Letters and Papers 1529. 30 Jul 1529. Titus, B. I. 286. B. M. 5802. Brian Tuke To Wolsey.

On coming today to the King, found with him Lord Rochford (age 26) and Mr. Stephens. The former had told the King that my Lord of Worcester's letters to Nicholas Rustico had been deciphered last night, which was not so, but the King said nothing about it. Gave him the letter from Mr. Secretary and Sir Francis Brian, which contained nothing but Brian's arrival at the French court, the declaration of his charge to the King, and the good answer he received; viz., that the King said that the money the Emperor should have of him would be spent in a year, and meanwhile he would fortify his frontiers, so that if the Emperor made war on the King for the divorce, he should be the better able to resist him. The King, Lord Rochford (age 26) and Mr. Stephens, liked this well. As to Albany's coming, the French king showed himself contented therewith, and that he would write to pensioners of his in Scotland to dissuade the alliance with the Emperor on pain of losing their pensions; that he had taken a Scot sent from Hungary to the king of Scots; that he would advise with the lady Regent at her return, and answer accordingly. Reckons the peace to be concluded, as the French king supposes the Emperor will spend the said money in a year, and that he will give them answer at my Lady's return. Thinks if the French pensions in Scotland are granted on condition of the holders doing what the King wishes, they are better given than taken away. In this letter was a reference to what Mr. Secretary had written secretly in a former letter, touching the matrimony, "trusting it were surely come to the King's hands." After this delivered the extract of cyphers from Worcester's letters, which was well accepted, "with good lawghyng at themperor's galies furnyshed with sheperds, and not able to be set forthe withoute they shulde be drawen at the taile of Andrewe Doria's galies." After presenting Campeggio's pollicitation, which was well liked, showed the whole discourse of everything, as Wolsey ordered him. Was better heard than Campeggio believed, especially in the point that he had no intelligence with the Queen; but there was not much said to it. Went on to say what Wolsey had done with the ambassadors of Venice and Ferrara. As to the quinqueremes and 50 galleys of the Venetians, Mr. Stephens said they had galleys enough, but no men to row them, and that their land army is not as great as is said. However, the King thinks they will hold their own. The King also heard the Venetian ambas- sador's news, that the Turk is probably in Hungary; and the King believes that Venice will take his side against the Emperor if need be. He then suddenly went away into an inner chamber, and Tuke had no time to ask him when he would see the Venetian ambassador, nor with whom of the Queen's folks Campeggio should speak, nor about his own books. Will find out tonight or tomorrow. Greenwich, 30 July, towards evening.

Calendars. Oct. 11. [1529] Sanuto Diaries, v. lii. p. 153.

515. Lodovico Falier to the Signory.

Narrates conversations held with Cardinal Wolsey, and Cardinal Campeggio, late Legate in England, who has departed on his way to Rome.

King Henry has sent two ambassadors to the Emperor¹, and two ambassadors to the King of France², with congratulations on the peace made; and he has also sent an ambassador to the Pope.

London, 11th October. Registered, by Sanuto 9th November.

[Italian.]

Note 1. Qu., Sir Nicholas Carew (age 33) and Dr. Richard Sampson,

Note 2. Qu., George Boleyn (age 26) and Dr. John Stokesley (age 54).

Letters and Papers 1529. 01 Dec 1529 R. O. St. P. VII. 219. 6073. Embassy to France.

Instructions to George Boleyn (age 26), gentleman of the Privy Chamber, and John Stokesley, D.D. (age 54), sent to the French king (age 35).

On their arrival at the French court they shall confer with Sir Francis Brian on the repair of Albany into Scotland, to interrupt the alliance between Scotland and the Emperor; on which subject, though Brian has been continually solicitous, the King has received from him no direct answer. They shall tell Francis that Brian is recalled to look after his own causes, and they are sent in his place; and they shall say that, considering the inconvenience like to ensue to France by the proposed alliance, the King has been anxious to learn what chance there might be of good effect by Albany's passing into Scotland, and they shall desire a consultation to be held with the Duke on the subject, guarding themselves from the supposition that the King wishes for it upon any other grounds than the benefit of France. If it be resolved on, it must be kept as secret as possible, taking care it does not come to the knowledge of the French king.

They shall also advise upon the question of a General Council, which is to be by them mutually prevented, considering the influence the Emperor has over the Pope. Upon the King's great matter they shall say, the King has sent Stokesly (age 54), who shall declare his opinion and that of other learned men, and shall say that, as De Langy at his late being here had said that divers in those parts were of similar opinion, he had special charge to consult them, and he shall do his best to obtain opinions favorable to the King. They shall also desire the French king to allow them to see the originals of the treaties and conventions made at Cambray, as copies only have reached England, sent to the French ambassadors here, containing many contradictions; and the same secresy has been observed in the court of the lady Margaret. Signed by the King at beginning and end.

Around 1531 George Boleyn Viscount Rochford (age 28) translated a book "Les Epistres et Evangiles" for his sister [his sister] Queen Anne Boleyn of England (age 30). The book water damaged but its dedication remains. The dedication was thought to have been write by Anne's father-in-law Henry Parker 11th Baron Marshal 10th Baron Morley (age 50) however a passage prefacing the dedication reading, ‘moost lovyng and frynddely brother’ was discovered by means of ultraviolet light leading historians to conclude the dedication was written by George Boleyn Viscount Rochford (age 28):

To the right honourable lady, the Lady Marchioness of Pembroke, her most loving and friendly brother sendeth greetings.

Our friendly dealings, with so divers and sundry benefits, besides the perpetual bond of blood, have so often bound me, Madam, inwardly to love you, that in every of them I must perforce become your debtor for want of power, but nothing of my good will. And were it not that by experience your gentleness is daily proved, your meek fashion often times put into use, I might well despair in myself, studying to acquit your deserts towards me, or embolden myself with so poor a thing to present to you. But, knowing these perfectly to reign in you with more, I have been so bold to send unto you, not jewels or gold, whereof you have plenty, not pearl or rich stones, whereof you have enough, but a rude translation of a well-willer, a goodly matter meanly handled, most humbly desiring you with favour to weigh the weakness of my dull wit, and patiently to pardon where any fault is, always considering that by your commandment I have adventured to do this, without the which it had not been in me to have performed it. But that hath had power to make me pass my wit, which like as in this I have been ready to fulfil, so in all other things at all times I shall be ready to obey, praying him on whom this book treats, to grant you many years to his pleasure and shortly to increase in heart’s ease with honour’

Letters and Papers 1533. 10 Jan 1533. R. O. 32. The King's New Year's Gifts.

Account of plate received of the following goldsmiths, and given away in New Year's gifts, 1 Jan. 24 Hen. VIII.:—

Of John Freman.—In gilt cups, &c. to Master Norres, lady Sandes, Sir Nich. Caroo, the bp. of Bath, the bp. of Lincoln, the abbot of Ramsey, the earl of Sussex, the bp. of Ezeter, Sir John Aleyn, Ric. Gresham, the King's Almoner, the lady of Salisbury, the bp. of Durham, the bp. of York, the Lord Steward, the bp. of Carlisle, the earl of Northumberland, the Princess, Master Sydnour, the earl of Westmoreland, Master Comptroller, the abbot of St. M. Abbey, the earl of Worcester, Sir James Bulleyn, lord Darcy, the duke of Norfolk, the Lord Chamberlain, Sir Ric. Paige, Sir Will. Kyngeston, Sir John Gaige, Sir John Russell, Sir Geo. Lawson, Sir Thos. Nevile, lord Curson, lord Mountague, lord Zouche, lord Stafford, lord Powes, the old duchess of Norfolk, the Princess, the "lady marques" of Exeter, the countess of Worcester, Sir Edw. Seymer, Sir John Nevile, lady Fitzwilliam, lady Russell, wife of Sir John Russell, Dr. Lupton, lord Dawbenney, the old lady Guildford, the countess of Huntingdon, the "lady marques" of Dorset, Master Crumwell, lady Outhrede, Becket the King's master cook, lady Lucy, the earl of Northumberland, the countess of Westmoreland, lady Stanneope, the bp. of Exeter, the Lord Chamberlain, lord Awdeley, lady Nevile, wife* of Sir Thos. Nevile, lady Kyngeston, lady Calthrop, lady Russell of Worcestershire, Geo. Lupkyn,—Lee, gent, usher, lady Verney, the countess of Derby, Borrein Myllyner, the earl of Huntingdon, lord Morley, lady Mountegill, Master Treasurer, — Parker, of the Robes and his wife, — Hubbert of St. Katherine's, Luke Liark, gunner, Mayon Sagbut, Christopher Myllyner. Total, 1,550 oz. at 5s. 2d. the ounce, = 400l. 8s. 4d.

Of Corneles.—To the [his father] earl of Wiltshire (age 56), Thos. Hennage, the bp. of Ely, Sir John Daunce, Sir Francis Brian, — Heywood, lord Dacris of the South, the earl of Oxford, the bp. of London, the bp. of Rochester, — Layland a priest, Dr. Buttes, the bp. of Llandaff, lord Mountjoye, lord Hussey, the prior of Christchurch, Canterbury, Sir Edw. Nevile, Sir Ric. Weston, Fraunces Weston, Sir Edw. Baynton, John Sowle, of Smithfield, Thos. Warde, the marquis of Exeter, Master Tuke, Thos. Alverd, Master Crumwell, Roger Radclif, the earl of Essex, the earl of Wiltshire (age 56), Master Crumwell, Dr. Rawson, lady Wingfeld, Jenyns Jueller, the dean of St. Stephen's, Sir Edw. Guldeford, lady Broune, Anth. Cassidony, lady Powes, old lady Brian, Anne Joscelyn, Anth. Toote, graver, — Vincent, clockmaker, Vincent Wolf, painter, — Rawlyns of Calais, — Blaknall of the Crown, — Skydmor, gent, usher, the abbot of St. Albans, Master Hennaige, Sir Anth. Broune, the French queen, the duke of Suffolk, the earl of Derby, the abbot of Abingdon, lord Mountegill, Peter Vaune, secretary, the abbot of Peterborough, the abbess of Reading, the duke of Suffolk, the bp. of Hereford, Sir Thos. Palmer, Sir Brian Tuke, the young duchess of Norfolk, the earl of Rutland, lord Windessore, the dean of the Chapel, Master Sullyerd, the French queen, the lord of St. John's, the countess of Rutland, Geo. Ardison, the countess of Kent, Anne Savaige, Mistress Margery, lady Shelston, Thos. Alverd, Richard the King's "pullicer" of stones, the abbey of Westminster, Anth. Antonyes. Total, 1,5603/8 ozs. at 5s. 2d. the ounce, = 403l. 1s. 11¼d.

Of Morgam Wolf parcels. (fn. 11)

To the Jewel-house, Sir Hen. Wiat, Master Norres, lord Lisle, lord Rochford (age 30), — Hasilwood of the Receipt, the young lady Guldeford, Sir Arthur Darcy, Gorron Bertinus Italian, to the christening of Sir Will. Pounder's son in May. Total, 3483/8 ozs. at 5s. 2d the ounce, = 89l. 7s. 0¼d. Of Will. Davy.—Parcels to Will. Lokke, Basterd Fawconbrige, John Cavalcant. 76½ oz. at 5s. 2d. the ounce, = 19l. 15s. 3d.

Parcels of plate new made and amended between the last day of Dec. 23 Hen. VIII. and the 1st of Jan. 24 Hen. VIII. by the King's goldsmiths, viz., (1). By John Freman, received out of the scullery, the pitcher-house; of Sir Francis Brian, the King's vessel that the arms of the said Sir Francis may be taken out, and the striking the same vessel with the arms of Master Wallop, who was deputed ambassador to the French king in April last; of the ewery, the cellar, the "chaundry," the jewel-house; for taking the Cardinal's arms out of plate and striking the King's arms in the same; for burnishing, &c. of plate given to the lady marques of Pembroke, received of Hen. Collyer, clerk of the Jewel-house. Received by the said Henry, for the Princess, of the said John Freman, a gilt cruse with a cover. Due to the said John Freman for a cruse silver and gilt, given by the King's command to Anthony, one of his minstrels, and not entered in the warrant of the New Year's gifts. Total of the same John Freman's parcels of mending stuff, 27l. 16s. 8½d.

(2). By Cornelis, received out of the pantry of the groom porter, out of the ewery, the "chaundry," the pitcher-house, for making a new sword of gold to the George of Diamantes belonging to the King's collar of gold, and garters for the same; received of Hen. Collyer, clerk of the Jewel-house; of the said Henry at the same time a pair of silver snuffers of the Princess; out of the Jewel-house in the Tower, for taking the Cardinal's arms out of various pieces of plate, of which curious descriptions are given, and striking the same with the King's arms; received at the Jewel-house at Calais, for making other plate with the King's arms, for striking the arms of the lady marques of Pembroke on various articles of plate, burnishing, &c. Delivered by the said Cornelis 40 amels of fine silver graven with my lady marques of Pembroke's arms, and set in several parcels of plate, making and burnishing of the same ammelles, &c. Total of Cornelys' parcels of mending stuff, 52l. 14s. 2½d.

Sum total of all the parcels in money, £993 3s. 5½d.; which sum Sir Brian Tuke is commanded to pay to the persons before written upon sight of warrant dated Greenwich, 10 Jan. 24 Hen. VIII.

Large paper, formerly a roll consisting of ten leaves written on one side only.

Letters and Papers 1533. 11 Mar 1533. R. O. St. P. VII. 427. 230. Instructions for Lord Rochford (age 30), sent to the French Court.

Is to present Francis with the letters written by the King's own hand, and express the delight he feels in his friendship and offers of service made by De Langeais, especially with regard to his asking the King's advice concerning the marriage of the duke of Orleans with the Pope's niece. Has declared it already by De Langeais at his return; which Rochford is to enlarge upon, touching on the low extraction of the [his sister] lady (age 32), which the King thinks is a great obstacle. Is to tell Francis that, according to his advice given at their last interview, and from his anxiety to have male issue for the establishment of his kingdom, he has proceeded effectually to the accomplishment of his marriage, trusting to find that his deeds will correspond with his promises, and that he will assist and maintain the King in the event of any excommunication from the Pope. That, in full consideration of the friendship of Francis, the King has opened to him his mind entirely, and asked his advice from time to time; and, considering he is now following the French king's counsel, he hopes that he will, as a true friend and brother, devise whatever he can for the establishment of the said marriage, preventing any impediment to it, or of the succession, which please God will follow, and which, to all appearance, is in a state of advancement already, as the King himself would do for Francis in like case. That, considering the Pope, in the violation of the rights of princes, has unjustly appointed a day for the King to appear before him (to which he does not intend to submit, it being dishonorable to his royal dignity, especially as the Pope refused to admit the excusator), if kings and princes were to allow this, he would extend his usurpation over all the rest, to their great dishonor. Ought a prince to submit to the arrogance and ambition of an earthly creature whom God has made his subject? Ought a King to humble himself, and pay obedience to him over whom God has given him the superiority? This would be to pervert the order which God has ordained, and would be as prejudicial to Francis as to Henry himself. The King will therefore be glad if Francis will despatch an agent to the Pope to intimate to him the following points: —1. That if he refuses to admit the King's excusator, and proceeds against the King, Francis will not allow it, but both will resist it to his great disadvantage; but if he will maintain the King's privileges, and not intermeddle in the cause, he will find us his true friends; otherwise, we will never enter into any alliance with him. 2. That he will never consent to the marriage of the Pope's niece with his son, except, without delay, the Pope admits the King's excusator, as he is bound to do. Furthermore, if any one, as is likely to be the case, should endeavour to alienate him from our cause, notwithstanding that we are assured of the alliance between us, and that such attempts would be fruitless, we hope he will excuse us for suggesting that if such a case arises he should reply that he considers our cause to be just, seeing that we are so straitly allied with him in amity and friendship, that, if it were infringed, it would turn to his dishonor, and give the world occasion to suppose that the friendship of princes is nothing but dissimulation.

Letters and Papers 1533. 11 Mar 1533. R. O. 228. Cromwell's Accounts. A "declaration" of receipts and payments by my master, Thomas Cromwell, to the King's use, from 22 Nov. 24 Henry VIII. to 11 March following:—

i. Receipts.—From "suppressed lands." of John Tyrrell, for Dame Elyns, belonging to Christchurch, London, 30s. William Bretton, farmer of Wykes, £4 6s. 7d. William Werley, for the spiritualities of the late monastery of Sandewall, £4 10s. Ant. Cave, receiver of the late priory of Tykford, £40 Dr. Bentley, for the parsonage of Tottenham, belonging to Christchurch, £9 10s. William Laurence, for priory of St. Peter's, Ipswich, £20 Francis Harryson, for parsonage of Alveley, belonging to mon. of Lyses, £5 John Purdon, receiver of Walyngforde, £44 16s. 7½d. Anne Knyght, executrix of John Knight, receiver of Ramston, £32 The prioress of Halliwell, for tithe in Donton, belonging to mon. of Wallingford, 46s. 8d. John Hall, receiver of Horkesley, £6 13s. 4d. Mr. Saynte Jermyn, for parsonage of Maryborne, belonging to Blakemore, 13s. 4d. William Laurence, out of the box of Our Lady of Ipswich, £24; and for pensions of Romberow, £18 9s. William Cavendysshe, for lands of Christchurch, £42 13s. 4d. Alice Pemsey, for lands of Lesynge, 46s. 8d. William Laurence, on determination of his account, £4 17s. ½d. Richard Stretie, for goods of Calwyche, £30 William Cavendysshe, for farm of Walcomstowe and parsonage of Bexley, belonging to Christchurch, £11 14s. 5d. Simon Momfort, for late mon. of Canwell, £6 13s. 4d. Duke of Norfolk, for parsonages of Felixstowe and Walton, belonging to late Cardinal's College, Ipswich, £13 6s. 8d.

For restitution of temporalities.—Abbot of Holme, £50 Prior of Huntingdon, £25 Minister of St. Robert nigh Knaresborough, £10 Abbot of Walden, £50

Money due by obligations from Dr. Blyth, executor to the Bishop of Chester, £100 The Duke of Norfolk, 200 marks. The aBishop of York, £200 Peter Lygham, clk., £66 13s. 4d. ABishop of Develyn, £200 Sir Thomas Seymor, 500 marks. Bishop of Hereford, £200 Bishop of Bath, £133 6s. 8d.

Of Martin Bowes, goldsmith, for crown gold molten out of chains, at 41s. 4d. per oz. of Rob. Draper and John Halalie of the Jewel-house.

Vacations of Bishoprics.—Of Richard Strete, for Bishopric of Chester, £612 18s. 1d. ½ q. Executors of the late aBishop of Canterbury, £1,000; and for "a mounte," £100 of the Monk Bailie of Westminster, for the abbot's portion, £666 13s. 4d.

Farms.—Prior of Shene, for parcel of the manor of Lewsham, £3 Edward Shelley, for manor of Fyndon, £16 0s. 2d. William Cavendisshe, for part revenues of Honesdon, 29s. 9d.

Money granted by last Convocation.—Of the executors of the late aBishop of Canterbury, for the first fifth, £242 2s. 3½d.

John Judd, for revenues of the Hamper, £300

Money received out of the King's coffers of Thomas Alverd, and from the Tower of London.

Loans repaid by Edm. Pekham and James Moryce, the Duke of Richmond's receiver.

Revenues of Rice Griffith's lands in Emelyn, Abermerles, and Perottes lands, of Thomas Johns; of the manor of Newton, from Sir William Thomas; and for a balinger of the said Griffith of Richard Tanner.

Total receipts, 20,£567 6s. 3½d. ½ q. Whereof—

ii. Payments.—To John Whalley, for the King's works at the Tower, £831 0s. 9d. To Benedict, the King's tomb-maker, £38 9s. 9d. To Averey, yeoman of the crossbows, for livery coats. To Thomas Warde, harberger, for reward, £20 To Steph. Vaughan, £46 13s. 4d. Dr. Lee, for his diets in Denmark, £60 To the post of Denmark, £11 13s. 4d. Mons. Beauvays, the French ambassador, £23 6s. 8d. My Lord of Rocheford (age 30), £106 13s. 4d. Dr. Benett, by Ant. Bonvice, 1,000 marks. Sir George Lawson and others, to convey the King's money to the North, 13,£584 9s. 4d. Paper and ink, 14s. 4d. Money paid to the King's coffers, [for the aBishop of Canterbury's] vacation and mounte, 1,£100 Silks and velvets bought of Richard Gresham and William Bo[try]. Carriage of copes and other stuff, late of Christchurch. Delivered to the Earl of Rutland (age 41), £200; and to [the executors of the] aBishop of Canterbury, £1,000

Payments to Ant. [Bo]nvice for Philip Wylde. To Martin Bowes. To Cavendish, for costs at Christchurch. For my master's fee for the receipt of extraordinary receipts, £150 To Mary Henyngam, late prioress of Wikes, £5 To Richard Riche, for the purchase of lands of Thomas Roberts, nigh Copthall, £220 To Thomas Alverd, for the King's works at Westminster, £2,000

Total payments, 21,£240 12s. "And so in superplusage, £673 5s. 8d. ½ q. Ayenste the whiche—

"Received of Thomas Alverd, 4,£000 Whereof—"

[Delivered to] Fowler, for [works] at Calais, 4,£000 Paid to Draper and Halalie, 18 March, £15 To the landgrave of Hesse's servants, £9 6s. 8d. To Roger Elys, clk., £40 To Sir George Lawson, 1,£000 To John Freman, for plate given to Mons. Momepesarte, £173 2s. 11½d. To Dr. Lee, for the rest of his diets, £32 To the king of Denmark's ambassador, £23 6s. 8d. To Mr. Speaker of the Parliament, £50 To Benedict, £7 9s. To the King's coffers, 1,£000 To the duke of Bever's (Bavaria's) servant, £23 6s. 8d.

Grand total of payments, 27,£614 3s. 11½d.

Large paper, pp. 5. Mutilated.

Letters and Papers 1533. 15 Mar 1533. 235. I received the day before yesterday your letters of the 3rd inst., and took occasion to go to court, to learn not only about the affairs of Scotland, and of the German, of whom I last wrote to your Majesty, and also of the charge of lord Rochford (age 30), who left here in post two days ago to visit the king of France, with the intention, as some say, to get him to take in hand the affairs of Scotland, with which they are already marvellously troubled; for there is no lord or other who would willingly go in the said enterprise; and the earl of Wiltshire has today confessed to me that the King, his master, would be glad of. peace if he was asked for it, because the other is his nephew, and moreover that it was a costly war, very injurious to the English, from which no good could be expected, and further that the Scots had taken seven or eight of their gentlemen. He would name no more, but the common report is that there were about 25, all men of some mark. Among other reasons for believing that Rochford was despatched for this cause is that two days before his departure the King held a great council, to which were summoned the brother of the earl Douglas and another captain, who had just returned from the Borders. Others think that he has gone to know if the King would like to come here as he promised at Boulogne; and they build upon the rumors current both at Boulogne and here as soon as the King returned, and the orders issued by the King to put his parks in order, revoking all licenses that he had given to hunt,—a sign that he means to give this pastime at the meeting. To ascertain the truth, I have had today some conversation with the King about the French king's journey to Compiegne, which was in order to approach near here; but he would not enter on the subject, only saying it was an ordinary removal of the King for his amusement. I then began to extol the last meeting at Calais, and the causes which had taken him there; but, for all that, he would not speak of the second. Notwithstanding, it escaped him that the said assembly has been formed chiefly to feast together, and to testify their mutual amity. I think he said this to me because I had told him I had seen the treaty, which was very clumsily forged in the said assembly, and that it did not deserve to have the reputation of having caused that assembly. At last I said to him that they had had such great pleasure and pastime together that they might some day repeat it. He told me it might be so, and that the confidence between himself and the French king was so great that they could visit each other without any ceremony. But he spoke in such a frigid way that I do not think their affairs have gone quite so far, though I think he would vastly desire the said coming of the king of France, especially as he wishes to accomplish his marriage.

Calendars. March 30. [1533] Sanuto Diaries, v. lviii. p. 45. 867. Carlo Capello to the Signory.

In the Parliament of the Ecclesiastics [the Convocation of theologians and canonists ?] they are attending daily with the utmost diligence to the affair of the divorce, and to deprive the Pope of his appeal and authority in this kingdom. It is supposed they will settle thus; and should his Holiness not assent to the divorce, they will withdraw their obedience. For this purpose the Marchioness's brother [George Boleyn Lord Rochford (age 30)?] went to France to have a Latin work printed about these, matters, and to urge King Francis likewise to withdraw his obedience to the Pope.

Tomorrow the ArchBishop of Canterbury will be consecrated; and on the first Sunday after Easter (la domenica delli Apostoli) the Parliament [query, Convocation] will meet again, and settle the matter in a few days¹. On the 24th, and yesterday, the Duke of Norfolk warned the Papal Nuncio here, that of necessity this must be done, as the Pope will not take heed for the salvation of this kingdom.²

It is believed that the affairs of Scotland will be adjusted. Five days ago, a Scottish lord named Stuart—of the family opposed to the Earl of Angus—arrived here, on his way to France for this purpose, and they are expecting Mons. de Beove [Beauvoir ?].

The Scots lately captured seven vessels, laden by English merchants with wines, wax, and other merchandise.

Four days ago, a Doctor, late English ambassador to the King of Denmark, [Frederick I. who died at Gottorp, 3rd April 1533] accompanied by a Danish Envoy, arrived here to confirm the peace and goodwill between the two crowns.

Advices have been received from Dantzic that King Christian, the Emperor's brother-in-law, has been fettered hand and foot, for having written to the Hollanders, to come and release and restore him to his kingdom; and the Danes were preparing for war, and had engaged a considerable band of Lansquenets from Guelders, against the Hollanders. All this proceeds from the most Christian King, and the stir made by the King of Scotland, from the Emperor.

London, 30th March. Registered by Sanuto, 29th April.

[Italian.]

Note 1. In the year 1533, the first Sunday after Easter was the 20th of April, and as it was not customary to transact important public business in Passion week or Easter week it had perhaps been originally intended to prorogue the “Convocation” and the Parliament until after the holidays, but on Monday the 31st March, the day of Cranmer's consecration, something occurred, causing the two Houses of Convocation and Parliament to continue their sittings during the 5th week in Lent, and to decide the divorce case on the Monday in Passion week, whereupon Parliament was prorogued until the 6th June, as seen by Capello's letter of the 12th April.

Note 2. “Poi che 'l Papa non vol avertir alia salute di questo Regno.”

Calendars. April 12. [1533] Sanuto Diaries, v. lviii. p. 81.

On the Monday in Passion week¹ Parliament (il Parlamento) [and Convocation ?] assembled. They decided that the marriage of Queen Catharine to the King is null, and that he may marry (poter prender moter); and they have abolished (lecato) the appeal to the Pope. Henceforth, no one may contract marriage by dispensation, but solely as conceded by holy writ, and the sacred canons; so that the dispensation of Pope Julius is void. They have also abrogated the dispensation for holding a plurality of benefices with cure of souls, and for nonage, and other things. They have prohibited obedience to papal monitions and interdicts. The Bishop of Rochester [John Fisher] having publicly opposed these measures, on Palm Sunday [6th April], he was arrested, and given in custody to the Bishop of Winchester [Stephen Gardiner (age 50)]; and three days ago he was sent to reside at a place of his (ad uno locho suo) and is not to go more than a mile beyond it.

Parliament has been prorogued (si levò) until Whitsuntide, which will be on the 6th of June.

Three days ago, the King; sent the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk and the Marquis of Exeter (il Marcheze di Anal sic) to notify to the Queen the decision made in Parliament about the divorce, and the new marriage; exhorting her to yield, and secede (rinmorersi) from the judgment of the “Rota.” She replied that she knew not, and was unable to imagine, how such a matter could have been terminated, the decision not having been made by a legitimate judge; and with regard to a new marriage, she believed nothing whatever, knowing the King her husband to be most sage and holy supientissimo et suntissimo. As to yielding to the sentence, she said that although it was her wish to satisfy his Majesty in everything, yet is it beyond her power to do so on this occasion not choosing to peril the salvation of her soul, and disobey the law of God who united her to his Majesty; and that recourse must be had to the true judge and vicar of the Lord. Subsequently the Imperial Ambassador went to the King, and spoke to him molto altamente.

This morning of Easter Eve, the [his sister] Marchioness Anne (age 32) went with the King to high mass, as Queen, and with all the pomp of a Queen, clad in cloth of gold, and loaded (carga) with the richest jewels; and she dined in public; although they have not yet proclaimed the decision of the Parliament [Convocation ?].

I hear on good authority that the conclusion of the peace with Scotland is expected.

I am assured that some months ago, his Majesty espoused her, and that she bore him a son who is several months old. (Mivien afirmato za più mezi questa Mta averla sposata, e aver uno fiol di qualche meze con lei).

Four days ago, Mons. de Beove [Beauvoir] arrived here with the son (age 30) of the Earl of Wiltshire (age 56), and he told me he hoped the affairs between his Majesty and Scotland will be adjusted; and Dom. Silvestro Dario, the papal nuncio late in Scotland, tells me King James will be satisfied with fair terms, without which he will do nothing, and the Scots would rather die than submit; they plunder the English daily, and their King is dependent on the Emperor.

On the 5th a gentleman came hither to the King from the Duke of Saxony his cousin (germano suo), with letters from Frederick Count Palatine—who last year commanded the troops sent in favour of the Emperor by the Free Towns and other potentates of Germany—to request his Majesty to join their League; and they are holding a Diet, in which, should his Majesty choose, he will have great authority. This envoy went first to France, and he has not yet been despatched.

London, 12th April. Registered by Sanuto 8th May.

[Italian.]

Note 1. In the year 1533 the 13th of April was Easter day, so the case was decided by the “Convocation” or Parliament on the 7th April 1533.”

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

About a week ago the sieur de Rochefort (age 30) (George Boleyn) returned from France with the sieur de Beauvoes (Beauvoir), who started yesterday for Scotland for the purpose of inducing king James to place his differences with this King (age 41) into his master's hand, and making him judge and arbiter of their differences. I have been told by a very worthy man that the duke of Albany's secretary returning from a visit to the said Beaulvoys (sic) had assured him that the said ambassador would be unable to accomplish his mission in Scotland, and that war would go on fiercer than ever. Indeed it would seem as if the Scots at this moment more prosperous than ever, for instead of being as before on the defensive, they are continually making raids on the borders. For this purpose did Mr. de Rocchefort (age 30) go to France as it is now ascertained. These people, as I am told, wish immensely for peace with Scotland, but God, as I said above, has taken away their senses, and they cannot see how to bring it about. The said Mr. de Rocchefort (age 30), as his own servants assert, has been presented in France with 2,000 crs., no doubt for the good tidings of his [his sister] sister's (age 32) marriage, to whom the Most Christian King has now written a letter addressing her as Queen. I fancy, moreover, that the French consider this good news, firstly: because it is likely to be the means of breaking off the friendship between Your Majesty and this king, and also, because it might ultimately be the cause of freeing the French from their debt and payment of pensions, either through sheer necessity, or for fear these people may have of their ultimately joining you, should the Pope proceed to sentence the case and have the censures executed-a thing which, in my opinion, Your Majesty ought to urge in every possible way-the French would be released from all their bonds and pecuniary obligations to this king.

Letters and Papers 1533. 10 May 1533. 465. On the 7th I was at Westminster at 8 a.m., where were assembled in council the Chancellor, the earls of [his father] Wiltshire (age 56) and Essex, lord Rochford (age 30), the Treasurer, the Controller, Cromwell, the two chief judges of England, Drs. Fox and Sampson, and others. The two Dukes were not there, because they had gone home to their houses. On Wiltshire (age 56) arriving there, he drew from his pouch the letter I had written to the King, asking me the meaning of it, and that I would show the power therein mentioned. To this I replied, that as to showing the power I had no great occasion, for as I was ambassador it was only of use to me for my discharge as against your Majesty, in case I should be accused of having intermeddled too far. Nevertheless, to show that I did not wish to stand on ceremony, I was willing to satisfy the King by producing the said power, and I threw it upon the table; which being read, I declared my said letter summarily, giving them to understand the tenor of the briefs and excommunications. On hearing this, Wiltshire (age 56), as one much grieved and astonished, began to say that the said letter appeared a little strange, and that it was of such a quality that if it had been written by any one in the kingdom, however great, his body and goods would be confiscated by virtue of the late statute, of which he desired to notify me by the command of the King, who had besides ordered him to tell me that if I desired to live in peace and do the duty of an ambassador, as I had done till now, the King would treat me most favorably, as much as any ambassador who could come to him from any prince; but if I meant to assume two faces, and exceed the duty of an ambassador, it would be another thing. Therefore, I ought to consider well how I interfered in the matters contained in the said power. On this I said he acted like the eels of Meaux¹, who cry before they are skinned; for as yet I had neither appealed nor presented apostolic letters, nor done anything by my said letter of which they could reasonably complain, even if it had been written by any other than an ambassador. As to the good treatment of the King, of which he spoke, I held myself very well satisfied hitherto, and that he was so virtuous and humane that he could not do otherwise; also he could not, without injuring his reputation. As to the two faces of which he spoke, I did not yet know this art, if he did not teach it to me. By these two faces he meant, to attempt to act as ambassador and as proctor. At last I told him he might lawfully enough excuse himself from speaking of this matter, as being an interested party, and moreover that it was a matter for learned men. At this he knew not what to say, except that he referred himself to others.

Note 1. Thomas Boleyn 1st Earl Wiltshire and Ormonde (age 56).

Letters and Papers 1534. 14 May 1534. Vienna Archives. 662. Chapuys to Charles V.

It is over 15 days since the Scotch ambassador came to communicate to me the articles mentioned in my letter of the 22nd ult., of which I send the two principal in a bill joined to this. Among other things he told me that he believed they would conclude the peace with England, both because they were so much stimulated to it by them and also for the necessity the King his master was in in order that the English might not invade him while he was almost destitute of aid, — a thing the French would not be sorry for, but would rather tacitly suggest in order to reduce the King his master to necessity and compel him to take such a wife as Francis and the king of England pleased; and for the King his master to arrive at his object, viz., to obtain the daughter of France in marriage, it was expedient to amuse the English by means of a peace, so that this king might not hinder it, as he had always done hitherto, and this king being assured of the said peace, would have no fear of that marriage. These words I got from him, not without mystery, and he said that whatever peace they made, when an opportunity of war arose they would find only too many lawful grounds for it, and of this he could assure me, and also that they would not treat of anything that could directly or indirectly injure the amity with your majesty's countries or the fraternity caused by the reception of the Toison, and that the English had made several overtures to them of a contrary character, which they had always rejected, saying that they wished your majesty to be comprised in the peace, and that the bishop and he had orders to that effect.

Since then the Scotch ambassadors have been in nearly continual communication with the King and Council, ever since the return of Rochford (age 31) and Fitzwilliam from France, which they seemed to be waiting for to settle matters. After their return, the French ambassador, who had not been present at any of the previous consultations, was summoned, and the English began to speak in a higher tone, demanding certain land which has been adjudged to the Scotch king by innumerable treaties. The English wished that this difference, with others, should be remitted to the French king, but the Scotch refused and proposed the Pope. At this the Duke of Norfolk asked angrily what popo they meant, implying that there were two, one of Rome and one of Canterbury. This gave the bishop an opportunity of speaking of the papal authority and reproving what had been done here against his Holiness. The company were not pleased and the Duke wished he had not spoken.

After much contention, it seems that the English, desirous of peace agreed to what the Scotch wished, and concluded a peace during the lives of the two Kings and four years longer. I have not been able to find out the particulars. Two days ago the ambassador sent to ask when he might come and see me, and though I offered him any time, he has not yet come, having been occupied with the Council in drawing up the treaty. The bishop has also sent to say that he wishes to talk to me for three or four hours, but we have not yet met for fear of suspicion.

Rochford (age 31) and the Treasurer having returned from France, although the day was extraordinary, the King and his mistress dined in public, and after dinner, in presence of all the guests, the King said he was bound to give thanks to God for having so entirely conciliated to him such a good brother and friend as the king of France, who was always ready to share his fortune and conform to his will, which the said Rochford (age 31) and Treasurer confirmed, but certainly this unusual publication makes many people suspect that the king of France begins to halt, especially as he has put off the interviews which the King was hastening for July, and some still think that they will not take place, and that the Bishop of Paris or some other great personage sent by Francis will come here in order among other things to "fere lecture desdites entrevues."

Having several times consulted the Queen how to give effect to the sentence, she wrote to me two days since the letter which I send with this, which besides explaining her advice will serve to excuse her from writing to your majesty. She thought, before that when the sentence was given the King would be converted, but now she knows it will be necessary to proceed by other remedies, which she dare not propose, both for fear her letters should be intercepted, and not to contradict what she has already written; knowing also that your majesty understands much better than anyone else what is necessary to remedy matters here. An immediate remedy is necessary, otherwise the case is irreparable. For besides that the King and others get worse every day, this new sect is increasing and gaining strength, and if it once take root even those who have hitherto held for the Queen will change their opinion, believing that what your majesty would do in the Queen's behalf was not on that account but to maintain the Pope's authority, which they call tyranny, and on this pretext the King hopes to have the support, not only of those of his own kingdom, but of a part of Germany. If your majesty knew the complaints daily made of the delay of this remedy, you would be astonished. They have been more frequent of late, since the merchants have been preparing for the coming fair in Flanders, people saying that if they were permitted henceforth to go to Flanders or Spain, all was over.

The Queen has been removed to a house belonging to the heirs of Sir Richard Wingfield, who died at Toledo. She is better lodged than she was, although the house is small. When she was about to remove, the King sent two doctors to summon her to swear to the two statutes lately made, of which I sent a copy on the 22nd; but instead of complying she intimated to the doctors the sentence lately given in her favor. Nevertheless the doctors compelled all the servants of the house to swear. Some days ago the King asked his mistress's [aunt], who has charge of the Princess, if the latter had abated her obstinacy, and on being answered "No," he said there must be someone about her who encouraged her and conveyed news from the Queen her mother. The said [his aunt] gouvernante (age 58), on consideration, could suspect no one except the maid of whom I lately wrote, who had been compelled to swear, and on this suspicion she drove her out, and she has been for some days without anyone to go to or means to support herself. The Princess has been much grieved at this, for she was the only one in whom she had confidence, and by her means she had letters from me and others. The Queen also is very sorry, but still more because the King has taken from the Princess her confessor, a very good man, and given her another who is a Lutheran and a tool of his own. During the last few days the King, perceiving that neither by force nor menaces could he get his way with the said Princess, or for some other reasons, has shown her more honor than usual, and used more gracious words, begging that she would lay aside her obstinacy and he would promise her before Michaelmas to make such a bargain with her that she should enjoy a royal title and dignity; to which, among 1,000 other wise answers, she replied that God had not so blinded her as to confess for any kingdom on earth that the King her father and the Queen her mother had so long lived in adultery, nor would she contravene the ordinance of the Church and make herself a bastard. She believes firmly that this dissimulation the King uses is only the more easily to attain his end and cover poison, but she says she cares little, having full confidence in God that she will go straight to Paradise and be quit of the tribulations of this world, and her only grief is about the troubles of the Queen her mother. I have been told that within these few days the King has shown himself more cheerful than usual. I know not whether it was owing to the peace with the Scots or to the news of the troubles in Germany, which he will encourage to the utmost of his power, until he is given other things to think about.

The secretary of the Vayvode, whose despatch was put off till the return of Rochford (age 31) and the Treasurer, is still here. I have not been able to learn what he is doing. London, 14 May 1534.Fr., pp. 9. From a modern copy.

Letters and Papers 1534. 11 Jun 1534. R. O. 823. Sir Edward Ryngeley to Lord Lisle (age 70).

The King and Queen are in good health. I came to the Court on Tuesday last about 3 o'clock. I was not there half an hour before his Grace sent for me into a garden which he has just made. He asked me heartily how you did, and whether the town was free from sickness and clean kept, of which I assured him. It would be well for you to speak to master Mayor for the mending of the two gutters from the market to Our Lady Church. If he lack paviours I can send them from London. The King is well conttented that his works go so well forward. I told him in the Treasurer's presence how much more is done in thickness than appears in the book, both in the two towers and the walls. The King is well contented with the pains you have taken about them and the sandhills, and is pleased with the conduct of his retinue, as I think they will see when he comes thither. I advise you to let the drags and ploughs go still upon the sandhills till you can shoot level over them from the mount at Becham Tower. I have not asked the King for wood or anything else, because the letters you promised to send have not come. I wish they were, for I trust to be shortly at Calais. As to my own business, the market was done before I came. We have a new lord Warden of "the Porche," Lord Rochford (age 31). Sir John Dudley is master of the armery, Sir Antony Browne standard-bearer, and master Harper has the "awnage," that is the sealing of the cloth in Kent. Today the King comes to York Place to supper and dines there tomorrow, and to Waltham to bed, and on Saturday to Hunsdon, where he will remain all next week. He will not be at Hampton Court till Saturday week. I have given all your recommendations to your friends except to master Kingston and master Norrys. The former is at Wanstead, and the latter came to the Court late on Tuesday night. A great sum of money has been stolen from him, so that he is not pleasantly disposed to be spoken with. I have no other news, but I hope to know more before I come out of Essex. Recommendations to the Mayor, lord Edmund, master Wynkefeld, Mr. Porter, Mr. Treasurer (age 44), Mr. Undermarshal and Mr. Ruckwode. Hampton Court, 11 June. Signed.

I pray you be contented with my meaning, for my inditing is but reasonable.

Pp. 2. Add.: Deputy of Calais. Endd.

Note 1. His patent was not passed till the 23 June. See Grants in June, No. 16.

Letters and Papers 1535. 05 Jun 1535. 826. As to what Cromwell said to me about war against Milan, I told him that it was not likely that Francis would disturb your Majesty's holy enterprise; that the conquest of Milan was more difficult than it had ever been; that the French professed that they meant to keep treaties; and that, even if Francis did conquer Milan, he would have more need of your Majesty's friendship to keep it than he had now, and that he would refuse no condition for that purpose. This I said that they might not imagine you would be moved by such menaces to do whatever they wished. I used every means I could to ascertain the conditions asked in return for the aforesaid offers; and, among other things, I asked him if the French did not require hostages, seeing that the girl was still young, or a cessation of their pensions in the meantime. He said as to the first nothing had been said; as to the second, "Yes, indeed!" en grondissant, without saying more; but next day he added that if the French wanted to cheat them of their pension (ses jouoyent de vouloir avoir leur pension) they would presently have "la passion," i.e. war. I talked about hostages, because I had been told that the French demanded the Princess as a hostage. To give me to understand that there was no fear of the French not complying with all their demands, Cromwell told me they would never think of doing otherwise, seeing they were excluded from the friendship of all other princes, and that they had lost all hope on the side of Germany, and did not know how they stood with the Swiss. I confirmed all that he said, saying that as God had given him so much sense and intelligence it would be the more shame to him if he did not know how to use successfully such an opportunity. This I said to him for the mystery which your Majesty will very well understand. Afterwards he told me that, notwithstanding the offers made to them by the French, if there appeared any hope of a renewal of amity with your Majesty the French should have a very short answer, although they always wished to preserve the friendship of the French, and that, awaiting news from your Majesty, he had caused the said Rochford (age 32) to stay here, to the great regret of the French admiral; and finally, hoping for some good fruit of the things we had discussed together, he would take care that Rochford (age 32) did not return so soon to Calais, and especially that nothing was treated to the disadvantage of your Majesty or to the hindrance of the new alliance; telling me what their ambassador in France had notified to the King his master, that Likerke, having heard the answer to the overtures made on behalf of your Majesty, had sent to you in haste, and hoped for a favourable answer, provided that your Majesty had not left Barcelona before the 26th ult.; and that this King and those of his Council (who were, in this matter, at their wits' end) desired that meanwhile I would consider the terms and means for this noble and necessary work, the restoration of amity, giving me to understand that I could do it very well, and better than the whole of them, and that I would in this show myself a good and true counsellor of the King.

Letters and Papers 1535. 05 Jun 1535. 826. The King also told me that your Majesty had thought it better to go to Naples than to Tunis, and that the latter was too great a risk to your person, on whom so much depended. Perceiving that he avoided speaking of the proposed negotiations, I touched upon them myself, saying I had no doubt that Cromwell had informed him of our conversations, and therefore I would only say that he would find your Majesty fully inclined to listen to any proposed alliance as far as honor and conscience would allow. He then told me he wished he could be assured of being able to make arrangements with your Majesty, and in confidence of some favorable answer he had detained Rochford (age 32), but that he could not keep him longer, for the Admiral was in despair from the great delay, and that the French bragged that they meant to make war on the duchy of Milan, and pressed him strongly to join the dance; to which he had refused to listen. He wished also to make me believe that what the Pope was doing against the duke of Urbino was not without an understanding with the French; and on my showing him, by the reasons I had declared to Cromwell, and other arguments, that it was not likely the French would move war, he said to me that the truth might be anything (que tout pouvoit estre); nevertheless, they (the French?) expressed it as above. Hereupon he asked me what the cardinal of Liege was doing, and if the duke of Gueldres was on good terms with your Majesty (estoit bien de vre. Mate); and on my telling him that I knew nothing but good, he said the French boasted that the said Duke had revoked all the treaties made with your Majesty, and intended to make the king of France his heir; and though it would be difficult for Francis to take possession of the duchy, it would be always a matter of contention. I told him that as your Majesty held the country of Utrecht and Over Yssel, the duke of Gueldres had no mind to be fractious ((regipper, qu. regimber?), and in order to be paid some arrears the Duke will have advanced the said practises. The King replied that if other news did not come from your Majesty he feared he could not avoid treating with the French. I said that as they were both princes of virtue and honor, it was not to be feared that they would treat matters in prejudice of the treaties made with your Majesty. At which reply he remained astonished, thinking I was going to beg him to break off their negotiations, and give him some hope of obtaining from your Majesty what he demanded.

Letters and Papers 1535. 05 Jun 1535. 826. On the 28th Cromwell came twice to my lodging, not having found me the first time; and, anxious and troubled as he showed himself, he told me that when the French came to Calais they began by protesting that they would not speak of war, and they continued this language till Rochford (age 32) left; but afterwards, as the [his uncle] Duke of Norfolk (age 62) wrote, they entirely changed their tone, and were very desirous of war. He said he would not specify in what quarter; not withstanding he immediately observed to me that it was for Milan. Further, in the way of confidence, Cromwell showed me a writing, which, he said, had been enclosed in a letter sent to him by the Admiral of France, although it bore no signature or appearance of being an inclosure. He allowed me to read it in full. The purport was that Francis, having carefully examined the question of the validity of the two marriages of the king of England, found the first unlawful and the other valid, and promised to defend the latter, and procure revocation of the sentence given to the contrary by the Holy See. On reading it I smiled, and said the French knew well what they were doing, and did not promise things without knowing for how much an ell, and, having obtained what they wanted, knew how to wash their hands of their promises. And for this they had several means sufficiently apparent, especially as there would be time enough, before they were called on to fulfil their promises. I added that since the said king of France had taken so much trouble in examining matrimonial questions, this King had no occasion to send lately to Calais; and that, having the promise of such a prince as the king of France, who is not only so great but allied to the Queen, this King, who alleged the fear that princes entertained of the kindred and affinity of your Majesty, ought to make no difficulty in submitting to the determination of the Council. To this he made no reply. In truth I should doubt that the said writing had been drawn up by the English, who want to impute it to the king of France, for otherwise it would not agree with what a very good person has sent to inform the Princess, i.e. that the French insisted on having her for the Dauphin; and this is said commonly at the lodging of the French ambassador. It seems the more probable from what the King said lately, that the Admiral had written on his arrival at Calais, that there was nothing so true as that your Majesty had previously offered them the said Princess.

Letters and Papers 1535. 22 Jun 1535. Add. MS. 8,715, f. 76 b. B. M. 909. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.

The Admiral (age 43), who was 22 days at Calais, returned on the 17th, though it was said everywhere that he would go on to England. Mons. de Ricciafort (age 32) (Rochford), the brother of the new [his sister] Queen (age 34), came here for eight days, but, as far as could be seen, did nothing. It is only from his relation to the Queen that he is employed, for the King has very few to trust in. All business passes through the hands of people who depend on the new Queen, and must therefore be settled according to her purpose. This was the case in the negociations with the Admiral (age 43), which were broken off on account of his refusal to allow the duke of Angoulême to go to England until the girl was old enough to be married, and because he would not declare in any way against the Church, or in favour of the King's second wife (age 34) (ne voler difendere in alcun modo contro la chiesa o declaratione del concilio la causa della seconda moglie¹). Every one knows that the alliance (parentado) has not been concluded, as both sides confidently affirmed it would be, but that the ambassadors separated very ill satisfied, and the English are guarding Calais more carefully than they have done, even when the French were there in greater numbers. However, both sides affirm the friendship to be firmer than ever. The French king and Council say that their respect to the Holy See and the Pope has been the principal cause of their not coming to some other understanding (ad altro ristretto) with the king of England, who is a most bitter enemy of the Church, and so firm in his opinion that he intends to die in it, and tries to have this kingdom for company. The [his uncle] Duke of Norfolk (age 62), according to the Admiral (age 43), affirms that he would sooner die than see any change as regards the King or the new Queen; which is not unlike what the writer has heard in other ways of Norfolk, viz., that this breaking off might reasonably have been expected, matters depending very much on his dexterity, and the affairs of England being commonly managed more than barbarously. For he, being one of the greatest men in the kingdom, and having sons, and the Duke of Richmond (age 16) for his son-in-law, might hope one day to have that daughter for one of his sons, or, if disorders ensued, to get the rule into his own hands. The French lords are not too well contented with the English, who, since Norfolk's return, have despatched a courier, and show themselves displeased that nothing was concluded at Calais. The Admiral (age 43), though he takes Fisher's (age 65) case much to heart, has great fears for his life, especially as the Pope says in the brief that the created him a cardinal to make use of him in the Council. He says also that the English pretended that he could not live much more than a month, being a valetudinarian of 90; which shows what they mean to do with him, reckoning him 25 years older than he is, although they declare there is no hope in any case of his coming out of prison. These are truly the most monstrous things seen in our time. The French make great account with the Pope of not listening to anything proposed to them by the English which might turn to the damage of the Holy See.

Ital., pp. 9, modern copy. Headed: In Amoien, al Sig. M. Ambrogio, alli 12 (sic) ut supra.

2. An extract copy from the original is in the Vatican transcripts, dated Amiens, 22 June 1535. Pp. 3.

Note 1. nor want to defend the cause of the second wife in any way against the church or declaration of the council

Letters 1536. 21 Apr 1536. 699. On coming to Court I was most cordially received by all the Lords of the Council, who congratulated me on the happy news, praising greatly the good service they presumed that I had done,—especially Lord Rochford (age 33), the [his sister] Concubine's (age 35) brother, to whom I said that I did not doubt that he had as great pleasure in what was taking place as any other, and that he would assist as in a matter for the benefit of the whole world, but especially of himself and his friends. He showed me "fort grosse chiere," and I dissembled in the same way with him, avoiding all occasions of entering into Lutheran discussions, from which he could not refrain.

Before the King went out to mass Cromwell came to me on his part to ask if I would not go and visit and kiss the Concubine (age 35), which would be doing a pleasure to this King; nevertheless, he left it to me. I told him that for a long time my will had been slave to that of the King, and that to serve him it was enough to command me; but that I thought, for several reasons, which I would tell the King another time, such a visit would not be advisable, and I begged Cromwell to excuse it, and dissuade the said visit in order not to spoil matters. Immediately afterwards Cromwell came to tell me that the King had taken it all in good part, hoping that hereafter "lon y supplyeroit assez," and he immediately added that after dinner I should speak with the King at leisure, and that on leaving him, agreeably to their custom, I ought to see those of the Council and explain my charge. I told him that I thought things were so honorable and reasonable, and had been foreseen so long, that I thought the King would make up his mind immediately; and if not, he to whom my credence was addressed would make a far better report to the Council than I could; nevertheless, that till I had heard part of the King's will, I could neither promise to go, nor not to go, to the said Council, though I meant to speak particularly to all, and do all that they would counsel me. Just after this the King came out and gave me a very kind reception, holding for some time his bonnet in his hand, and not allowing me to be uncovered longer than himself; and after asking how I was, and telling me that I was very welcome, he inquired of the good health of your Majesty and showed himself very glad to hear good news. He then asked where you were, and on my telling him that the courier had left you near Rome, he said that by the date of your Majesty's letters to his Secretary it appeared that you were at Gaeta when the courier left. Hereupon he asked if you would stay long at Rome, and on my telling him that I thought not, unless your Majesty could gratify him by a long delay, for which purpose I was sure you would make no difficulty either in remaining or doing anything else that you could on his account, he said he thought it would have been better for your interests not to have come so soon to Rome, but to have staid in Naples, so as to afford a bait to those who needed it to involve themselves further in the meshes. I said that there was still time enough to use such dissimulation, and that I was sure you would in this and other matters be glad to follow his counsel as that of a very old friend, good brother, and, as it were, a father, as he might understand by what I should tell him hereafter more at leisure. On this he said, Well, we should have leisure to discuss all matters. I was conducted to mass by Lord Rochford (age 33), the concubine's brother, and when the King came to the offering there was a great concourse of people partly to see how the concubine and I behaved to each other. She was courteous enough, for when I was behind the door by which she entered, she returned, merely to do me reverence as I did to her. After mass the King went to dine at the concubine's lodging, whither everybody accompanied him except myself, who was conducted by Rochford (age 33) to the King's Chamber of Presence, and dined there with all the principal men of the Court. I am told the concubine (age 35) asked the King why I did not enter there as the other ambassadors did, and the King replied that it was not without good reason. Nevertheless, I am told by one who heard her, the said concubine after dinner said that it was a great shame in the king of France to treat his uncle, the duke of Savoy, as he did, and to make war against Milan so as to break the enterprise against the Turks; and that it really seemed that the king of France, weary of his life on account of his illnesses, wished by war to put an end to his days. As soon as the King had dined, he, in passing by where I was, made me the same caress as in the morning, and, taking me by the hand, led me into his chamber, whither only the Chancellor and Cromwell followed. He took me apart to a window. I reminded him of several conversations which Cromwell and I had had, and also of those of your ambassador in France with Wallop, and also of the old affection your Majesty had borne him, and began to declare your will touching the four points, taking the utmost care to speak as gently as possible, that he might not find grounds of quarrel or irritation. He heard me patiently and without interruption, till at last, on my saying that your Majesty, desirous above all things of the peace of Christendom, had forborne your claim to Burgundy, which you might demand by a much better title than the invaders of Savoy and Milan, he answered that Milan belonged to the king of France, and the duchy of Burgundy also, for you had renounced it by the treaty of Cambray, which qualified the unreasonable conditions of that of Madrid, and that even if Milan had now come to your hands the defensive treaties comprehended only the lordships possessed at the time they were passed. I showed him, but not without difficulty, that he was illinformed about your rights to Milan and Burgundy, and also that when those treaties were made you were the lawful Lord of Milan, and he who held it was only feudatory, after whose death the duchy was not newly acquired by your Majesty, but had only been consolidated; which argument, as Cromwell informs me, has since been weighed and approved by the King and his Council.

Letters 1536. 15 May 1536. R. O. 878. Rochford (age 33), Norris (age 54), and Brereton. Lord Rochford's lands. Account of their yearly value.

Farms:—Manor of South Kent, and honor and lordship of Rayley, Essex, sold to the [his father] Earl of Wiltshire (age 59); manor of Grymston, worth £10 a year. Offices:—Stewardship of Beaulyu, Essex, £10 and keeping of the new park there, £4 10s. 3d.; keeping of the house of Our Lady of Bethlem without Bishopsgate, without account; keeping, &c. of the parks of Rayley and Thundersley and the bailliwick of the hundred of Rocheford, £16 20d.; keeping of the park of King's Hatfelde, 100s. 10d.; keeping of the manor, &c. of Beaulyu, Essex, and baileywick of the m[anors] of Newhall, Dorehame, Walkefare hall and P[ower]s, [See Vol. IV., 4993 (15).] Essex, £21 5s. 10d.; stewardship and other offices of Tunbridge, receivership and bailliwick of Brestede, keeping, &c. of the manor and park of Penshurst and the parks of Northleigh and Northlands, Kent, £28 15s. 10d.; constableship of Dover and keeping of the v. ports, —; constableship of Kelingworth, £13 6s. 8d.; keeping of Kelingworth park, 60s. 8d.; portership of Kelingworth castle, 30s. 4d.; bailiff and feudary of the liberty of the duchy in Warwickshire; keeping of the King's woods at Kelingworth, £4 11s. Annuities:—One of 50 mks., of the bp. of Winchester £200, and of the abbot of St. Albans £133 6s. 8d.

Grand total, £441 10s. 9d.

ii. Lands, &c. of Henry Norres (age 54), Esquire to the Body.

Account of Edmund Asshefelde, his receiver, for the year ending Michaelmas, 27 Henry VIII.

Arrearages, £692 8s. 2¾d.

Farms:—In co. Linc., the lordships of Barton upon Humber, £65, and Thursway and Tewelly, £13; in co. Notts., manor and lordship of Stokebardolph, Shelforde and Gedlyng, £45; cos. Beds. and Hunts., manor and lordship of Tylbroke and Southoo, £36 10s.; cos. Berks. and Dors., divers lands, £36; co. Rutl., lordship of Longhame, £81; co. Kent, lands in Greenwich, £15 10s.; co. Oxford, lordship of Duklyngton Fryngforde and Barley park, £32 10s.; manor of Mynster Lovell, £46; co. Bucks, "lands with the park which was never rented," nil; co. Surrey, house in Kewe never rented, nil. Total, £370 10s.

Offices:—Of the "Exchequireship" to the Body, £33 6s. 8d.; mastership of the Hart hounds, £18 5s.; Black Rod, £18 5s.; "gravership" of the Tower, £20; collectorship of the subsidy in London, worth 80 marks a year, sold to Richard Hill his deputy for ready money, nil; mastership of the hawkes, £40; keeping of the manor of Pleasaunce at Green wich, £24 17s. 8d.; stewardship of Mynsterlovell, £4 13s. 4d.; of Burfor town, £8 12s. 4d.; chamberlainship of North Wales, £20; constableship of Wallingford castle, £50; "wayreship" (weighership) of Southampton —; baileywick of Watlington, £6 20d.; mastership of the game of Whichewoode with Cornebury park, £27 2s. 6d.; keeping of Windsor little park, £4 11s. 3d.; of Foly Johns park —; of Ewelme park and manor, &c., £12 3s. 6d.; constableship, &c. of Donyngton castle and park, £16; baileywick of Kydlington, 100s.; of Buckl . d, —; of Newnam, 60s.; lieutenantship of Waltham forest —; keeping of Copped Hall park, —; of Hoknorton park, —; mastership of game and fee-farm of the lordship of Eltam, —; stewardships of Banbury, £6, of Osney, £4; and of the seven hundreds of Circetor, £6 13s. 4d.; fee of my Lord of Northumberland, £13 6s. 8d.; of lord Conyers, 66s. 8d.; of the abbot of Welbeke, 66s. 8d.; office of Sunyng, of the gift of the bp. of Salisbury, £13 6s. 8d.; stewardship of Abendon, £10; of Reading abbey, 100s.; of Brewan abbey, 66s. 8d.; of Malmsbury abbey, £10; of the University of Oxford, 100s. Total of offices, £395 5s. 7d.

Annuities:—Out of the Exchequer, £33 6s. 8d.; of the see of Winchester, £122; from the chamberlain of North Wales, over and above 40 marks for the constableship of Bewmares castle given to Richard Bowkeley, £360; out of the King's receipt, £26 13s. 4d.; of lord Dacres of the South, £20 Total, £562

Total "ultra arrerag," £1,327 15s. 7d.

iii. Lands, &c. of William Brereton, Esquire. Account for the year ended Michaelmas last 27 Henry VIII.

Lands in farm of the King:—To him and my lady in survivorship, lordship of Echells, £68 6s. 3½d., manor of Alderlaie, £20 12s. 5½d., and manor and lordship of Aldeford, Chesh., £53 14s. 1½d., with lands of Aldeforde, in Flintshire, 106s. 8d.; in all £47 clear, and the King paid. Lordship of Mottrom in Londendale, £46 19s. 2d., to him and his brother Uryan in survivorship, manor and lordship of Shotwyks and Sage Hall, £22 12s. 8d.; lands in Chester, parcel of Mottrom in Longdendale, 20s., to him and his heirs; manor of Lesnes, —; lands in Charleyton, Chesh., £6 14s. 8d.; ferries of North Wales, £20 2s. 4d. clear; lordship of Fyncheley, Midd., £25 19s. 4½d.: total £271 7s. 9d. Lands in farm of the Duke of Richmond (age 16):—Demesnes of Holt Castle, with the "weyre houks" and other pasture in the lordship of Bromefeld, £19 17s. 9d.; the horsemill in Holt town, 33s. 4d.: total, £21 11s. 1d. Farms:—of the Earl of Derby, of marshes in Alford, Coddington, and Twylston, Chesh., £18 19s., worth £8 10s. 8d., the King paid; of lord Audelay, the lordship of Tatenhall, co. Chester, £38 3s. 4½d., "worth nothing;" gift of Sir Randall Brereton, his father, lands in Malpas, &c., of the annuity of William Brereton, Esquire, 64s. 1d.; of Sir Anthony Browne, the lordship of Newhall, Chesh., £65 17s. 6d., "worth nothing by the year:" total, £120 3s. 11½d.

Sir John Savage's lands in farm of the King during the nonage of John, son and heir of the said Sir John, with my lady his wife's jointure:—In co. Chester, the lordship of Shipbroke, £85 2s., manors and lordships of Clyfton, £27 11s. 4d., Bradley, £14 9s. 11d., Makkelfeld, £12 2s. 8d., Huxley, £7 13s. 8d., Barrowe, £67 19s. 4½d., Chedell, £74 10½d., Coulle and Hurleston, £20 11s. 8½d.; in co. Shropp., lordships of Edelburnell, £13 16s. 7d., Crofton (with the manor), £7 13s. 8d., Sutton, £6 10s. 11d., Wotton Ovenbury, £14 4s. 7d., Hopebowdler, 55s. 1d., Wycus Malbus (Nantwich) for the barony there, 30s.; in co. Derby, lordships of Stanby, 34s. 17s. ½d., Elmeton, £16, Ilkeston, £37, Holmeffeld, £13 6s. 8d.; lordship of Graundby and Sutton, Notts, £36 4s. 7d.; lordship of Dowre, Derb., "nil, for he hath not accounted;" castle and manors of Gryse, Notts., "nil, in the hands of Richard Savage, the elder;" in co. Stafford, manors and lordships of Rossheton, £18 6s. 7¼d., and Tayne, £12 7s. ½d.; lordship of Shepfeld, Leic., £10; a meadow and tenement in Leicester, "nil, in the hands of John Savage:" total, £534 4s. 3¾d.

In farm:—of Dr. Chamber, tithe corn of Pykyll, £13 6s. 8d.; of the abbot of Vala Crucis, tithe corn of Ruabon, £26 13s. 4d., "for the which he paid nothing:" total, £40 Offices by the King:—chamberlainship of Chester, £22 10s., and Randall Brereton for the fee of chamberlain, £26 13s. 4d., £49 3s. 4d. clear; constable of Chester castle, £18 5s.; escheator of Chester, £10 10s.; rangership of Dalamer forest, £4 11s. 3d.; stewardship of Halton, 100 [s.]; comptrollership of Chester and Flintshire, £12 3s. 4d.; stewardship of Bromefeld, £20; receivership there, £13 6s. 8d.; master fostership, 60s.; office of serjeant at Paxe there, £4; of improver there, 60s. 10d.; keeping of Mersley park, 60s. 10d.; stewardship of Crykeland, £10; receivership there, 100s.; annuity of Denbigh, £6 13s. 4d.; sheriffship of Flintshire, £20; keeping of Halton park, 60s. 10d.: total, £190 15s. 5d. Other offices:— stewardship of lord Audeley's lands in Chester, £6 13s. 4d.; receivership of Newhall, Coulle, and other lands of Sir Anthony Browne, 50s.; annuity of the abbot of Norton, £4 13s. 4d.; of Anthony Kingeston, 53s. 4d.; the abbot of Chester, £20; abbot of Vala Riall, £20; stewardship of Sir William Brereton's lands in Malpas, 40s: total, £58 10s.

Grand total of Brereton's lands, &c., 1,2361. 12s. 6¼d.

Large paper, pp. 16. 3 blank leaves.

R. O. 879. Norris and Brereton.

Grant to Henry Norres (age 54), squire of the Body, of the stewardship of the manors of Lewesham and East Greenwich, with a yearly fee of £3 6s. 8d. [A.D. 1532.—See Vol. V., 1065 (22)]. Lat. Draft, pp. 2. Endd.

R. O. 2. Draft warrant to the Treasurer and Chamberlains of the Exchequer, in behalf of Thomas Brigges, deputy to Henry Norres (age 54), to whom the rangership of Whichwood Forest, Oxon, was granted by patent 24 Nov. 21 Henry VIII., with 6d. a day out of the issues of cos. Oxon and Berks,—to levy £17 arrears of the said 6d., which are unpaid since 5 June 26 Henry VIII. through insufficiency of the said issues, out of the petty custom of the port of London. [Date apparently 16 April 1536]. Pp. 2. Draft, mutilated. Endd.: £55 12s. 6d.—£28

R. O. 3. A list of William Brereton's offices; viz., chamberlain of Chester, escheator, baron of the Exchequer [i.e., of Chester], receiver general and surveyor, constable of the castle. "Also he maketh the coroners." Steward of Halton Castle and keeper of the prisoners there, steward to all abbeys and priories within the shire. "Steward to the king of Mottram in Longdendale, wherein he hath great manrede; steward and farmer of Echees, .... and Alderly, and farmer for the King of the same .... £100 by the year," &c. P. 1. Mutilated and defaced by damp. Endd.:

William Brereton offices.

R. O. 4. Accounts of John Norbury, general receiver of the lands of William Brereton in cos. Chester, Flint, and other counties, from 22 to 25 Henry VIII., containing numerous names of tenants, farmers, and officers.

A large folio volume of 41 leaves, numbered in pencil.

S. B. 5. Grant to W. Breerton, page of the chamber, of the wardship and marriage of Godfrey son and heir of Roger Fuljambe. [This S. B. is undated, but was probably issued early in the year 1529. See Vol. IV. 5508 (1). It has accordingly been placed on the file of the 21st year].

R. O. 6. A remembrance to Master Secretary of three offices in the King's gift, which William Brearton late had, in Cheshire; the riding forestership of Dealamer Forest, 4d. a day; keepership of Shotwike park, 2d. the [day]; escheatorship, £10 a year. P. 1. Endd.: [Hen]ry Annesley, Groom of the Chamber.

R. O. 880. Robert B[arnes] to Cromwell. Is informed that through the death of these false men the mastership of Bedlam¹ shall be void. Begs for that promotion, which he would rather have than a bishopric. Hears it is worth £40 If he had it, would be near Cromwell, who might be a witness of his conversation. Need compels him to write, for he has nothing and nobody to care for him. Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.: Anno xxviio.

R. O. 881. Robert Bar [Barnes] (age 41) to Cromwell. Desires to speak two or three words with him. "My matters pertain to God's glory and to the salvation of your soul, which our Heavenly Father ever keep for the sweet bulde (blood?) of his dear Son, Jesus Christ." Hol., p. 1. Add.: Master Secretary.

Note 1. Lord Rochford (age 33) was master of Bethlehem Hospital. See IV. 5815 (27); also in this Vol., No. 878, preceding. The endorsement is therefore wrong.

Excerpta Historica Page 260. 16 May 1536. Translation Of A Letter From A Portuguese Gentleman To A Friend In Lisbon, Describing The Execution Of [his sister] Anne Boleyn (age 35), Lord Rochford (age 33), Brereton, Norris (age 54), Smeton (age 24), And Weston (age 25).

The following extremely interesting Letter, which has been translated and obligingly communicated by Viscount Strangford, from the original in the Cartorio of the Monastery of Alcobaja, in Portugal, conveys an account of the execution of Anne Boleyn and her presumed accomplices, by, probably, an eye-witness.

Several letters from Sir William Kingston (age 60), the Lieutenant of the Tower, to Secretary Cromwell (age 51), have been printed¹, which afford minute information on the conduct of the unfortunate Queen, from the time of her committal to the Tower until the day before her execution, together with notices of Lord Rochford, whose request to receive the sacrament was thus alluded to:-

"I have told my Lord of Rochford," says Kingston, on the 16th of May, "that he be in readiness to-morrow to suffer execution, and so he accepts it very well, and will do his best to be ready, notwithstanding he would have received his rights [i.e. the sacrament] which hath not been used and in especial here."²

From the same letter it is manifest that the Queen still entertained hopes of mercy, as Sir William Kingston adds — "Yet this day at dinner the Queen said that she should go to Antwerp, and is in hope of life." Her desire to go to Antwerp may be ascribed to its being the residence of many persons of the reformed religion, to one of whom she had rendered some service.³

Note 1. Ellis's Original Letters, First Series, vol. ii. p. 52 — 64.

Note 2. Ibid. p. 63.

Note 3. Ibid. p. 46.

Letters 1536. 24 May 1536. 24 May. R. O. 952. John Husee to Lord Lisle (age 72).

Your peascods were thankfully received by the King "for mo considerations than I will write of." Mr. Russell says he moved his Grace for your preferment, and his Grace said it was too late, for all things had been disposed of long since, except some offices in Wales not fit for you, as it was so far from your native country, but he would gladly your Lordship had somewhat. The truth is, as I wrote, that Mr. Russell is a right worshipful, sad, and discreet gentleman, but will never prefer your Lordship. "I pray God take Mr. Norrys (deceased) to his mercy, for you have made an unlike change." You had better write to Mr. Hennage, and send him some pleasure. As to the priories of Mawdlens and Pylton, send me the extent of their lands and I will move the matter, but I think you might ask for some abbey "of the suppressed number" in Hampshire, Wiltshire, or elsewhere, near your dwelling-place. When your wine and quails come I will distribute them, unless otherwise commanded, to Mr. Russell and Mr. Hennage, but in anywise you should write to the latter, and also to Mr. Secretary, though he does you little good and promises much. The £200 the late Lord Rocheford (deceased) had out of the revenues of Winchester returns to the Bishop's coffers. Mr. Bryan had £100 that Mr. Norris (deceased) had out of the bishopric. As to the spurs, I cannot get to the King's presence, but when you have written to Mr. Hennage he shall have the delivery of them. Whatever be the reason, the King will not license you to come over. The King has already written about the marsh. I have not yet been able to get from Mr. Secretary the letter he promised to write for the friar's despatch. Your counsel do not advise you to procure a proviso by Act of Parliament for lord Daubney to stay the sale of lands that should descend to Mr. Basset, but only to keep a vigilant eye on his proceedings. Ling and haberdeyn are so dear that I cannot tell what to do, the former £8 per cwt. or over, and the latter £3 or over. A new coronation is expected at Midsummer. The progress shall not this summer pass Windsor. Your Lordship shall receive, by Hugh Colton, two pair of hosen. London, 24 May. Hol., pp. 2. Add.

Letters 1536. But she did not give up her greatness, but spoke to the lords as a mistress. Those who came to interrogate were astonished. They afterwards went to Rochford, who said he knew that death awaited him and would say the truth, but raising his eyes to Heaven denied the accusations against him. They next went to Norris, Waston, and Barton, who all likewise refused to confess, except Mark, who had done so already. The King ordered the trial at Westminster, which was held after the manner of the country.

Description of the process of indictment and how the archers of the guard turn the back [of the axe] to the prisoners in going, but after sentence of guilty the edge is turned towards their faces; the trial at Westminster; the verdict; whereupon suddenly the axe was turned towards them; and the sentence. Everyone was moved at their misfortune, especially at the case of Waston, who was young and of old lineage and high accomplishments; but no one dared plead for him, except his mother, who, oppressed with grief, petitioned the King, and his wife, who offered rents and goods for his deliverance. But the King was determined the sentence should be carried out. If money could have availed, the fine would have been 100,000 crowns.

Rochford (deceased) was not tried at Westminster, but at the Tower, with the Queen. His calm behaviour, and good defence. More himself did not reply better. The judges at first were of different opinions, but at last one view overturned the other and they were unanimous. The [his uncle] Duke of Norfolk (age 63) as president, though maternal uncle of the accused, asked them if he was guilty or not, and one replied guilty. Rochford (deceased) then merely requested the judges that they would ask the King to pay his debts. The Queen then was summoned by an usher. She seemed unmoved as a stock, and came away with her young ladies, not as one who had to defend her cause but with the bearing of one coming to great honor. She returned the salutations of the lords with her accustomed politeness, and took her seat. She defended herself soberly against the charges, her face saying more for her than her words; for she said little, but no one to look at her would have thought her guilty. In the end the judges said she must resign her crown to their hands; which she did at once without resistance, but protested she had never misconducted herself towards the King. She was then degraded from all her titles,—countess, marchioness, and princess, which she said she gave up willingly to the King who had conferred them. Sentence of death, either by sword or fire, at the pleasure of the King, was pronounced by Norfolk. Her face did not change, but she appealed to God whether the sentence was deserved; then turning to the judges, said she would not dispute with them, but believed there was some other reason for which she was condemned than the cause alleged, of which her conscience acquitted her, as she had always been faithful to the King. But she did not say this to preserve her life, for she was quite prepared to die. Her speech made even her bitterest enemies pity her.

Meanwhile the prisoners prepared to die and took the Sacrament. Description of the execution of Rochford (deceased), with his dying speech, not unlike the version given in No. 1107. The other four said nothing, as if they had commissioned Rochford (deceased) to speak for them, except Mark, who persisted in what he said that he was justly punished for his misdeeds.

The Queen, in expectation of her last day, took the Sacrament. Then the day of her death was announced to her, at which she was more joyful than before. She asked about the patience shown by her brother and the others; but when told that Mark confessed that he had merited his death, her face changed somewhat. "Did he not exonerate me," she said, "before he died, of the public infamy he laid on me? Alas! I fear his soul will suffer for it."

Next day, expecting her end, she desired that no one would trouble her devotions that morning. But when the appointed hour passed she was disappointed,—not that she desired death, but thought herself prepared to die and feared that delay would weaken her. She, however, consoled her ladies several times, telling them that was not a thing to be regretted by Christians, and she hoped to be quit of all unhappiness, with various other good counsels. When the captain came to tell her the hour approached and that she should make ready, she bade him for his part see to acquit himself of his charge, for she had been long prepared. So she went to the place of execution with an untroubled countenance. Her face and complexion never were so beautiful. She gracefully addressed the people from the scaffold with a voice somewhat overcome by weakness, but which gathered strength as she went on. She begged her hearers to forgive her if she had not used them all with becoming gentleness, and asked for their prayers. It was needless, she said, to relate why she was there, but she prayed the Judge of all the world to have compassion on those who had condemned her, and she begged them to pray for the King, in whom she had always found great kindness, fear of God, and love of his subjects. The spectators could not refrain from tears. She herself having put off her white collar and hood that the blow might not be impeded, knelt, and said several times "O Christ, receive my spirit !"

One of her ladies in tears came forward to do the last office and cover her face with a linen cloth. The executioner then, himself distressed, divided her neck at a blow. The head and body were taken up by the ladies, whom you would have thought bereft of their souls, such was their weakness; but fearing to let their mistress be touched by unworthy hands, forced themselves to do so. Half dead themselves, they carried the body, wrapped in a white covering, to the place of burial within the Tower. Her brother was buried beside her, Weston (deceased) and Norris after them. Barton and Mark also were buried together (en ung couble).

The ladies were then as sheep without a shepherd, but it will not be long before they meet with their former treatment, because already the King has taken a fancy to a choice lady. And hereby, Monseigneur, is accomplished a great part of a certain prophecy which is believed to be true, because nothing notable has happened which it has not foretold. Other great things yet are predicted of which the people are assured. If I see them take place I will let you know, for never were such news. People say it is the year of marvels.Fr.

Letters 1536. 06 Jun 1536. Vienna Archives. 1069. Chapuys to Charles V.

On the 24th of this month, the Eve of Ascension Day, immediately on the arrival of the courier who was despatched to Pontremolo, Cromwell sent me the packet which your Majesty had forwarded to that place, begging that I would impart my news to him without delay. Shortly afterwards he sent to say that he would come and see me, but as, owing to his being so much occupied, he had failed in a like promise two days before, I, in order to put him under greater obligation, went to see him. On my arrival he told me that he had been to Court that morning, only to obtain audience for me, which the King had granted for next day. The said courier had brought letters from their ambassador, giving such news of the sincere goodwill your Majesty bore the King that Cromwell said he was better pleased than if he had gained 100,000 cr.; and he was sure I should find the King otherwise inclined than he had been before, both as regards the principal matter and also as to myself in particular, for I had greatly increased the affection he bore me on account of certain letters I had lately written to him, of which I send a copy to Grandvelle; also that by the death of the [his sister] Concubine (deceased) matters would be more easily arranged now than they had been. He said it was he who had discovered and followed up the affair of the Concubine (deceased), in which he had taken a great deal of trouble, and that, owing to the displeasure and anger he had incurred upon the reply given to me by the King on the third day of Easter, he had set himself to arrange the plot (a fantasier et conspirer led. affaire), and one of the things which had roused his suspicion and made him enquire into the matter was a prognostic made in Flanders threatening the King with a conspiracy of those who were nearest his person. On this he praised greatly the sense, wit, and courage of the said Concubine (deceased) and of her brother (deceased). And to declare to me further the hope of good success, he informed me in great confidence that the King, his master, knowing the desire and affection of all his people, had determined in this coming Parliament to declare the Princess (age 20) his heir; but by what he said afterwards, which I shall partly report, he left me in much greater doubt than before. For, besides requesting me in speaking to the King not to make any request on the Princess's behalf, and, if she were mentioned, not to speak of her as Princess, he also told me it was above all things necessary the Princess should write a letter to her father according to a draft that Cromwell had drawn up in the most honorable and reasonable form that could be, and that to solicit the Princess to do this he had, by the King's command, sent to her a very confidential lady; but, in any case, to avoid scruple, the King wished I would write to her, and send her one of my principal servants to persuade her to make no difficulty about writing the said letter, which he would have translated from English into Latin, that I might see that it was quite honorable. This translation he gave me next day as I left the Court; and since reading it I have not found the said Cromwell, to tell him my opinion of it, although I begged him the day before, when he spoke about it, to take care that it did not contain anything which could directly or indirectly touch her right, or the honor either of herself or of the late Queen, her mother, nor yet her conscience; otherwise she would not consent thereto for all the gold in the world, and the King's indignation against her would only be increased; and that he whom the said Princess regarded as almost a father, ought to take good care that the whole was free from danger and scruple. This, he said, he had done, as I should see by the tenor of the letter, of which I send your Majesty the very translation he delivered to me. Besides the evidence that letter contains that there is some bird catching attempted (quy y a de la traynee et pipe), this has been confirmed to me from a good quarter, and I have warned the Princess. I mean to get out of it (de me demesler) and dissemble the affair as much as I can, without speaking or writing of it till I have understood the intention of those here on the principal article of the negotiations. I shall excuse myself for not having sent to the Princess by saying that the messenger (icelluy) to whom I had committed the translation had lost it in returning from Court. When I have learned their intention I shall not fail to make the necessary remonstrances as to the unreasonableness of the letter, and seek all means possible to moderate such rigour; nevertheless your Majesty will be pleased to instruct me what to say and do in case the King insist on having the letter entirely written by the Princess, and that otherwise he means to punish her, as the lady sent by the King to the Princess has given a servant of mine to understand.

Letters 1536. 08 Jun 1536. Statute Roll. 1087. Parliament.

Begun at Westminster 8 June 28 Henry VIII., Acts concerning:—

1. The attainder of Thomas Fitzgerald and his five uncles [c. 18].

2. Assurance of the manor of Southwark to the King [c. 19].

3. Jointure of Dame Grace, wife of Sir Henry Parker, son and heir to Henry lord Morley [c. 20].

4. Exchange between the King and the prior of St. Johns [c. 21].

5. Lands belonging to the earldom of Warwick [c. 22].

6. Pension to Robert Shurborn late Bishop of Chichester [c. 23].

7. Attainder of lord Thomas Howard [c. 24].

8. Assurance of lands to Viscount Beauchamp (age 36) [c. 25].

9. Assurance of lands in Kew to Viscount Beauchamp (age 36) and lady Anne (age 39) his wife [c. 26].

10. Church of Elsingspittle to be the parish church of St. Alphes, Cripplegate [c. 27].

11. Moiety of Ricard's Castle assured to John Onley [c. 28].

12. Exchange with the Abbot of Westminster for Covent Garden [c. 29].

13. Purchase of Stanton Barry from Thomas Pope [c. 30].

14. Enlargement of St. Margaret's churchyard, Southwark [c. 31].

15. Lands at Westminster conveyed to the King by the churchwardens of St. Martin's and St. Margaret's [c. 32].

16. Durham Place conveyed to the King by exchange [c. 33].

17. Baynard's Castle assured to the Duke of Richmond (age 16) [c. 34].

18. Exchange with lord Sandes [c. 35].

19. Award between Sir Adrian Fortescue and Sir Walter Stoner [c. 36].

20. Jointure of Dorothy, daughter to the Earl of Huntingdon, to be married to Richard Devereux, son of lord Ferrers [c. 37].

20a. Assurance of Paris Garden, &c. to the Queen [c. 38].

21. Earldom of March [c. 39].

22. Lands assured to Edward North [c. 40].

23. Manor of Birmingham assured to the King [c. 41].

24. Exchange with the Abbot of Abingdon [c. 42].

25. Lands assured to Thomas Jermyn [c. 43].

26. Manor of Haselyngfeld assured to the Charter House [c. 44].

27. The Queen's (age 27) jointure [c. 45].

28. Lands assured to Thomas Hatclyff, clerk of the Green Cloth [c. 46].

29. Lands assured to John Gostwyke [c. 47].

30. Concerning a marriage to be had between Lord Bulbeke (age 20), son and heir apparent to the Earl of Oxford (age 65), and Dorothy, eldest daughter of the Earl of Westmoreland (age 38) [c. 48].

31. Exchange of Covent Garden with the abbot and convent of Westmoreland [c. 49].

32. Exchange between the King, the archbishop of Canterbury, and Cromwell (Wimbledon, Mortlake, &c.) [c. 50].

33. Jointure of Catharine Duchess of Suffolk (age 17) [c. 51].

34. Lands of Lord Rochford (deceased), Norris (deceased), and others [c. 52].

35. Benefit of clergy restricted [c. 1].

36. Against servants embezzling [c. 2].

37. Power to allot townships in Wales [c. 3].

38. Repeal of statute for dowlas and lokerams [c. 4].

39. For prentices [c. 5].

40. For continuing the Statute of Beggars and other Acts [c. 6].

41. The Succession [c. 7].

42. For continuing statutes against exportation of copper, &c. [c. 8].

43. For continuing statutes against perjury and others [c. 9].

44. For extinguishing the authority of the Bishop of Rome [c. 10].

45. For restitution of first-fruits during vacancies to next incumbent [c. 11].

46. Declaring the limits of the King's palace of Westminster [c. 12].

47. Against non-residence of spiritual persons [c. 13].

48. Prices of wines [c. 14].

49. Punishment of pirates [c. 15].

50. Dispensations from Rome [c. 16].

51. The King's successors when 24 years of age to have power to annul Acts of Parliament made during their minority [c. 51].

Letters 1536. 07 Jul 1536. R. O. St. P. vii 565. Instructions to my Lord of Rochford, whom the King now sends to the French king.

1. Rochford is to repair to the French king with all speed, and in passing by Paris to make the King's and Queen's hearty recommendations to the Queen of Navarre, if she be there, and say that the Queen his mistress much rejoices in the deeply-rooted amity of the two kings, but wishes her to get the interview deferred, as the time would be very inconvenient to her, and the King is so anxious to see his good brother that he will not put it off on her account. Her reasons are, that being so far gone with child, she could not cross the sea with the King, and she would be deprived of his Highness's presence when it was most necessary, unless the interview can be deferred till April next. Rochford is to press this matter very earnestly, and say that the King having at this time appointed another personage to go to his good brother, the Queen, with much suit, got leave for Rochford to go in his place, principally on this account.

2. That there was nothing she regretted at the last interview so much as not having an interview with the said Queen of Navarre; and she hopes she may be able to come to Calais with her brother in April next, if the interview be deferred till then.

3. He is then to proceed to the French Court, and after delivery of the King's letters, mention the overture made by the embassy lately arrived from Lubeck and Hamburg, soliciting a contribution of 100,000 cr., that they may elect a king of Denmark wholly at their devotion. Considering how this would thwart the Emperor's purposes, the King suggests that Francis should contribute the moiety of that sum "like as his Highness hath with him contributed into Germany."

4. The King is informed that though the duke of Wyttenbergh is now lately restored by his and his good brother's means, yet he now seeks peace with the Emperor and Ferdinand. It is important that the truth about this should be ascertained.

5. He is to desire the liberation of an Italian White Friar named Palvisinus, who has been imprisoned at Paris only for writing a letter to the King, which his Grace thinks strange.

6. He is then to begin the Queen's suit for the prorogation of the interview, using such ways and means as the Queen of Navarre approves, and adding, as of himself, that he thinks it would be advisable to agree to it, "as the time will shortly be here." He shall also say, as of himself, that the King refused to write to the French king on the subject, notwithstanding the urgent suit of many of the nobles on the Queen's behalf, who are now mostly assembled at London on account of certain treasons conspired against his Grace, "the said Lord Rochford even so tempering his communication with the French king in this matter as he small not the King's highness to be overmuch desirous of it, but all in the Queen's name."

Letters 1536. 19 April. Camusat, 155. 688. The Bishop of Tarbes to Francis I.

On Easter eve a courier came to the Imperial Ambassador, who went next day to ask Cromwell when he could communicate the news to the King. Knowing that he was put off till Tuesday, let Cromwell know that he wished to speak to the King, and was answered that the King would be willing to see him on Wednesday. Went to Greenwich on that day, and while waiting to see the King, spoke to Norfolk, who has been ill several days. He assured the Bishop that what he had said the last time they met was true, and that whatever overture the Emperor might make things would not be other than they have been hitherto. Replied that he had no doubt of this, knowing that the friendship between the Kings cannot be affected by any practice or overture of the Emperor. The conversation was interrupted by Rochford and others. Met the King going to mass. He is vexed that the gentleman whom Francis was going to send has not come. He says the Emperor has written him a letter containing five articles: (1.) That he hoped to enter Rome the day the courier was starting, and when there he would try to bring the dissension between the Pope and the King to some good end. (2.) That the French king had made war on the duke of Savoy, claiming his patrimony and county of Nice, which Francis seemed to have given up as the Duke is named as an ally in treaties on the part both of France and of the Emperor. He therefore requests Henry to intercede with Francis for the said Duke, and persuade him to relinquish the war and return what he has taken. (3.) He fears that Francis will make war upon him in the duchy of Milan, and begs the King to defend it, in accordance with the treaty of Cambray and other treaties, by which Francis has no right to the duchy. (4.) He asks the King to forget what passed between them touching his aunt's divorce, and to renew the old treaties, for he has not forgotten the King's kindnesses and help. (5.) He asks Henry to contribute to the defence of Christendom against the Turk.

The King says the Emperor is anxious to have a speedy answer, but he wishes to think about it before replying, as it is a matter of importance, and he told the Ambassador so. He did not wish to make himself a judge between princes, and he had heard that Francis had just cause for making war in Savoy. He understands that the Emperor is preparing a powerful army to attack the French forces in Italy, preferring to do so before the Turkish army lands in Sicily or elsewhere. He thinks the Emperor cannot long pay such a great army, and that the French should fortify their camp in Piedmont and Savoy, and wait for the enemy in the towns, before which the Emperor would waste men and money, while Francis might collect a stronger army. This would be a better course than risking battle when the Imperialists wish to give it. A little delay will consume his money. Many of his men will desert, which will bring about his complete ruin, and force him to abandon Italy to Francis.

The treasurer Feguillen spoke about the delay in sending the gentleman, which some wished to turn to a bad end, and the Emperor was practising very diligently. Has always found the Treasurer very desirous of serving Francis, but does not know whether this was his object, or because his master is anxious to hear from France before answering the Emperor.

Went to Court really to know the charge of the Emperor's Ambassador, but his pretext was to excuse Bonneboz, captain of a galley which came into Hampton (Antonne) equipped for war, and of which complaints had been made. London, 19 April.

Fr.