Lubeckers, which could not go on well, seeing that the town was divided into three parties. The King afterwards told me that he did not properly know whether the said German was despatched (uyde, qu. vuidé?), and he immediately changed the subject of conversation.

05 Jun 1535. 826. On Saturday, 29th ult., I received your letters of the 10th, with those addressed to the King. I immediately informed Cromwell, who would have liked me to go and present them at Court next day, but I excused myself, saying I required to take medicine. I did so because everybody is at Court on Sunday, and most of those present, seeing me present letters from your Majesty, would have been easily induced by those about the King to believe that your Majesty was reconciled to the said King, and treated the interests of the Queen and Princess as secondary. I presented the letters on Monday after dinner. The King received me most kindly, and, after reading them, asked me if I had any other news. I said only that your Majesty had commanded that his ambassador and that of France, for their greater convenience, should have a galley. At which he showed great pleasure, saying he was surprised that his ambassador had not mentioned it in letters of the 12th. After these and other conversations, the King spoke about the news received of the defeat of the Turk by the Sophi, saying he considered all that I had published to be fables, and that he had heard the contrary, both from Venice and from France and Spain; moreover, that it was not likely such a powerful prince could have been subdued by the Sophi, and that, even if the Turk had lost two or three hundred thousand men, he would not feel it, he was so rich and powerful. Not content with asserting this as if it had been certain, to show his inclination he told me that many were much deceived in thinking that it would be easy to conquer the countries held by the Turk in Europe, supposing that there were some Christians in those countries; which was a lie, for he was told by many of his subjects who traded there that if there had been any Christians in Coron or thereabout it might have been much more easily kept. I replied that as to the news of the Turk, they had come from so many quarters that there must be some truth in them; and whether they were true or not was needless to debate; and that I was sure, whatever he said, that he wished the said Turk to be defeated, knowing well that the matter concerned not only your Majesty but all Christian princes; and for the rest, whoever informed him that there was not a Christian in Greece deserved to be very well punished; and as to the loss of Coron, I told him what your Majesty was pleased to write to me, adding that, if there had been no other cause for it, it was owing to the fact that many men and even princes said it would be a useless irritation of the Turk. To this he did not know what to answer, but went on to speak of the quadrireme of your Majesty with 27 benches, saying he would make one with 100 benches, and in a shape unknown to prince André Doria. I asked how many oars he would allow to each bench; and he replied, one, insisting obstinately that in a galley there could not and ought not to be more than one oar to each bench. He was, in short, for the time, quite fixed in paradoxes. The King made a great deal of these legions which had been raised in France, and of the fortifications the French were daily making on their frontiers, saying that the said legions had been principally appointed for the keeping of the kingdom in case the king of France should be occupied in Italy or elsewhere, and that the said ordinance had been projected at the interview in Calais. He spoke also of the unrivalled fortification which he has constructed at Calais, and of that which he has begun at Dover, with the most triumphant air imaginable; which words only caused me to give the greater faith to what has been reported to the Princess, that the King was reckoning that if he were left in peace this summer, winter would secure him, and that next summer he hoped to be provided in such fashion that he need fear no one.

05 Jun 1535. 826. The King also told me that your Majesty had thought it better to go to Naples than to Tunis, and that the latter was too great a risk to your person, on whom so much depended. Perceiving that he avoided speaking of the proposed negotiations, I touched upon them myself, saying I had no doubt that Cromwell had informed him of our conversations, and therefore I would only say that he would find your Majesty fully inclined to listen to any proposed alliance as far as honor and conscience would allow. He then told me he wished he could be assured of being able to make arrangements with your Majesty, and in confidence of some favorable answer he had detained Rochford (age 32), but that he could not keep him longer, for the Admiral was in despair from the great delay, and that the French bragged that they meant to make war on the duchy of Milan, and pressed him strongly to join the dance; to which he had refused to listen. He wished also to make me believe that what the Pope was doing against the duke of Urbino was not without an understanding with the French; and on my showing him, by the reasons I had declared to Cromwell, and other arguments, that it was not likely the French would move war, he said to me that the truth might be anything (que tout pouvoit estre); nevertheless, they (the French?) expressed it as above. Hereupon he asked me what the cardinal of Liege was doing, and if the duke of Gueldres was on good terms with your Majesty (estoit bien de vre. Mate); and on my telling him that I knew nothing but good, he said the French boasted that the said Duke had revoked all the treaties made with your Majesty, and intended to make the king of France his heir; and though it would be difficult for Francis to take possession of the duchy, it would be always a matter of contention. I told him that as your Majesty held the country of Utrecht and Over Yssel, the duke of Gueldres had no mind to be fractious ((regipper, qu. regimber?), and in order to be paid some arrears the Duke will have advanced the said practises. The King replied that if other news did not come from your Majesty he feared he could not avoid treating with the French. I said that as they were both princes of virtue and honor, it was not to be feared that they would treat matters in prejudice of the treaties made with your Majesty. At which reply he remained astonished, thinking I was going to beg him to break off their negotiations, and give him some hope of obtaining from your Majesty what he demanded.

22 Jun 1535. Add. MS. 8,715, f. 76 b. B. M. 909. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.

The Admiral (age 43), who was 22 days at Calais, returned on the 17th, though it was said everywhere that he would go on to England. Mons. de Ricciafort (age 32) (Rochford), the brother of the new Queen (age 34), came here for eight days, but, as far as could be seen, did nothing. It is only from his relation to the Queen that he is employed, for the King has very few to trust in. All business passes through the hands of people who depend on the new Queen, and must therefore be settled according to her purpose. This was the case in the negociations with the Admiral (age 43), which were broken off on account of his refusal to allow the duke of Angoulême to go to England until the girl was old enough to be married, and because he would not declare in any way against the Church, or in favour of the King's second wife (age 34) (ne voler difendere in alcun modo contro la chiesa o declaratione del concilio la causa della seconda moglie¹). Every one knows that the alliance (parentado) has not been concluded, as both sides confidently affirmed it would be, but that the ambassadors separated very ill satisfied, and the English are guarding Calais more carefully than they have done, even when the French were there in greater numbers. However, both sides affirm the friendship to be firmer than ever. The French king and Council say that their respect to the Holy See and the Pope has been the principal cause of their not coming to some other understanding (ad altro ristretto) with the king of England, who is a most bitter enemy of the Church, and so firm in his opinion that he intends to die in it, and tries to have this kingdom for company. The Duke of Norfolk (age 62), according to the Admiral (age 43), affirms that he would sooner die than see any change as regards the King or the new Queen; which is not unlike what the writer has heard in other ways of Norfolk, viz., that this breaking off might reasonably have been expected, matters depending very much on his dexterity, and the affairs of England being commonly managed more than barbarously. For he, being one of the greatest men in the kingdom, and having sons, and the Duke of Richmond (age 16) for his son-in-law, might hope one day to have that daughter for one of his sons, or, if disorders ensued, to get the rule into his own hands. The French lords are not too well contented with the English, who, since Norfolk's return, have despatched a courier, and show themselves displeased that nothing was concluded at Calais. The Admiral (age 43), though he takes Fisher's (age 65) case much to heart, has great fears for his life, especially as the Pope says in the brief that the created him a cardinal to make use of him in the Council. He says also that the English pretended that he could not live much more than a month, being a valetudinarian of 90; which shows what they mean to do with him, reckoning him 25 years older than he is, although they declare there is no hope in any case of his coming out of prison. These are truly the most monstrous things seen in our time. The French make great account with the Pope of not listening to anything proposed to them by the English which might turn to the damage of the Holy See.

Ital., pp. 9, modern copy. Headed: In Amoien, al Sig. M. Ambrogio, alli 12 (sic) ut supra.

2. An extract copy from the original is in the Vatican transcripts, dated Amiens, 22 June 1535. Pp. 3.

Note 1. nor want to defend the cause of the second wife in any way against the church or declaration of the council

04 Jul 1535. 985. Francis has spoken of it like a Christian and a virtuous prince, expressing his great grief, and that he knows that the King is given up to perdition, and no good can be expected of him, so that he sees clearly he cannot have friendship with him, since he sets himself in this way against the honor of God and the Church. He is not ashamed to ask him to consider as null the sentence given against him, to hinder the Council with all his power, and to consider as bad or null any new sentence of the Holy See against him. Francis sees from this that he fears the Council wonderfully, and that his errors and his determination to remain in them have made him so timid and he has gone so far that similar results may be expected every day. He says he did all that was possible for Fisher's safety; which the Bishop knows to be true. The like was done by Du Bellay and the Admiral, who said, in Italian, that the King's conduct to Fisher was the most cowardly, infamous, and grievous thing that had ever been done in the world. The other lords of the Court have spoken in the same strain, without restraint. They appear to care little for the friendship of England, seeing it is so alienated from the Holy See, for the preservation of which Francis says he will spend his life if necessary. Thanked him for his good will, congratulating him that God had not permitted him to come to an understanding at Calais. Hoped that his Holiness would be able to direct the wished-for expedition against the Turk, and avenge himself on the king of England. He complained also of the English sympathy with the Lutherans. The Admiral, when at Calais, replied to Englishmen, who commiserated their treatment in France, that in France they made confessors, but in England they made many martyrs. The king of England has tried to prevent the Lutherans from recognising the Pope as the Head of the Church, which they had determined to do through the medium of France.

14 Aug 1535. Titus, B. xi. 425. B. M. St. P. i. 439. 90. Sir Thomas Audeley, Chancellor, to Cromwell.

Has put the following Irish Acts in order:—The Supreme Head of the Church in Ireland; the King's Succession; the declaration of treasons; licenses and dispensations; the annates and election and consecration of bishops; appeals in spiritual matters to be made to the King, and not the bishop of Rome; first-fruits, which does not extend to abbots and priors, for this time; Kildare's attainder; subsidy; resumption of the lands of the duke of Norfolk and his coparceners, the earl of Shrewsbury, the heirs general of the earl of Ormond, and divers abbots and priors in England. Wishes him to ask the King whether that Act is to be set forth without declaring his pleasure to the Duke, Earl, and heirs general of the earl of Ormond. Has seen the Act made in Ponynges' time, and delivered it again to Mr. Gostwyk. Does not take that Act as they take it in Ireland, but has made a short Act that everything done in this Parliament shall be effectual, notwithstanding that or any other Act. These Acts should be sent to Ireland with a letter ordering the Deputy and Council to return a transumpt under the seal of Ireland. Asks whether the commission to hold the Parliament is to be made to the Deputy alone or to others, and what day it is to begin. Asks him to remind the King of the barons he wished to make to increase the number of temporal lords. They shall be all ready written by Monday next. Does not think the Acts of heresy and submission of the clergy necessary for that land, for the Statute of Henry IV. was never put in execution; and as to the submission, after the laws for the spiritual jurisdiction are ratified here in England by the 32 assigned by the King, and confirmed by Parliament here, it were necessary they should be received in Ireland by authority of Parliament there. Advises that the Acts of probate of testament, mortuaries, and pluralities of benefices should be spared at this time. The Earl of Wiltshire (age 58) has asked that the Act for the Earl of Ossory may be deferred till he and his coparcener Selenger may search their evidences, and declare what prejudice they might take. If the King wishes the Act to go forward, he should write to the Earl, and cause him to make a sufficient proviso. The King might also order the Deputy to take a bond from the earl of Ossory not to take any advantage of the Earl of Wiltshire (age 58) by the Act.

Sends a commission of oyer and determiner concerning the prior of Wurcetter and his monk. Thinks the words spoken in March last by the monk touching appeals will hardly bear treason but misprision, for there is no express mention of the King nor Queen. The words spoken of the King and Queen at Christmas or before February would have been treason if they had been spoken since February 1.

It were best to have them indicted truly upon the fact, and then let them remain in ward till further opinions be known.

Christchurch, in London, Saturday, the eve of the Assumption. Is going to Colchester on Tuesday; there is so great death in London.

Hol. Add: Chief Secretary.

27 Sep 1535. R. O. 450. Sir Thomas Audeley to Cromwell.

Has received his letter, with the books of Bath and Winchester for valuation of the spiritualities. Only 12 or 13 books have yet come to his hands. Wonders the Commissioners are so negligent. Has lain at Old Ford only for this cause these 14 or 15 days, and cannot proceed till all the books come in. Intends to write letters, in the names of Cromwell and himself, to the Commissioners of the shires where they lack. and send them with the writs of the prorogation of Parliament, and with the commissions and proclamations for wheat, which will all be ready tomorrow. Wishes to know the King's pleasure about proclamations for clothiers. Must ride to the burial of Sir David Owen, who has named him one of his executors. Wishes to know what Cromwell has done for London, Middlesex, and Surrey. Thanks him for moving the Queen (age 34) for her house, and desires him to thank her Highness for lending it to him. Would be glad to gratify Cromwell about the nomination of the under-sheriff of Middlesex, "and am right well content ye take your pleasure in it, praying you to consider that it is given me, and that of good congruence and reason ye cannot take it from me." You have done me much greater pleasures, and this is not for my own profit, but for my poor servant's, to whom I can give nothing. Remember, I moved you once for poor Dyne to have the controllership of the dispensations, "with poor £10 fee. Ye have his bill." Each of us must have a clerk, with 20 marks' fee, to make up books of benefices, as it will be a great business. I shall be near the Court when I go to Mr. Owen's burial, but dare not approach the King's presence till I know his pleasure. I have long wished to see his Grace, "but I have a little resorted to London, and some suitors of London daily have come to my house." Can never be rid of them. Sends humble recommendations to the King and Queen. Old Ford, Monday before Michaelmas Day.

Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Thomas Crumwell, Esq., Chief Secretary to the King's Highness. Endd.

[08 Oct 1535]. Camusat, 21. 566. [The Bishop of Tarbes to the Bailly of Troyes.]¹

He is to state to the King (Francis) that the Emperor's ambassador has sent word to the old Queen (Katharine) and her daughter that his master has commanded him to inform them that he will not re-enter his kingdom of Spain until he has restored them to their estates and rights. The people is so greatly devoted to them that in order to restore them it will join any prince who espouses their quarrel. This is common opinion among noblemen, the lower people, and the King's own servants. All the people is marvellously discontented; most of them, excepting the relations of the present Queen (age 34), because of the old Queen and her daughter, others because of the subversion of religion. Others fear war, and foresee that commercial intercourse will cease, both within the realm and without, in Flanders, Spain, Italy, and other countries where the cloths, kerseys, hides, tin, lead, and other merchandise of this kingdom have been sold, and that navigation will be so dangerous that there will be no English merchant who will dare to transport merchandise into foreign countries without many ships equipped for war. The strangers of the lands of the Emperor, and those who will be his friends and under the obedience of the Pope, will be unable to traffic to the said country, nor any others without great danger of encountering the Emperor's troops and other enemies of England. The weather has been so bad the whole of the summer that not half of the necessary corn has been reaped. The King (Francis) should consult whether he ought to prohibit the exportation in order to prove to them how necessary to them is his aid and friendship. The lower people, in consequence of these things, are greatly exasperated against the Queen (age 34), saying concerning her a thousand ill and improper things, and also against those who support her in her enterprises, charging upon them all the inconveniences which they foresee will arise from war. It is held to be quite certain that if war takes place the people will rebel against the governors, from fear of what has been said above and from the affection which they bear to the old Queen and her daughter (age 19), and especially to the Princess (age 19), who has such a hold on the hearts of the people that, notwithstanding the laws made at the last Parliament, they do not cease to regard her as Princess, saying that the laws of Parliament cannot do away her being the King's daughter, and born during the marriage, and that the King and everyone so regarded her until that Parliament. Lately, when she was removed from Greenwich, a great troop of citizens' wives and others, unknown to their husbands, presented themselves before her, weeping and crying that she was Princess, notwithstanding all that had been done². Some of them, the chiefest, were placed in the Tower, constantly persisting in their opinion. These things are so well known, and the fear of war so great, that many of the greater merchants of London have recommended themselves to the Emperor's ambassador, and said that if the Emperor make war, the people will surrender themselves to him.

Note 1. Printed by Camusat immediately after the paper No. 1479 in Vol. VI., with the heading: "Autre memoire non datte lequel semble avoir este escript peu apres le precedent." It appears to be a paper of instructions given by the bp. of Tarbes to the Bailly of Troyes on his return to France in Oct. 1535.

Note 2. In the margin: "Millor de Rochesfort et millord de Guillaume."

[08 Oct 1535]. 566. You are aware of the quarrel which took place between her and her governess (age 59) when we went to visit her little sister (age 2), and that we have been told how she was put almost by force into her chamber, in order that she should not speak to us, and how it was impossible to appease her and confine her to her chamber till the gentleman conducting us assured her that the King, her father, had commanded him to tell her not to show herself while we were there. You know also the conversations which the same gentleman had with you concerning her, and the charge which the Queen had given him: also that a person has endeavoured to cause her to send her will in writing. If the King (Francis) approved of the marriage it would be to unite two kingdoms, and the King would have the great honor of annexing "les deux Bretagnes" to the French crown. The King has good reason to take the matter up, for the marriage was made by consent of both parents, and half England desires it. If the Pope were advertised of the treaties which the king of England proposes to make with the King, he would suspect that he should lose the money of France, in the same way as he has lost the money of England, if war should take place; and therefore he would induce the Emperor to urge the King (Francis) to accomplish this marriage. I believe the Emperor would help it forward from the love which he bears to his niece. If the Emperor urge Francis the latter can then consult about informing the king of England of the Emperor's intention, and persuading him to consent to it in order to avoid war, seeing that the said Lord (Henry) does not deny that she is his daughter, and knows that the marriage is concluded. If the king of England do not approve because his wife persuades him to the contrary, he will fear to set Francis and the Emperor against himself solely through his affection for his wife, which is less than it has been, and diminishes day by day, because he has new amours (age 26)¹.

Item, to advertise the King of the maladies which are in "la rasse;" and that the Swedes in the King's pay, whom the Lubeckers had drawn into the Danish quarrel, have taken fourteen English ships, among which the Minion of the English king, the mistress of England², has been broken to pieces.

Fr.

*** A translation of this letter is printed by Mr. Froude in his Appendix to "the Pilgrim" (p. 100) as a letter from Dinteville to M. de Tarbes, and dated in Oct. 1534.

Note 1. Margin: "Nota, qu'il ne sera pas paradventure fort malaisé à gaigner le Roy." ie. Note, that it will not be very difficult to win the King. The "new amours" may be a reference to Jane Seymour (age 26).

Note 2. "Entre lesquelles a este mise en pieces la Mignone du Roy d'Angletrerre, qui estoi la maistresse d'Angleterre." ie. Between which was torn into pieces the Mignone of the King of England, the mistress of England. This is a reference to ship rather than a person!

13 Oct 1535. Vienna Archives. 594. Chapuys to Charles V.

The King, on the news contained in your Majesty's letters of 16 Aug., has made answer to me by a letter from Cromwell (copy enclosed) [to the effect that he was very much pleased at your Majesty's victory]. Notwithstanding what Cromwell has written about visiting the Princess, he has given my man clearly to understand that there was no great hope of it, and still less of getting the Princess placed with her mother, because her mother was too papal, and would make the Princess still more obstinate in her opposition to the statutes of the realm, which she must obey, else it will go ill with her. This is certainly much to be feared, unless your Majesty prevent it, as the bearer will explain more particularly, whom I have been compelled to despatch by order of the Queen and Princess, and at the request of many good men, who have been fed with good words and hopes, but have taken for lawful excuses the very great and important occupations of your Majesty; and now that, happily, these occupations have ceased, while the necessity of remedying matters here increases daily, if they do not see very soon some appearance of the said remedy, they will all fall into despair, and then it will be impossible, or extremely difficult, to mend matters. This would be the best time, while the people is provoked by the great cruelties daily committed and the worse than tyrannical extortions practised on Churchmen, the expulsion of monks and nuns from their cloisters, and, most of all, the famine which threatens to prevail in consequence of the bad harvest, all which is imputed to the bad life and tyranny of the King; to which also they attribute the loss of the ships which the Swedes have lately captured from them, which may create great mischief, for the King, in revenge, six days ago, ordered all the ships and goods of the Easterlings to be arrested, who are in no wise to blame. The English will certainly repent this, were it only because they will get no provision of corn from this quarter, which was their principal hope.

13 Oct 1535. 594. The bailly of Troyes left about four days ago "et sen retoure tout bellement a sez journeez." The bp. of Winchester, whom this King is sending into France, is in no hurry to leave, so that it would seem there is no great warmth in their practises, of which I can discover nothing more than what I last wrote, although I have talked at considerable length with the said bailly and ambassador. The principal thing that they have said to me was to ask if your Majesty did not intend above all things to have a general Council held, which would be a more praiseworthy deed than the conquest of Tunis, and more necessary than the recovery of the lands of Christendom from the Turk; for this would tend to establish a pure faith among Christians and free their consciences from danger, even if they were somewhat harassed about their property; (fn. 1) and that all your Majesty had done or might do hereafter would be of little importance without the said Council. This language they repeated to me several times; and this, taken together with the fact that the baron de Gramont, brother of the said ambassador, has several times asked one of my servants, by way of jest, if the said Council was already assembled, makes me think that the king of France is intriguing to hinder the said Council; in which the English will do their best to help them, as it is the thing they fear most in the world. The said ambassador and bailly have been to see the little bastard. The said ambassador, as both have informed me, has been frequently requested to do so by the King's concubine, and has always delayed till the coming of the said bailly, who thought it best to go thither, thinking that somehow they would have an interview with the Princess, which was the thing they most desired, and without hope of which they would not have gone thither; but they had not been fortunate enough to see her, because not only, as they said, was she shut up in her chamber, but the windows were nailed up through which she might have been seen; which I do not believe, but rather that following the advice which I had written to her when she asked for my opinion, she kept herself quite voluntarily in her chamber, playing the virginals (espinette) to dissemble the annoyance of that visit and to show her filial obedience and not provoke her father; besides that it was right to do so, and that she did not wish in her modesty to place herself where she could be seen.

13 Oct 1535. 594. Cromwell having several times written to me that on his return from Court we should discuss matters of the Queen and Princess, I have waited two days since his return to see what show he would make of doing so, and finding none, I sent to him to ask at what hour I might speak with him. He excused himself for two days on account of business, and did so again yesterday, the third day, saying, however, to my messenger, that he would be here this morning; as he really was. After congratulation of the Emperor on his glorious victory and his arrival in Sicily, and thanking me on the part of the King and himself for the news I had sent them from time to time he replied about the Princess according to what he had written to me, which was to the effect that the King, his master, was good and wise, and that he would take good care, and better than any other, to treat his daughter well; that it was unnecessary to remind him of his duty, whether it were to change her gouvernante (age 59), to get her better companions, or to place her again with the Queen (age 49), her mother. As to the arrears due to the Queen, it was true he had several times promised to get her prompt payment, and if it was only a question of presenting her with the sum due he would do it at once very willingly; but he knew the disposition of the King, his master, was such that if he meddled with it he fell under suspicion of taking the Queen's part, which might cost him his head, and said the King might well give the Queen any sum she could demand, if she would undertake to maintain her own household; and on doing so, he would give her perfect liberty to keep what servants she pleased. This bargain, I think, she will never accept, as it would in some degree prejudice her position; moreover, I think Cromwell threw out the suggestion more by way of compliment than otherwise. After this, Cromwell mentioned that the King was informed from France, Italy, and elsewhere, that your Majesty intended to prepare an army against him and his countries in favour of the Pope, whom he sometimes called bishop of Rome and sometimes idol, but not without begging me to pardon him, and that to stir the fire, some bishop and legate had already come to Flanders; and that the King, his master, notwithstanding the said rumours, which might have been propagated by ill-disposed people, could not well believe that your Majesty, considering the great friendship and repeated alliances between you so solemnly ratified and sworn, would attempt any such thing, especially when there was no cause; for, as regards disobedience to the Pope, the King did not think he had said or done anything to any Christian prince inconsistent with the law of God, and he believed that the Christian religion was not better regulated and reformed in any country in the world than in this kingdom; and the King requested that I would add to the other good offices I had done by notifying this to your Majesty. Cromwell added that, perhaps the King might send you a very honorable embassy, provided he thought that you would give favorable audience to it, both to represent these and other matters, and to promote amities and confederations; on which subject the King wished to have my advice. I replied that I was not so rash as to put myself forward in giving counsel to such a Prince lest I should give him occasion justly to reproach me, as was done without occasion when the earl of Wiltshire was at Bologna with your Majesty; but I fully believed that if such an embassy were sent to your Majesty it would not only be kindly received and heard, but would obtain what it asked for, provided it were a thing that your Majesty could rightly grant according to reason and conscience; and otherwise I would neither advise nor dissuade its despatch, for the above reason. He made no reply to this, and I think, from the way he spoke of the said embassy, there has been no suggestion of it among them, and that he spoke only of himself. He then said I must be already informed that the bishop of Winchester (age 52) was going to France, and the bishop of Atfort (Hereford), formerly the King's almoner, into Germany. He told me nothing more, and I asked if he, who was going into Germany, was to go further than Saxony? He said he did not know where he was going to; and he said the same to a merchant of whom he desired a letter of exchange of 1,000 crs. for the said Bishop, in case he should have need of them, which he did not expect, because he was taking plenty of money with him, and Cromwell wished the said letters to be general for the principal cities of Germany. Cromwell has confessed that the bailly of Troyes had made request for the marriage of the Princess with the Dauphin, and also that he brought the brief of which I before wrote.

29 Apr 1609. R. O. 609. The Prior of the Charter House and others¹.

Proceedings against Robert Feron, or Fern, of Todynton (Teddington), Midd., clk.; John Hale, late of Isleworth, clk.; John Howghton, prior of the Charter House, Midd.; Augustine Webster, prior of the Charter House, Axholme, Linc.; Robert Lawrens, prior of the Charter House of Bevall, Notts; and Ric. Reynolds, brother of the house of Syon, Midd.; for high treason, viz.:—

Note 1. See Report III. of the Dep. Keeper of Pub. Records, App. ii. 237.

i. Special commission of Oyer and Terminer for Middlesex to Sir Thos. Audeley, chancellor, Thos. duke of Norfolk, treasurer, Henry marquis of Exeter, Will. earl of Arundel, John earl of Oxford, Henry earl of Essex, Thos. earl of Rutland, Hen. earl of Cumberland, Thos. earl of Wiltshire, Hen. lord Montague, Geo. lord Rocheford, Thos. Cromwell, chief secretary, Sir John FitzJames, Sir John Baldwin, Sir Ric. Lister, Sir John Porte, Sir John Spelman, Sir Walter Luke, Sir Ant. Fitzherbert, Sir Thos. Inglefeld, and Sir Will. Shelley. Westm., 23 April 27 Hen. VIII.

ii. The justices' precept to the sheriff for the return of the grand jury, with panel annexed. Westm., 24 April 27 Hen. VIII.

iii. The justices' precept to the constable of the Tower to bring up John Howghton, Augustine Webster, Robert Lawrens, Ric. Reynolds, Robert Feron or Fern, and John Hale, at Westminster, on Wednesday next after one month of Easter. Westm., 27 April 27 Hen. VIII. Endorsed with the reply of Sir Edmund Walsingham as lieutenant of Sir Will. Kyngeston, constable of the Tower.

iv. Indictment setting forth that by the statute 25 Hen. VIII. [c. 22.] any person who shall do anything to the peril of the King or prejudice of his succession shall be guilty of high treason; that Robert Feron and John Hale above named, endeavouring to excite sedition, &c., did, 20 May 26 Hen. VIII. and at other times between 2 and 20 May and subsequently, at Isleworth and Syon, Midd., meet and have various discourseś against the King and his marriage while they were walking to and fro. And after many scandalous and false words spoken by Feron to Hale, the said Feron asked Hale if there was no one who had written or who would write against the King's evil deeds. Hale replied that there were many notorious and sufficient causes to write against the King, and further said these most execrable words:—"Syth the realm of England was first a realm, was there never in it so great a robber and pyller of the commonwealth read of nor heard of as is our King. And not only we, that be of the spirituality, by his wrongs be oppressed and robbed of our livings as if we were his utter enemies, enemies to Christ, and guilty of his death, but also thus ungoodly he doth handle innocents, and also highly learned and virtuous men, not only robbing them of their livings and spoiling them of their goods, but also thrusting them into perpetual prison, so that it is too great pity to hear, and more to be lamented than any good Christian man's ears may abide. And he doth the same as if by that mean he would revenge his own injuries and the injuries of Christian faith, by whose title in a marvellous fashion he boasteth himself to be above and to excel all other Christian kings and princes, thereby being puffed with vain glory and pride, where, of a truth, he is the most cruellest, capital heretic, defacer, and treader under foot of Christ and of his Church, continually applying and minding to extinct the same. And also the lay fee, sometime the noble and sometime the commons, without difference, upon chance and displeasure grown, or of truth forsought and feigned, he doth enpoverish, destroy, and kill, for none other intent but that he may enjoy and use his foul pleasures, and increase to himself great treasure and riches, enriching strangers, and pylling and robbing his own subjects, and making fair houses but most superfluous. Whose death I beseech God may be like to the death of the most wicked John, sometime King of this realm, or rather to be called a great tyrant than a King, and that his death may not be much unlike to the end of that manqueller Richard, sometime usurper of this Imperial realm. And if thou will deeply look upon his life, thou shalt find it more foul and more stinking than a sow, wallowing and defiling herself in any filthy place; for how great so ever he is, he is fully given to his foul pleasure of the flesh and other voluptuousness. And look how many matrons be in the court, or given to marriage; these almost all he hath violated, so often neclecting his duty to his wife and offending the Holy sacrament of matrimony; and now he hath taken to his wife of fornication this matron Anne, not only to the highest shame and undoing of himself, but also of all this realm."

Afterwards, 10 March 26 Hen. VIII., Feron wrote down in Latin these words spoken by Hale in English. Also in the same conversation on the 20th May, Hale said to Feron, "Until the King and the rulers of this realm be plucked by the pates, and brought, as we say, to the pot, shall we never live merrily in England; which I pray God may chance and now shortly to come to pass. Ireland is set against him, which will never shrink in their quarrel, to die in it. And what think ye of Wales?—Their noble and gentle Ap Ryce so cruelly put to death, and he innocent, as they say, in the cause. I think not contrary but they will join and take part with the Irish, and so invade our realm. If they do so, doubt ye not but they shall have aid and strength enough in England; for this is truth, three parts of England is against the King, as he shall find if he need; for of truth they go about to bring this realm into such miserable condition as is France, which the Commons see and perceive well enough a sufficient cause of rebellion and insurrection in this realm. And truly we of the Church shall never live merrily until that day come."

v. The justices' precept to the sheriff for the return of a jury from Istylworth and Syon for the trial of Feron and Hale. Westm., 28 April 27 Hen. VIII.— With panel of jury annexed.

vi. Indictment against Howghton, Webster, Lawrens, and Reynolds, for declaring, 26 April 27 Hen. VIII. at the Tower of London, "The King our sovereign lord is not supreme head in earth of the Church of England."

vii. The justices' precept to the sheriff for the return of a jury of inhabitants of the Tower for the trial of Howghton, Webster, Lawrens, and Reynolds. Westm., 28 April 27 Hen. VIII.

viii. Records of the trial before the above justices, reciting the above documents in the preamble, in which the indictments are dated at Westminster on Wednesday after one month of Easter, 27 Hen. VIII.

Feron and Hale, being brought to the bar by Sir Edward Walsingham on Wednesday after one month of Easter, 27 Hen. VIII., plead Not Guilty. Venire awarded returnable at Westminster on Thursday after one month of Easter (29 April); on which day, after the jury were sworn, the prisoners withdrew their former plea, and pleaded Guilty.

Judgment as usual in high treason. Execution at Tyburn.

Howghton, Webster, Lawrens, and Reynolds in like manner were brought to the bar on Wednesday after one month of Easter, when they pleaded Not Guilty; and again on Thursday, when they pleaded Guilty.

Judgment and execution as before.

Proceedings brought into court, Hilary term, 27 Hen. VIII., by Sir John FitzJames.

Cleopatra, E. vi. 231.

B. M. 2."The bill of indictment against the Carthusians," i.e., John Rochester and Jas. Whalworth, for denying the King's supremacy.

Lat. Vellum. In margin: "Billa vera."

01 Nov 1535. Vienna Archives. 733. Chapuys to [Granvelle].

As Granvelle will see by his letters to the Emperor, nothing has happened worth writing since his man left. Sends a copy of a letter from Cromwell which he forgot.

The French ambassador said lately that it was publicly reported in the Court that the king of Tunis had been compelled to recall Barbarossa to put down rebellion among his subjects, and had retaken Goletta, Bona, and the rest. The King, the Lady, and their party, are rejoiced. The Princess has sent to tell me the same, the news being sent to her to annoy her. The French ambassador thinks it strange that, as matters are now, they should allow corn to be obtained from Flanders for England. He was sure these people would never have any help from France. Has already informed the Queen (of Hungary?). Thinks notice should be taken of it in Spain. There is a great likelihood of famine, which will help towards setting matters right. The people murmur. The King and his concubine (age 34), who had previously caused it to be preached that God showed his approval of their Government by sending a good season, now make the preachers say that it is clear God loves the people because he sends adversity. Sometimes they say that the adversity is on account of those who object to this new marriage, and this new sect. London, 1 Nov. 1535.

The French pension has not been paid this year. From the French ambassador's manner in speaking of it, does not think it will be paid soon. He insinuated that the Pope would pay for them, when the executorials came. The Almain of whom he lately wrote, who said he was sent by the duke of Saxony and his Council, came principally to bring a book of Melancthon's, dedicated to the King, called "Loci Communes." He has been given 50 ducats, and Melancthon 200. It is said that the ambassador sent to Almain will go to Melancthon and his accomplices and try to make them sing his master's tune.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2.

21 Nov 1535 Vienna Archives. 862. Chapuys to [Granvelle].¹

Received four days ago his letters of 26 Sept. Thanks him for certain hints about his personal enemies.

The King will become worse and worse till he is utterly ruined, from which the provision of harquebuses which he is making will not save him. Thinks he will get them from somewhere else than Flanders. His desire to procure them shows that he means to take some new step, wishing, on the one hand, to put his people in fear, and, on the other, to defend himself from invasion.

In answer to the question of M. Anthoine, the secretary, Cromwell is the son of a poor farrier, who lived in a little village a league and a half from here, and is buried in the parish graveyard. His uncle, father of the cousin whom he has already made rich, was cook (cousinier) of the late archbishop of Canterbury. Cromwell was illbehaved when young, and after an imprisonment was forced to leave the country. He went to Flanders, Rome, and elsewhere in Italy. When he returned he married the daughter of a shearman, and served in his house; he then became a solicitor. The cardinal of York, seeing his vigilance and diligence, his ability and promptitude, both in evil and good, took him into his service, and employed him principally in demolishing five or six good monasteries. At the Cardinal's fall no one behaved better to him than Cromwell. After the Cardinal's death Wallop attacked him with insults and threats, and for protection he procured an audience of the King, and promised to make him the richest king that ever was in England. The King immediately retained him on his Council but told no one for four months. Now he stands above every one but the Lady, and every one considers he has more credit with his master than Wolsey had— in whose time there were others who shared his credit, as Maistre Conton (Compton), the duke of Suffolk, and others, but now there is no one else who does anything. The Chancellor is only his minister. Cromwell would not accept the office hitherto, but it is thought that soon he will allow himself to be persuaded to take it. He speaks well in his own language, and tolerably in Latin, French, and Italian; is hospitable, liberal both with his property and with gracious words, magnificent in his household and in building.

Is surprised that Mons. de Praet has no acquaintance with him, for they were near neighbours in London.

Tuke (Brianturcq) lives 20 miles off in the country, and does not come to court. He is still treasurer, a servant acting for him. Understands that he would gladly be "hors berghe saulves."

Refers to his letter to the Emperor. London, xxxi. (sic.) Nov. 1535.

The person (age 32) before mentioned has sent to say that, four or five days ago, the King, talking about the Princess, said that he should provide that soon she would not want any company, and that she would be an example to show that no one ought to disobey the laws, and he meant to fulfil what had been foretold of him,—that is, that at the beginning of his reign he would be gentle as a lamb, and at the end worse than a lion. He said also that he would despatch those at the Tower and some who were not there. Chapuys' informant begged him not to dissemble any longer with the ladies, but to inform them, so that they might take counsel, and send some one to the Emperor.

Thanks him for his attention to his interest, of which he has heard from the secretary Perrenot.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 4.

Note 1. Extracts from this letter are printed in translation by Froude in "the Pilgrim," p. 106, from a copy in the Brussels Archives.

22 Nov 1535. Add. MS. 28,588, f. 47. B. M. 873. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.

Wrote on Sept. 1 and 8 and Oct. 24. The Ambassador in England wrote on the 14th Oct. that the Queen and Princess were well, and sent a servant of his here, who left on the 5th to go to the Emperor. He brought letters from the Queen, which she said she sent as her last testament, because, considering her present state and the orders made in the Parliament of this November, it appears likely that she and the Princess (age 19) will be sentenced to martyrdom, which she was ready to receive in testimony of the Holy Faith, as the cardinal of Rochester and other holy martyrs had done. She only grieves that her life has not been as holy as theirs, and she is in great sorrow for the multitude of souls who are daily condemned.

The Princess with only three women is in the same house as the daughter of the Wench (age 34) ("la Manceba"), under the charge of the Wench's aunt (age 60). Formerly the Ambassador was allowed to send to her two days a week, but now this leave has been taken away. When she asked to be allowed to live with her mother she was refused, because it would make her more obstinate in disobeying the statutes, which was not safe in consequence of the penalty imposed by them. The King told his mistress that while he lived (viniere, error for viviere?) the Princess should not marry. She has told the King several times that it is the Princess who causes war, and that it will be necessary to treat her as the cardinal of Rochester has been treated. She has often said of the Princess "She is my death and I am hers; so I will take care that she shall not laugh at me after my death." When the Ambassador asked for certain money due to the Queen from the time she held the lands "de sus arras," it was refused, and he was told that he should see if the Queen would consent to live at less expense, and that the King bore her expenses.

30 Dec 1535. Vienna Archives. 1036. Chapuys to Charles V.

On Monday last, the third day of Christmas, the King sent to ask me to come and visit him some day during these holidays, except the first day of the year, and that I should do him great pleasure. And it being arranged between me and the gentleman who came to call me that this day would be the most convenient, the King on Tuesday following sent to ask me to put it off till Sunday next. Yesterday, Wednesday, I received letters from the Queen's physician, stating that she had relapsed, and was worse than she was a mouth before, and that for the Queen's satisfaction and all her company I must obtain leave to go and visit her. I sent immediately to Court to solicit the said leave, and Cromwell said there would be no difficulty about it, but it was necessary that the King should first speak with me on matters of great importance, and I must not fail to come to Greenwich at 1 p.m., whither the King would come from Heltam. Although Cromwell made this reply several times to my messenger, and begged him particularly to report it to me, yet he this morning sent me his secretary to know my determination about it, that he might give notice to the King to be at Greenwich; Cromwell thus declaring the great desire the King and he had that I should not fail to be there. At the hour appointed I found on the bridge at Greenwich the sieur de Chennay waiting for me, to conduct me to the lists, where the King was waiting for me. He received me most courteously, embraced me still more cordially by the neck, and detained me some time in conversation before all the company on matters which I cannot recount at present, except that, among other things, he said that, hearing from Cromwell how I wished to visit the patient, he had anticipated the day appointed to me, as the matter of which he wished to speak to me was of such importance. It was that, trusting in the cordial expressions Likkerke and I had so long used to his ministers, he had always refused to let them listen to the French, who continually importuned him with great offers; but seeing no great hope for his own part, as your Majesty appeared to be dissembling matters for the time, "et apres donner la figue a tout le monde," and, on the other hand, as the French had redoubled their intrigues since the death of the duke of Milan, and made him such wonderful offers, he should be compelled to listen to them if he had not speedy and assured answer from your Majesty. Yet he doubted, considering the urgency of their suit, whether he could await the answer; nor was he so foolish as not to be on his guard against dissimulations which might be to his great disadvantage, shutting him out from the friendship both of your Majesty and France; but now was the season for him to see to his own interests (quil feit ses affaires), the French being enemies to your Majesty, who were only awaiting an opportunity of declaring themselves so, as the offers they made him were better assured than any made to him hitherto, for they promised him towns and territory; and as he was a plain-spoken prince and man of honor he wished to communicate them to me, both for his own honor and that I might provide a remedy by informing you with all diligence, telling me there could be no doubt of what he had informed me, and that he was not one of those who stirred up jealousies in order to make his own profit, stating one thing instead of another,—for he was an Englishman, and not a Frenchman or a Spaniard, to use such guile.

30 Dec 1535. 1036. On beginning to reply, saying that I hoped to satisfy him fully touching the delay of your Majesty's answer, he wished me to come up with him to his room, from which he shut out everybody, and there I said to him that if there were no other reason, the great business your Majesty had during your expedition to Barbary was sufficient excuse for not having been able to answer him; for neither in this matter nor in any other, however important, had you made answer during that time (which he would not admit, saying he knew the contrary), and further that your Majesty had more cause to complain of the delay and dissimulation he had used in this matter than he, and that it was for him to make answer on the overtures which had been made to him on your behalf, but till now I had not been able to get from him or Cromwell any explicit reply; for every time Cromwell and I had spoken of it, he had been unable to reply to my representations, and said he would take time to consider about them; and at last, after much importunity, when I gave him to understand that his communications with me seemed only intended to put off time and create jealousy in the French, he said he had written to Wallop to make the said reply to your Majesty's ambassador, and, notwithstanding that that looked very much like a subterfuge to create further delay, I had not ceased to speak to Cromwell about it from time to time, who confined himself to general terms; and that I did not believe, whatever he said, that the king of France and he, being such virtuous princes, would treat anything against your Majesty to the ruin of Christendom, especially he who had no cause for it whatever, your Majesty having always been his friend, as he would, besides greatly offending God by breaking his oaths and promises, do great injury to himself and his kingdom, making war upon your Majesty without hope of any advantage; for he knew well that those who promised him the territory of others would like it better for themselves, as well as Guienne and Normandy; moreover he knew well what Cromwell had often told me, that the a French to obtain Milan would renounce (remerceroit qu. renonceroit ?) the friendship of all princes, even father and mother, and, as Cromwell said, even God himself. On this he suddenly said that he did not think your Majesty so ill advised as to grant Milan to the French, for it would be your complete destruction. I said that, even if the French conquered it, they would do all that your Majesty wished, and there would be no such danger of destruction, as had been seen previously, even when things were not so favorable everywhere for your Majesty as they are now, and when those of the French were much more prosperous. He answered that it would be a very different thing if they deceived themselves with the French (quil y auroit trop grosse difference sil se fallioit avec les François), and that the affairs of your Majesty were not so prosperous as it was pretended, for it was no great thing to have given chase to a pirate, especially with the aid of the Moorish king, who, with his men, had effected everything in the encounter with Barbarossa, as his ambassador had written to him. And on my remarking that it must be considered that Barbarossa was captain general of the most powerful prince in the world, and king of two kingdoms, and declaring further the little help the Moorish king got from his subjects, he was sorry for having begun upon the subject; and as to allying himself to the French, [I said], the nations were such as it was impossible to bring together, and in case of war it would be inestimable injury if his subjects could not trade in Flanders; in which case he said they would find means enough to export their goods.

30 Dec 1535. 1036. I asked the King, apropos of some other things, what occasion he had to treat of war against your Majesty. He said, to secure himself and not allow you to grow so powerful, and that the French reproached him, saying his dissimulation was the reason why the Emperor was so haughty; moreover, that you had shown him the greatest ingratitude, procuring so many things against him at the desire of a woman, which had involved him in many troubles; and that your Majesty had by threats and force obtained a sentence against him, as the Pope himself had confessed. I replied that your Majesty, as a set-off to much prosperity, had this misfortune (en recompence de pluseurs bonsheurs avoit cesluy mauvais), that he complained of your Majesty because you recommended the righteous cause of the Queen alike for his own honor and for that of the Queen herself. Whereupon he replied to me as he had done before, that your Majesty had not acted so for the queen of Denmark your sister. To which I made the same reply as formerly, showing him what your Majesty had done for her daughters your nieces. And to all the rest I replied very particularly and, I think, pertinently, taking particular care not to be contentious or irritate him, considering the French intrigues, which I believe are hot, although the King tells me "que les Francois ne monstrent estre trop effrayez;" and the King only makes me such great cheer before the world to arouse the jealousy of the French ambassador, who was in Court yesterday by his desire.

After much conversation I asked the King what he wished your Majesty to do. He said finally he wished you would not only cease to favor these good ladies, but also get the sentence given in the Queen's favor revoked. I said there was no good reason for this, and even if your Majesty would do so it was not in your power; and since I had no express commission to discuss such matters, I could only inform your Majesty, and assure you that you would do all you could according to honor and conscience. The King, in the course of conversation, admitted that he believed the Pope solicited you to do all you could against him, and also that it was a ridiculous story that your Majesty had offered the king of France to conquer this realm for him. At last he said that he believed the Queen, whom he only called Madame, would not live long (ne la feroit ycy longuement), and that if she died you would have no cause to trouble yourself about the affairs of this kingdom, and might refrain from stirring in this matter (et se pourra tenir par le bec des poursuites faictes en ce negoce). I said the death of the Queen could do no possible good, and that in any event the sentence was necessary.