Letters. Grants in 1513.

1. Commission of the Peace. See Appendix. Berks.-Knoll, 4 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 1, m. 7d. [3640.]

2. Commission of the Peace. See Appendix. Gloucestershire.-Knoll, 5 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 1, m. 7d. [3641.]

3. John Crossewell, of Odyam, Hants, clothier. Protection for one year; going with Sir Gilbert Talbot (age 61), Deputy of Calais. Del. Knoll, 5 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20. [3642.]

4. William Poullain, clk., and Julian Souchet, natives of Normandy. Denization, for life. Del. Knoll, 5 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20. [3643.]

5. Henry Rowt, chaplain. Grant of the perpetual chantry in the chapel of the manor of Eltham, Kent, vice William Wrigh, clk., deceased. Del. Westm., 26 (sic) Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 14. [3682.]

6. John Wetewod, clk., minister of the Chapel. Presentation to the church of Badisworth, dioc. of York, void by death. Del. Westm., 8 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20. [3644.]

7. John Scotte. To be chief baron of the Exchequer, during good conduct, in reversion after William Hody, who holds by patent 29 Oct. 2 Henry VII. Westm., 8 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20. [3645.]

8. Robert Hall. Grant of the ferry of Paddistowe, with "le Haven Cathe" of the port of St. Ives, Cornw. Greenwich, 30 Dec. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 8 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 7. [3646.]

9. John Jenkynson, of Newland, York, butcher. Pardon for killing Th. Megson, of Newland, yeoman, in self-defence; according to inquest before Th. Maners, coroner. Westm., 10 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 7. [3650.]

10. Gaol Delivery.

Gaol of the Abbot of Ramesey.-Commission to Sir Rob. Rede, William Mordaunt, John Woode, Th. Lowth, John Tayllard, William Grace, and Th. Dunholt. Westm., 12 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20d. [3652.]

11. Thomas Emson. Inspeximus and exemplification, at the request of Thomas, s. and h. of Sir Richard Emson, of an Act of Parliament 4 Henry VIII. reversing and annulling the attainder of the said Sir Richard. Westm., 12 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 1. [3653.]

12. [his father] Thomas Earl of Surrey (age 70), Treasurer of England, Thomas Lord Howard (age 40), Sir [his brother] Edward Howard (age 37), and Sir Thomas Bulleyn (age 36). Pardon and release of all arrears, from Mich. 23 Henry VII. to the present date, of an annual rent of £292 5s. 4¼d. from Mich. 23 Henry VII., subject to which they hold, by patent 10 Nov. 1 Henry VIII., the possessions of John Grey late Viscount Lisle, and of Joan late wife of Sir Humphrey Talbot, to the use of Sir Thomas Knyvet and [his sister] Mercella his wife, Viscountess Lisle, during the minority of Elizabeth Grey (age 7), daughter and heir of the said Viscount. Greenwich, 7 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 12 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20. [3655.]

13. Edmund Denny (age 56) and John Smyth, clerk in the office of Treasurer's remembrancer of the Exchequer. Grant, in survivorship, of the office of Treasurer's remembrancer; on surrender of patent, 3 June 20 Henry VII., granting the same to Denny, vice Sir Robert Lytton, dec. Del. Westm., 12 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. (filed on 12 Dec. 1512). Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 10. ii. Warrant to the Lord Chancellor, dated 22 Dec. 4 Henry VIII., to cancel the patent of Jasper Fyloll of the reversion of the above office ("remembrancer of our Tresoury within our Eshequier"), the King being now informed that the said Jasper has not sufficient experience and learning. S.B. (attached to the above). [3656.]

14. Thomas Holden, yeoman of the Queen's chamber, and John Hunt, master-cook for the King's mouth. To be keepers, in survivorship, of the Royal Household in Westminster Palace, with 6d. a day since Michaelmas last. Del. Westm., 12 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. [3657.]

15. John Westowe, the King's gunner (bumbardus), To be, for life, searcher of the port of Bristol. Greenwich, 31 Dec. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 13 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 16. [3660.]

16. Thomas Payne of Salisbury, merchant. Protection for one year; going in the suite of Sir Gilbert Talbot (age 61), Deputy of Calais. Greenwich, 7 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 17 Jan. P.S. (injured). Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3665.]

17. John Bradley, yeoman of the Guard. To be ranger of the Isle of Purbeke, vice Thomas Prichit. Greenwich, 11 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 17 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3666.]

18. John Prowde, haberdasher of London. Protection for one year; going in the suite of Sir Gilbert Talbot (age 61), Deputy of Calais. Del. Westm., 17 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3667.]

19. George Frauncesse, gentleman usher of the Queen's chamber. To be steward, during pleasure, of the lordship of Orwel, Camb., lately held by William Denton, deceased; and lease of the office of feodary and bailiff of the honor of Richmond, in Camb., Herts, Suffolk, and Essex, from Christmas, 4 Henry VIII., for 30 years, at the annual rent of £20 10s. Del. Westm., 17 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3668.]

20. William Towers, usher of the Hall, and Nicholas Hornecliffe, yeoman of the Vestry. Grant, in survivorship, of the offices of bow-bearer of Arkylgarthdale, under-steward of Middelham and Richemonte, and one of the foresters of Coverdale, co. Richmond, lately held by John Conyers, Gilbert Metcalf, and William Forster. Westminster, 17 Dec. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 18 Jan. P.S. (in English). Pat, 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3669.]

21. John Wodlesse, yeoman of the Crown. Annuity of £20 for life. Greenwich, 20 Dec. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 18 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3670.]

22. Robert Crumwell or Cromwell, vicar of Batersey. Protection for one year; going in the suite of Sir Gilbert Talbot (age 61), Deputy of Calais. Greenwich, 22 Dec. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 19 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3671.]

23. John Tollas, sherman of London. Protection for one year; going in the suite of Sir Gilbert Talbot (age 61), Deputy of Calais. Greenwich, 19 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 20 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3672.]

24. Sir Maurice Berkeley (age 46), knight for the Body. To be keeper of the park of Sodbury alias Sodbury, Glouc., with herbage and pannage, and wages of 2d. a day; on surrender of patent granted by Henry VII. to William Denys, esquire for the Body. Del. Westm., 21 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3673.]

25. John Boston, clk., m.A. Presentation to the church of Milsted, Canterbury dioc., void by death of John Guyllary, clk. Greenwich, 21 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 23 Jan. P.S. [3674.]

26. John Wheler, for services to the Queen. To be keeper of the park of Biflete, Surrey, for life. Greenwich, 20 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 23 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m 14. [3675.]

27. Scotch Commissioners. Safe conduct, at the request of the King of Scots, by letters signed and sealed, for one year, to John Lord Drummond, Sir Robert Lawder of Basse, Sir John Ramsey of Trarinzeane, Sir William Scotte of Balverley. and John Henryson, clerk of justiciary, commissioners of James king of Scots, with 100 persons. Westminster, 24 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Scotch Roll, 4 Henry VIII. m. 12. Rymer, Xiii. 346. [2069, 3676.]

28. Pewterers of London. Inspeximus and conf. of:-

Pat. 19 March, 20 Henry VII., conf.:

Pat. 20 Jan. 13 Edward IV. (p. 2, m. 5). Westm., 24 Jan. [4 Henry VIII.]. Conf. roll 48, No. 8.

29. Roger Salesbury, yeoman of the Guard. To have the fee of the Crown, being 6d. a day, held by John Whityngton, deceased. Greenwich, 27 Dec. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 25 Jan. P.S. (in English). [3677.]

30. Leonard Fryscobalde, gentleman usher of the Chamber. Annuity of 50 marks for life. Greenwich, 17 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 26 Jan. P.S. (in English). Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 14. [3679.]

31. William Porter. Licence to export so much broadcloths, kerseys and other woollen cloths, tin, hides and other merchandise (except wools and woolfells) as will in custom and subsidy yield 1,000 mks., and import as much; custom and subsidies to be payable at the end of six years after shipment. Greenwich, 20 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 26 Jan. P.S. [3680.]

32. Peter Warton and John Ketilby. To be bailiffs, during pleasure, of the lordship of Salwarppe, Worc., from Easter last; with keepership, in survivorship, of the park there, 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 26 Jan. P.S. (fragment only). Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 30. [3681.]

33. Henry Rowte, chaplain. To be priest of the chapel in the manor of Eltham, Kent, with 10 marks a year out of the manor; as held by John Sweteman of Pentriche, chaplain therein Edward III.'s time; on surrender of invalid patent 6 Jan. 4 Henry VIII., granting him the chantry in the said chapel formerly held by William Wright (sic). Del. Westm., 26 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 33. [3683.]

34. Walter Devereux Lord Ferrers (age 25). To be keeper of the park of Nethewode, Heref., for life, with 4d. a day, vice William Thomas. Del. Westm., 27 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20. [3684.]

35. Sir Robert Brandon (age 53). Wardship and marriage of John, son and heir of John Carewe, dec. Del. Westm., 28 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. (in margin: "Ad instantiam Karoli Brandon, militis"). [3685.]

36. Commission of the Peace. See Appendix. Herefordshire.-Westm., 28 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 1, m. 7d. [3686.]

37. Edward Guldeford, squire of the Body. Inspeximus and exemplification of Act of Parliament, 3 Henry VIII. [c. xix.], reversing the attainder of Edm. Dudley, and conditionally reinstating John Dudley, his son, and appointing Guldeford guardian of the said John, during his minority. Westm., 28 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 31. [3687.]

38. Invasion. Writs of precept to the sheriffs, viz.:-

Kent.-For the sheriff to make proclamations that all males between sixty and sixteen shall prepare arms and be ready at an hour's warning to resort to such place in the said county as shall be assigned by the King's commissioners, and specially in Kent the Lord Bergevenny, who is deputed to lead the shire to resist the French King, who has prepared "a great and a strong navy" to invade England in February next. Beacons to be in readiness. Westm., 28 Jan. 4 Henry VIII.

Norfolk and Suffolk.-The Earl of Oxford (age 13).

Essex.-The Earl of Oxford and Lord Fytzwater.

Cornwall.-Edward Willoughby, Sir John Arundell, and Sir Piers Eggecombe.

Devon.-Lord Broke.

Somerset and Dorset.-Lord Fytzwaren.

Sussex.-The Earl of Arundell.

Hants and Wilts.-Sir John Lysle and Sir William Sandes.

S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 9d. [3688.]

39. William Rogiers, chaplain. Presentation to the church of Great Bylling, Linc. dioc., void by death of Thomas Harteley. Greenwich, 26 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 28 Jan. P.S. [3689.]

40. John Cristoferson, m.D., native of Scotland. Denization, for life. Westminster, 4 Feb. 1 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 29 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. p.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 30. [3690.]

41. Gaol Delivery. Norfolk Circuit.-Commission to Sir John Fyneux, Sir Robert Rede and William Mordaunt. Westm., 29 Jan. York, City and Castle.-Commission to William Fayrfax, John Erneley, Robert Henrison and Th. Stray. Westm., 29 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 15d. [3691.]

42. John Bristall alias Burstall, fishmonger, of London. Protection for one year; going in the suite of Sir Gilbert Talbot, Deputy of Calais. Greenwich, 20 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 31 Jan. P.S. [3693.]

43. William Hill, of Becclys alias Bexlys, Suff., yeoman. Reversal of outlawry in co. (blank); sued for debt by Roger Dade of Wheybrede, Suff., husbandsman. Westm., 31 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 1, m. 4.

Wriothesley's Chronicle 1510-1519. 29 Jul 1518. ^aThis yeare, on a Thursday, the 29th day of Julie, a legat (age 43)^b came from the Pope, and was receaved into London at after-noone. And there receaved him at the Black Heath [Map] the Bishop of Dunham (age 46), Bishop of Ely, the Duke of Northfolke (age 45),^c with divers other great lordes and knightes, and all the orders of friers, channons, moncks of Stratforde and Tower Hill, with all parsons and priestes of all the parishe churches in London, stoode all in coopes with crosses, candlestickes, and sensors, from St. Georges barre in Southwark to Leaden Hall comer. And ever as the legatt passed by them they sensed him; and so was he receaved thorowe the Cittie; he havinge borne before him 2 pillers of sylver and guylt, and he himselfe ridinge in redd chamlett,^d with his cardinalls hatt on his heade, and the Major and Aldermen, with all the crafts of the Cittie, standinge in Cheepe-syde in their best liveries. And when he came before the Major and Aldermen yonge Mr. More (age 40) made there to him a proposition for the Cittie,^e and so he rode thorowe Paules Churche yeard. And when he came at the west dore of Powles the Bishop of London,^f with all Powles quier, receaved him with procession in copes of cloth of golde, and a riche canopie of cloth of golde borne over his heade, and so brought him to the highe alter, where he saide his devotions and offered; and that done, he rode to the Bishopp of Bathes place at Temple barre, which was prepared for him, and so there remayned.

Note a. This is the first instance in which onr Chronicler gires a nrach fuller account of the proceedings than is to be found in Arnold's Chronicle, which ends in the jear following.

Note b. Cardinal Campeggio (age 43), called also Laurence Campeins.

Note c. Thomas Howard (age 45), Earl of Surrey, had the title of Duke of Norfolk restored to him for the great victory gained by him at Flodden, 1513, Sept 9.

Note d. Whilst delaying at Calais for the return of the papal bull Wolsey (age 45)s had snpplied him with red cloth to clothe his servants, who, at their first coming, were but meanly apparelled. Hall, ed. 1809, p. 692.

Note e. Sir Thomas More (age 40) made a brief oration to him in the name of the City. — Hall's Chronicle, cd. 1809, p. 693.

Note f. Richard Fitz-James.

Hall's Chronicle 1522. 02 Feb 1522. The second day of February, the King (age 30) being at Greenwich, came thither the Cardinal with a Legation from Leo bishop of Rome, and also his ambassador, on who waited many a nobleman, the King met them at his chamber door welcoming them as though they had both come from Rome. Then said the Cardinal, high and victorious King it hath pleased our Lord God to indue your grace with a great multitude of manifold graces as a King elect in favour of the high heaven, and so appears presently by your noble person, so formed and figured in shape and stature with force and pulchritude, which signifies the present pleasure of our Lord God wrought in your noble grace. And further he praised his wisdom, prudence and learning, with many other goodly words in the praise of his most noble grace. And finally, the Cardinal declared how the said Bishop of Rome had sent his highness an Act in Bull under lead, declaring therein his grace to be the Defender of the Christian Faith, and his successors for evermore.

And when his grace had received the said Bull and caused it to be read and published, he went to his chapel to hear Mass accompanied with many nobles of his realm and also with Ambassadors of sundry princes, the Cardinal being requested to sing masse, the Erle of Essex brought the Bason with water, the Duke of Suffolk (age 38) gave the assay, the Duke of Norfolk (age 49) held the towel, and so preceded to Masse. And that done gave to all them that heard the masse clean remission and blessed the King and the Queen and all the people: then was the Bull eftsoons declared, and trumpets blew, the shalmes and saggebuttes played in honour of the King’s new style. Thus, his highness went to dinner in the midst whereof the King of Heralds and his company began the larges, crying Henricus dei gratia rex Anglie, and Francie, defensor fidei; and dominus Hibernie thus ended the dinner, with much abundance of vittels and wine, to all manner of people.

Ellis' Letters S1 V1 Letter LXXXII. Nov 1522. Lord Surrey (age 49) to King Henry the Eighth (age 31).

[MS. COTTON. CALIG. B. VI. fol. 304. Orig.]

Plesith it your Highnes to be advertised that upon Satirdaye at night the Duke of Albany (age 38) with a greate puysance brought his ordynaunce unto Werk [Map], on the fer side of Twede, upon Scotland side, and began to shote right sore upon Sondaye by the breke of daye, and So contynued all that daye and Mondaye. At whiche tyme I being at Holy Island, vij. myles from Berwike, was advertised of the same at seven a clok at night the said Sondaye; and incontynente sent Lettres to my lord Cardynalls company, my lord of Northumberland, my lord of Westmoreland at Sainte Cutberts baner lying at Anwike and thereabouts, and in likewise to my lord Dacre and other lords and gentilmen lying abrode in the countre, too mete me at Barmer wood, fyve myles from Werk on Mondaye, who so ded. And the seid Monday at iij, a cloke at aftir none, the water of Twede being soo high that it could not be riden the Duke sent over ij M. Frenche men in bootis^a to gif assault to the place, who with force entred the bas courte, and by Sir William Lizle (age 35) captain of the Castell with a hundred with him were right manfully defended by the space of one houre and an half, without suffring theym t'entre the Inner Ward ; but fynally the seid Frenchemen entred the Inner warde, whiche perceived by the seid Sir William and his company frely set upon theym, and not onely drove theym oute of the Inner warde, but alsoo oute of the Uttir warde, and slewe of the seid Frenche men x. personys. And so the seid Frenche men wente over the water ; and incontynent the seid Sir William advertised me of the said assaulte, desiering too have reskue this daye, or els the place wold be no lenger kepte : whereof I being advertised by thre a clok this mornyng, avaunced foreward with the hole army by the breke of daye. And the Duke hering that I cam towards hym toke away his ordynance, and in likewise departed hymself with his hoole company, but as yet I cannot advertise your Grace of trouth howe fer he is goon, but tomorrowe I doubte not I shall knowe the certentie. Sir I doubte moche that if he here that I breke this army that he woll retorne with his ordynance unto Werk, whiche I feare woll not hold long againste hym ; for and if I had not made newe fortifications of bulwerks of erthe, it had not be tenable one half daye. I wold it were in the See, for I knowe not how to get men to remayne in it. Sir undoubtedly ther was never man departed with more shame nor with more feare than the Duke hath doon this daye : and notwithstanding the greate Assemble that he hath made in Scotland he hath not doon x s . worth of hurte within your Grace's realme, nor never durste hymself entre the same. Sir I feare me it shall not be possible for me to kepe this Army no longer togidder ; for suche as come oute of the bisshopriche, this contre, and other places, at their own costs, have spent all that they have; and with moche difficulte and faire words have kepte theym here thus long. Notwithstanding I shall doo my beste to kepe theym togidder unto the tyme that I shall knowe the Duks army bee perspoiled. Assuering your Grace that maister Magnus hath but iij. M. marks lefte; and if th'army shuld be discharged tomorrowe next, I think x M. marks woll not paye that is owing and conduyte money home. And considering howe paynefully and with howe good will they have served, it were pitie they shuld departe withoute having that was promysed theym, wherfore mooste humble I beseche your Highnes that convenyent money maye be sente hither with diligence. And if it come not bifore the departing hens of th'army, to tlVentente they shuld not goo hens groudging and speking shrodly, I shall delyver theym asmoche as is here with asmoche more as I maye borowe. And also I shall bynd myself by my bill signed with myn hand to paye theym asmoche as shalbe due for the reste; mooste humble besechyng your Highnes to see me dischardged of the same with convenyente diligence, or els I shalbe uttirly undoon for ever. Also I beseche your Grace to send thankfull lettres to suche as have doon good servyce at this tyme, whos names be conteyned in a bill herein closed : also Ix. iiij x . x blanks to be written here to suche as I doo not remembre the names of : assuering your Grace that in all my lif I never sawe somany Englishmen in none army nor so well willed as thees were fro the higheste to the loweste, nor never was gentilman so moche bounde as I have been this Jorney to all noblemen, gentilmen, and souldiors ; whiche favor they have shewed me for the greate love they bere to your Highnes, and the desierous myende they have to doo your Grace service. Written in the Campe ij. myles from Wark this Tuysday at night.

Your most humble subject and servant

T. SURREY.

To the Kings most noble Grace.

Note a. boats.

Ellis' Letters S1 V1 Letter LXXXIII. 12 Nov 1522.King Henry the Eighth (age 31) to the Earl of Surrey (age 49).

[MS. COTTON. CALIG. B. i. fol. 30?. Grig.]

Henry R. By the King.

RIGHT trusty and right welbiloved Cousin we grete you wel; and have receyved your Lettres bearing date the iij^a and iiij^th dayes of this instant moneth, the first mencyonyng the siege laide by the Duke of Albany (age 38) unto the Castel of Werke [Map] with the assaulte geven unto the same, and the valiant defence therof by Sir William Lisle (age 35) capitain of that place ; and how, upon knowlege geven to the said Duke that ye with our hole armye was coming to the rescue, he shamefully and cowardly removed his siege and fled, but to what place ye then knewe not. By the ij^de Lettre apperith upon the reaporte of the Priores of Calstreme howe that on Tuesday at nyght last past about mydnyzt the said Duke being then at Eccles informed that our armye passed the Ryver after hym, removed from thens, toke his ordenance away, and is clerely departed ; the truthe wherof ye doubted not to be advertised from diverse wayes by the next daye: at whiche tyme uppon the more knowlege had, ye wolde assemble al the noble men to divise and determyne what ye and they sholde further do, desiring that after the Duks army skaled, we in consideration of your desease and seknes wolde discharge you, geving you licence to retourne: and thinking the lord Dacres aswel for his strenght as experience in those parties most mete to take the charge of offyce of wardyn til suche tyme as that we shal appoint som other therunto; and finally requiryng that bothe money and our lettres of Thanks may be sent, as in the said lettres is conteyned more at large. As herunto we signifie unto you, like as thancked be almyzty God, thise newes be right good, comfortable, and honorable unto us and this our Realme ; so they be and shalbe unto the said Duke of Albany's perpetual reproche, shame, and losse of reputacion bothe in Fraunce, Scotland, and elliswhere, and to the no little abashement and discorage of the Frenche King, besids the alienation percace of the mynds of the Lords of Scotland more facily then afore from the faction of France unto our devotion. And for the grete travaile, labor, studie, payn, and diligence by you with al effect right actively, valiauntly, and with perfite corage, discrecion, and good conduyte taken and used by many substancial, discrete, and politique wayes for resistence of the said Duke of Albany, with deliberation and intent to have geven hym bataile in cace he durst have abyden the same we geve unto you our most cordial and herty thanks; assuring you that amongs many your high and notable^ service done unto us, we shal have this in our contynual and perfite remembrance to your weale, exaltation, honor, and profite as your merits and deserts condignely and worthely do requyre. Praying you also to geve on our behalf special thanks unto all the lords, capitains, and other whiche to their grete payn and travaile have right towardly, benivolently, and conformably served us under you in this Jorney, for whose more corage and comforte, we at this tyme sende suche lettres of thanks as ye desire.

Over this we having tendre respect unto your helthe and comfort, have resolved and determyned that upon advertisement receyved from you of skaling^a of the said duks armye, and aunswer therupon geven unto you, with ordre for establishing of suche garnisons and other direction to be taken there as for the suretie and weale of that countrey slialbe thought expedient, ye shal then have our Lettres of discharge of your office there and retorne unto us accordingly ; being myndyd according to your advice and opynyon that our right trusty counsaillor the Lorde Dacres whom we thinke most mete and able therfor, shal exercise also th'office of Wardeyn of our Est and Myddel Marches for a season, to whom we shall then with our lettres sende sufficient commyssion accordingly. Having no doubte but that by suche direction as our most entierly welbeloved counsaillour the Lord Legate Cardinal Archebisshop of Yorke and our Chauncelor hathe advertised you, ye be before this tyme sufficiently furnished of money for defraying of that our Armye as shal appertayn.

Yeven under our Signet at our manor of Woodstok the xij^th day of November.

To our right trusty and right welbeloved Cousin and Counsaillor th'Erle of Surrey our Treasorer and Admiralle of England.

Note a. dispersing.

Letters and Papers 1529. 25 Oct 1529. Bradford, 256. 6026. Chapuys (age 39) to Charles V (age 29).

On the receipt of your letter on Thursday the 21st, dated Piacenza, I sent to Windsor to ask for an audience. As the administration has fallen principally into the hands of the Duke of Norfolk (age 56), and the communication is more agreeable to him than that of the marriage, I hastened to visit him. The Cardinal (age 56), who was dis-evangelised on the day of St. Luke the Evangelist (18 Oct.), has been deprived of his offices. I was received by the Duke with great distinction, and expressed to him the regard in which you had always held him for his goodwill. He seemed highly pleased, and said that he and his family had always been attached to the house of Burgundy; that no one more lamented the late disagreements than himself, but that all the evil and misunderstanding ought to be attributed to those who formerly directed the King's councils, acting by their own will and authority, with which the King himself was often dissatisfied.

In reply to his remark that he should like to serve your Majesty against the Turk, I praised his virtuous feelings, and told him that was the main object of my communication; but for the better security of peace, which the King had done so much to establish, one unhappy difference between himself and the Queen remained to be settled. I told him that, however strongly he might feel from family considerations, he could not but feel as a true knight, nor act otherwise than if it had been his own daughter, and as conscience directed; and that your Majesty was convinced that he had not been the promoter of this step. He replied that he would sooner have lost one of his hands than that such a question should have arisen; but it was entirely a matter of law and conscience, and he had never been appealed to; that it had been submitted to ecclesiastics and doctors, who had pronounced against the validity of the marriage; that if the dispensation you held was illegal, the King would consider himself the most abused prince in Christendom; and that if you had not declared yourself in it so openly, it might have sooner been brought to a satisfactory issue. I explained to him the constraint under which you acted; and that, as to the king of England not having declared himself a party in the matter, it was clear that he had done so from the proceedings of the English ambassadors at Rome. Finding he remained thoughtful, I changed the subject. Shortly after he turned to me with a laugh, and said, "How glad the Emperor will be to hear of this fall of the Cardinal (age 56), and his loss of office?" I answered, I thought you would, but not from any hatred you had to the Cardinal (age 56); and that he could have done neither good nor ill to you, and was not of such importance as that you would care to be avenged, or trouble yourself about his disgrace; but what you rejoiced at was, that the king of England would now learn who had been his evil counsellors, and leave the management of affairs to men who from birth and circumstances were more competent. I told him that I was the first who had broken through the chain of paying court to the Cardinal (age 56), and addressed myself to him. He thanked me for my good intentions, and said that the government was managed not by an individual but by the Council, where he usually assisted, and would promote Your Majesty's interests.

In order to please the Duke (age 56) I asked him what I should do, although I had already sent one of my secretaries to the King. He told me that the King had ordered that application should be made direct to himself, before any other person was acquainted with the communication. He followed me to the hall, using very courteous language.

On the 22nd my secretary returned from Windsor, stating that the King would be at Greenwich on Saturday, and I was to go the day after. On my reaching Greenwich [Map] I found a civil gentleman, named Poller (Bollen?), sent by the King to conduct me to the palace. There I found the bishop of London (age 55), who led me to the King's antechamber, where the Court was assembled, and was received by two dukes and the archbishop of Canterbury (age 79). I conversed with these lords, waiting for the King to go to mass; and we talked of the conference at Bologna. The King, on going to mass, came directly to me, and taking me by the sleeve said, with the utmost graciousness, "You have news from my brother the Emperor." On answering Yes, he asked the date, and then said your Majesty was very careful to give him information. I assured him that you were anxious to make him partaker of all affairs, and thus show your brotherly affection. I then presented your letters, and, as to the particulars of my credentials, he said that the ambassadors in your court were authorised to treat about them. Speaking of your going into Italy I bespoke his good offices.

On his return from mass, he came up to me again, and resumed the subject. When we talked of the necessity of resisting the Turk, and of the Pope's arrival at Bologna on the 5th, I said I thought it advisable that he should commission his ambassadors with the Pope to treat; and I combated his remark that he could do but little against the Turk, seeing he was wealthy, and as absolute in his dominions as the Pope. He urged that this affair was chiefly yours, and if you wished to accomplish it you must make peace with the princes of Italy. I assured him you had never ceased from efforts in this direction. The conversation then turned on the duke Francesco Sforza; and I urged, in opposition to his remark, that your proceedings were as favorable to the Duke as could be. He objected to the cession of Pavia and Alexandria, alleging the cruelties which had taken place at Sienna. I told him Pavia was out of dispute, as it was already given up. "Between ourselves," said he, "I think it is a great shame that whilst the Turk is in Austria, the patrimony of the Emperor, he should not rescue it, but make war upon Christians." On my urging the danger that might be expected from Sforza and the Venetians if your troops were withdrawn, he urged that neither could do anything. Shortly after, changing his tone, he said, with some emphasis, "My brother the king of France has made your Emperor a marvellous offer." This he repeated three times. I said, if it were so, he had now done a virtuous part, and kept his professions. After various other topics it grew late. Not a word was said of the Queen. After dinner he asked me if I had anything more to say.

All here are satisfied with the treaty of Cambray. As for the observance of it, the Queen, as I have already written, has expressed her doubt of its duration. It is supposed to have cost this King 800,000 ducats. He is not therefore likely to break it. People here are not very anxious to repeat the dose, as it is not to their taste. At present they seem on good terms with the French. The ambassador has been only once at court with his brother since my arrival. He has been commanded to deliver his message to the Council, and abstain from communication with the Cardinal; at which he was greatly vexed. Various ambassadors are here. The most in favour is the Milanese, on whom the King has spent money. Those who are now in most credit are the dukes of Norfolk (age 56) and Suffolk (age 45). There is not a single person about the King who is not saturated with French money; and though they profess great affection to you, their affection for money is much stronger. I have submitted the proposition to the King respecting the sea being kept free from pirates. He has ordered a good reception for Mons. Rosymbez.

The downfall of the Cardinal (age 56) is complete. He is dismissed from the Council, deprived of the Chancellorship, and constrained to make an inventory of his goods in his own hand, that nothing may be forgotten. It is said that he has acknowledged his faults, and presented all his effects to the King. Yesterday the King returned to Greenwich by water secretly, in order to see them, and found them much greater than he expected. He took with him "sa mye" (his darling-Ann Boleyn (age 28)), her [his sister] mother (age 49), and a gentleman of his chamber (Norris?) The Cardinal, notwithstanding his troubles, has always shown a good face, especially towards the town, but since St. Luke's Day all has been changed to sighs and tears night and day. The King, either moved by pity, or for fear if he should die the whole extent of his effects would not be found, sent him a ring for his comfort. He has withdrawn with a small attendance to a place ten miles off. They have sent for his son from Paris. People say execrable things of him, all which will be known at this Parliament. But those who have raised the storm will not let it abate, not knowing, if he returned to power, what would become of them. The ambassador of France commiserates him most. It was feared the Cardinal (age 56) would get his goods out of the country, and therefore a strict watch was kept at the ports, and the watch insisted on opening the coffers of cardinal Campeggio (age 54), notwithstanding his passport, and, on his refusal, broke open the locks. He said they had done him great wrong to suppose that he could be corrupted by the Cardinal, since he had been proof against the innumerable presents offered him by the King.

The Chancellor's seal has remained in the hands of the Duke of Norfolk (age 56) till this morning, when it was transferred to Sir Thomas More (age 51). Every one is delighted at his promotion, because he is an upright and learned man, and a good servant of the Queen. He was Chancellor of Lancaster, an office now conferred on the Sieur Villeury (Fitzwilliam). Richard Pace, a faithful servant of your Majesty, whom the Cardinal had kept in prison for two years, as well in the Tower of London as in a monastery (Syon House), is set at liberty. Unless his mind should again become unsettled, it is thought he will rise in higher favour at Court than ever.

There is a young man here, sent by the duke of Saxony, who has much business with the King and the bishop of London (age 55).

Of the King's affair there is nothing new to communicate, except what the bishop of London (age 55) has told me, that Dr. Stokesley (age 54) had been sent to France to consult the doctors of Paris. The Queen begs your Majesty will send some respectable person there to do the same, for without some definitive sentence the King will remain obstinate in his opinions. She thinks that delay will be more dangerous than profitable, and therefore we have thought it desirable not to consent to the postponement demanded. To avoid creating suspicion in the mind of the King, she thinks I had better cease to visit her, but she will provide means for my speaking with her in private. London, 25 Oct. 1529.

P.S.-Two days after I had written the above, the Cardinal (age 56) was definitively condemned by the Council, declared a rebel, and guilty of high treason for having obtained a legatine bull, whereby he had conferred many benefices in the King's patronage. He has been deprived of his dignities, his goods confiscated, and himself sentenced to prison until the King shall decide. This sentence was not given in his presence, but to his two proctors. This he will not find easy of digestion, but worse remains behind (mais encoures ne serat il quicte pour le prix).

Letters and Papers 1533. 27 Jan 1533. Vienna Archives. 89. Chapuys to Charles V.

Three days ago received the Emperor's letters of the 27th ult., concerning the visit of the Emperor and the Pope to Bologna, and the exploit of the prince of Melphi. Communicated part of it to the duke of Norfolk (age 60), to be reported to the King, who was in the country. The Duke was pleased with the news, and thanked me for my good offices, saying they would be as agreeable to the King as to himself. I told him your Majesty was very desirous to preserve friendship, and had such confidence in the King that you would not conceal any of your affairs; you were pleased to hear that the two Cardinals were coming to Italy at the King's instance, and had put off treating with the Pope until their arrival. Said this partly on account of their refusal to allow ambassadors at the interview at Calais, but chiefly because the French ambassador had said that your Majesty wished to settle everything before the Cardinals arrived, but the Pope refused. Norfolk praised your intention, and said the Cardinals had already arrived at Bologna, and were honourably received. He spoke of the sumptuousness of their train, and wondered how they could assemble so great a company in so short a time, as it was agreed by the Kings that they should only take 24 horses between them. When I tried to find out the cause of their mission, he excused himself as before by his illness, which prevented him from attending to business. He said he wished the Emperor had been at St. Omer at the same time, for then the interview would not have been without his presence. I replied, that I thought they did not want many witnesses, as they prevented ambassadors from coming. He said the reason of this was that the object was not to make treaties, but only enjoyment, and it was not worth while to give ambassadors the trouble of coming, but that the presence of your Majesty's would have been the cause of proposing many important matters. I suggested that, perhaps, the Cardinals had orders to put forward what the Kings had wished to treat with your Majesty, and, if it was feasible, they might remedy your Majesty's absence at the inverview. The Duke hoped this would happen, and said that though the Cardinals were good men, and privy councillors of the French king, they only knew the outside of affairs, and everything was in the hands of the Chancellor, Grand Master, and Admiral, all of whom he praised, but especially the Admiral. The Grand Master he liked least of the three.

Letters and Papers 1533. 09 Feb 1533. Vienna Archives. 142. Chapuys to Charles V.

Wrote last on the 29th. Though the Nuncio was put off eight days for an answer, he returned to the duke of Norfolk (age 60) the day I wrote last, and was with him a long time, though he told me nothing of it. Early the next morning he went to Greenwich, and was nearly all day with the King and Council, going from one to the other. Heard of this from a servant of the Queen, and went to the Nuncio to find out the mystery; but he would not repeat what had passed, as he had been accustomed to do, and concealed having spoken to the King and Council. When I said to him that since he had been put off to a certain day for his answer, as the nature of these people is to go further back the more they are pressed, he might injure his business instead of advancing it, he replied that he was a poor gentleman, living by his service, and it was right for him to act thus. I do not quite understand what he meant by this, unless that he pretended he could mend the affair somehow (que ainsi faisant il pourroit a quelque fin que tombat l'affere amender de ceulx cy.) He says that for a year they have made him large offers, if he would favor the divorce. Could get nothing out of him but that he had gone to Greenwich to find the man who had fixed the term of eight days for his answer, and being there did not omit to visit the duke of Norfolk. It seems probable from this dissimulation that the Nuncio was the promoter of these practices. Yesterday morning the King sent for him to give him his answer, and to take him to Parliament. The King went by water, and during the journey praised the Nuncio for his conduct, and thanked him for the affection and goodwill which he showed to his service. He asked him not to take it in bad part, if he gave him no other answer about the proposal he had made to him; the reason was not distrust, but because it would be a useless waste of time, as the whole must be referred to the Pope, and he would send his ambassadors full instructions and powers. The Nuncio told him that as the affair would not admit of delay, if the instructions and powers were not in proper form the Pope would be constrained to proceed to the sentence; for this reason it would be well to communicate the whole to him, and to cause the Queen to send a similar power. To this the King would not consent. The Nuncio told him that if this agreement took effect he must recall the Queen, and treat her more cordially. The King replied that he had already given him an answer about this, and he would do nothing of the kind, and for good reasons, her disobedience and extreme severity to him.

Letters and Papers 1533. 08 Mar 1533. Vienna Archives. 212. Chapuys to Charles V.

I wrote on the 23rd ult. On the 24th I received your Majesty's letters of the 28th Jan. The same day Langez arrived from France, and a French gentleman named Beauvoix from Scotland, who have been, as usual, well received, and dined at the King's table with the other Ambassador the day after their arrival, which was Shrove Tuesday, when the Lady (age 32) took the place usually occupied by the Queen; and there were present the duke of Norfolk (age 60) and other great masters, except Suffolk, although he had been expressly called to come with the order of France. The said Langez and Beauvoix were here but four days, and were every day in Court and in communication with the King and Council, "mays non poinct fort griemant;" and it seems that their hasty despatch was either because Langez could not arrange anything important, or to hasten the settlement of their dispute with Scotland. I think one of the chief objects of Langez's coming has been to take resolution with those here about the Council, which both parties desire to prevent. I am led to think this, because, in talking with Langez, he suddenly said to me that your Majesty had obtained your desire, viz., the said Council, and that the Pope had no mind to refuse you anything since he had been punished by your Majesty by imprisonment and otherwise. And on my declaring to him the displeasure you had felt at his Holiness's imprisonment, and his sudden deliverance as soon as you were informed of it, he intimated that a ransom had been paid for the said deliverance, although it was more honorable and gracious than his Holiness deserved. This I could not allow to pass after declaring the respect you had always felt for his Holiness, and showed that the Pope had done more for his master than for your Majesty, pointing out also the necessity of the said Council, which the Pope must have promoted without being asked. On this Langez retracted what he had said. He told me his master had written to the Pope that a Council was reasonable and necessary, but that two conditions ought to be observed: first, that it must be in a suitable place where all could attend, and if it were held in Italy he should have the right of bringing as many forces as you had brought; and (2) that it should treat of nothing but what concerned the Faith, and enter into no particular quarrels. He did not enter fully into the said conditions, for Brian had just come for him and the other Ambassadors to conduct them to Court, taking no particular pleasure in my conversation with him. Suggests reasons for these conditions; among others, the fear they have lest it should be proposed to restore to the Empire the temporalities now held by the Pope, doubting that your Majesty would grow too great thereby.

Langez proceeded to justify the course he had taken at Paris about the divorce, saying he had not done any bad turn there, as people thought, and that he no more desired the divorce than I did. And he said that last year, when he was in Germany, he had found certain of your ministers very little inclined to the preservation of peace with his master; for that they said that his master had promoted the coming of the Turks. Further, in the course of conversation he said that you had used certain words at an assembly at Ratisbon not honorable to the King his master, stating that when he had been asked for succour against the Turk he had replied that he would not hazard his people.

In consequence of their hurry to go to Court, I had no leisure to treat with the gentleman who returned from Scotland. Conversation with Langez on the peace there, who professed ignorance of what this gentleman has done. Asked Norfolk (age 60), but could get no information. He told me that Langez had talked to the King and his Council, as he had done to me, but did not say much, as Suffolk and Wiltshire (age 56) were standing by while he had to go to the King, who had sent for him already three times. I hope I shall find out some of the particulars of Langez's charge. As to the other, I have learned that since the Scotch king received the Order (of the Golden Fleece) from your Majesty, the Scots are no longer inclined to France, and have proceeded so far as to beat down the arms of France, and put up the Imperial arms in their room. On being informed of this, the French king had sent him to James, explaining that he had not put off giving his daughter in marriage to him. To which the Scotch king made a gracious and prudent answer, expressive of his affection for France; and as to the reception of the Order, he had merely acted in conformity [with your liberality], of which he could not repent; and he spoke much in praise of you.

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

On Tuesday the 7th inst., having been informed of the strange and outrageous conduct and proceedings of this king (age 41) against the Queen (age 47), whereof I have written to Your Majesty, I went to Court at the hour appointed for the King's audience, that I might there duly remonstrate against the Queen's treatment. I took with me Mr. Hesdin, who by the consent of the Queen [of Hungary] is now here to claim the arrears of his pension, in order that he might be present, and hear the remonstrances I had to address the King (age 41), hoping also that if I had to use threatening language the King (age 41) might not be so much offended if uttered in the presence of the said Hesdin. On my arrival at Greenwich [Map] the earl of Vulchier (age 56) (Wiltshire) came to meet me, and leading me to the apartments of the duke of Norfolk (age 60), who had just gone to see the Queen (age 47), said to me that the King (age 41) being very much engaged at that hour had deputed him to listen to what I had to say, and report thereupon. My answer was that my communication was of such a nature and so important that I could not possibly make it to anyone but to the King (age 41) in person. Until now he had never refused me audience, or put me off, and I could not think that he would now break through the custom without my having given him any occasion for it, especially as the King (age 41) knew that Your Majesty most willingly received the English ambassadors at all hours, whatever might be their errand or business. The Earl (age 56) repeated his excuses, and seemed at first disinclined to take my answer back to the King (age 41), until at last, perceiving my firm determination, he went in and came back saying the King (age 41) would see me immediately, though he still tried to ascertain what my business was, and advised me to put off my communication until after the festivals. It was settled at last that I should see the King (age 41) on Thursday in Holy Week, on which day having about me a copy of my last despatch [to Your Majesty], I took again the road to Court, accompanied as before by the said Master Hesdin, and was introduced to the Royal presence by the same earl of Wiltshire (age 56). The King (age 41) received us graciously enough. After the usual salutations and inquiries about Your Majesty's health, the King (age 41) asked me what news I had of your movements. I answered that the letters I had received last were rather old, but that I had reason to believe you had already embarked to return to Spain at the beginning of this present month. This statement the King (age 41) easily believed, and was rejoiced to hear (such is his wish to see you fairly out of Italy). I added that the weather for the last days could not have been more favourable, and therefore that it was to be hoped Your Majesty had reached Spain in safety. Having then asked me whether I had other news to communicate, I told him that your brother, the king of the Romans (age 30), had made his peace with the Turk, and that the latter had sent an embassy, at which piece of intelligence the King (age 41) remained for some time in silent astonishment as if he did not know what to answer.

Letters and Papers 1533. 29 May 1533. Vienna Archives. 556. Chapuys to Charles V.

The duke of Norfolk (age 60), who was to have left on the 26th, the date of my last letters, has, by the King's command, remained two days longer; and this, I think, partly to negotiate with me on matters I shall report hereafter. The day before yesterday he sent to me, early in the morning, an honest man to desire that I would immediately send my most confidential servant to communicate with him on some matters; and considering that on every account my own going would be better than sending any of my servants, I repaired to him immediately, but in disguise and secretly, for the consideration which, as I wrote, prevented me from going to bid him adieu.

After thanking me for the trouble I had taken in coming to him, he said he was going to this meeting of two as great princes as there were in Christendom, where, if it had pleased God that your Majesty had been present, he was sure it would not have been your fault if a most perfect peace and amity were not concluded; of which matter he said your Majesty held the keys, and everything depended upon it, and that since there was no hope of your being personally present, the greatest good that could come would be by your sending ministers well inclined to union. And, either for a joke, or as an acknowledgment of my trouble, or, as the phrase goes, to offer a candle to the enemy, he was pleased to say that he would like much that I were one of the said ministers; wishing also, but with better cause, that the Nuncio here were with his Holiness. To this I replied that it never was owing to your Majesty, nor would be, that Christendom was not perfectly united, declaring the intolerable labors and expenses you had sustained for that end, and that your Majesty desired nothing more than to increase the amity with the King his master, as all the world could easily see. And as it appeared that the union of which he spoke depended on the matter of this cursed marriage, he must not say that your Majesty held the key, but if the King his master would allow it to be determined by an impartial tribunal like the Pope [that would be sufficient]. For this cause he ought to desire that his master should be present at the interview in order that they might urge him to act in this manner, which was all that your Majesty demanded, and which could not be refused to the least person in the world. As to the ministers of your Majesty with his Holiness and the most Christian King, after I had declared their sufficiency, he was satisfied; praying me, nevertheless, that I would write to them by all means to show themselves tractable and do their duty at the said meeting. He added, that he wished your Majesty would send again plenty of ambassadors thither, of whom some should be men of authority, as his master was sending thither many persons, and not among the least persons of the kingdom, and it would be necessary that some one should be there who knew the importance of the common interests of your Majesty's countries and this kingdom. The end of his talk was, that no one was more fit than De Praet, whose appointment he begged me to solicit; and on my saying I did not think you would send more ambassadors without being desired by the Pope, and that I was astonished he had been so long in giving me notice, he answered as to the first that he fully believed that your Majesty had been long ago apprised by the Pope, who would not have dared to treat of this without your consent; and as to not having informed me sooner, it was because the French king had requested his master to keep it as secret as possible, and to disclose it to no one but him and one other. This was about three months ago; since which time the French king had renewed his request several times, that an ambassador should be nominated to go to the said meeting, which charge he desired to perform even at the loss of one of his fingers. He told me afterwards that the King his master had taken in very good part the warnings I had given to Cromwell to avoid occasions of irritating your Majesty; that he had been very much grieved that the arms of the Queen had been not only taken from her barge, but also rather shamefully mutilated; and that he had rather roughly rebuked the Lady's chamberlain, not only for having taken away the said arms, but for having seized the barge, which belonged only to the Queen, especially as there are in the river many others quite as suitable. I praised the King's goodwill touching the arms, and for the rest I said there was no need of excuse, for what belonged to the Queen was the King's still more; adding that I was now encouraged to hope that the King would see to the honorable treatment of the Queen and Princess; for, as I said to Cromwell, the pretence of a scruple of conscience could not extend to their treatment; and if they were ill-used, besides the displeasure of God, he would incur blame from all the world, and greatly irritate your Majesty. On this he spoke as highly of both of them as could be, and said he was very sure your Majesty loved the Princess naturally, but that he thought he loved her more. He mentioned, among other virtues of the Queen, the great modesty and patience she had shown, not only during these troubles, but also before them, the King being continually inclined to amours. And as to the said treatment, he was sure the King would not diminish her dower, of about 24,000 ducats, assigned to her in the time of prince Arthur, if she would content herself with the state a widow princess ought to keep. To this I said I thought the King so wise and humane that, in consideration of the virtue of the Queen, the long and good service she had done him, and also of her kindred, he would not diminish anything of what she had had till then, and I begged him to use his influence to that effect. He swore by his faith "quil avoit bachier (?) plus de 10,000 escuz" that I had spoken to him on this subject; for unless I had opened this door to him, he would not have dared to moot the question for all the gold in the world, but after our communications he would urge the affair to the end, and do his very best, in accordance with my suggestions to Cromwell. He said the King had also taken very well my suggestion that he should write a letter to your Majesty in defence of what he has done in this matter. I protested to him, as I had done to Cromwell, that what I had said was not as ambassador, but as one devoted to the service of the King, and anxious for peace; and as to the said letter, if it did not produce all the effect that the King desired, I hoped he would not reproach me for having solicited it, as it pleased him once to tell me touching the mission of the earl of Wiltshire. Norfolk said there was no fear of this, and begged that I would communicate (fere tenir) the said letter to his Majesty's ambassador, which would be in a packet which he would send me for the said ambassador. This I promised. Nevertheless, I have not yet received the packet.

On this, not wishing to wait dinner, though he desired me, I returned with the intention of sending to him later a servant of mine, which I did. By him and also by Brian Tuke he sent to me to say that he had determined to come to me tomorrow early at my lodging; but as his departure was to be so abrupt, the King would not let him move a step further from him in order to discuss the affairs of his charge, and therefore he begged me very urgently that I would go there, and that he hoped that we should do or at least begin some good work. Next morning I went secretly to see him in his chamber, when he replied to me, as to writing for the despatch of the persons above mentioned, that if your Majesty desired the peace and union to be accomplished, there was no excuse from the shortness of time, for you could receive my letters in 15 days; and as the meeting was not to begin till about the 5th July people could leave Barcelona in time for it, and be there quite as soon as he. He therefore begged me diligently to write, although I put before him the reasons already alleged, and also to see that the King's packet for his ambassador should go along with mine. As to the treatment of the Queen (age 47), he said that the King by their laws was no longer bound to the Queen with respect to the dower she had by Prince Arthur; and moreover that by virtue of the Act passed in this last Parliament, as the Queen would not obey it, the King might use rigour and diminish even the dower she has. Nevertheless, for the reasons which I had mentioned on the previous day and for others, the King would treat her honorably, not indeed so liberally as when she was Queen, unless she would submit to the sentence of divorce which the archbishop of Canterbury [had given]; and he thought I had so much influence with her that I might induce her to do so, by which I should acquire inestimable glory, and be the cause of as great a benefit as could be done not only to this kingdom but to Christendom, which remained disunited simply on this account; also that this way would be more effectual than any other, for if your Majesty would enter into war on this account, it would be the greatest calamity to Christendom. Moreover that it was impossible to fly into this kingdom (que lon ne peult vouler dans ce royaulme), and that, being there, they would find people to talk to, and very difficult to subdue or even to injure; and as to making war upon them by the sea, they, having the aid of France, of which they were as much assured as of their own people, would fear no power whatever. Further he ventured to affirm that if you attempted to make war upon this kingdom you would not be without anxiety to guard your own countries from their friends and allies, who were neither few nor unimportant. For, besides the king of France, who was most constant to them, they had the king of Scotland entirely at their command; who, since the one year's truce made with the King, was anxious for nothing but the conclusion of a peace; and he dared affirm that the Scotch king would come here before 10 months, when a marriage would be concluded between him and the daughter of the king of France. Moreover, they had the friendship of a great part of Germany, and Italy was not so well affected to your Majesty as you might think. He doubted not that the Spaniards, for their courage, and the sake of their reputation, and for the glory of previous victories, would stimulate your Majesty to war; but he trusted your Majesty was too prudent and regardful of ancient friendship and good offices done to you and your predecessors to lend an ear to such advisers, especially considering the arrogance of the Spaniards, who for want of payment have lately mutinied against you.

I answered as to this last, that I knew nothing of it, and, if true, it was not of much importance, for it had happened to many valiant commanders. As to the rest, although there were sufficiently apparent reasons by which to answer him, and also about the injustice done to the Queen, yet as I had come to hear something else, and in order to let him understand that I did not make very much of the terrors which he wished to raise up, I said as little as possible, merely remarking by way of joke that your Majesty was much bound to those who had greater consideration for your injuries than for their own, and that all the world knew your Majesty would not make war, even against those from whom you had received no favor, without being compelled by a very just quarrel; and that in such a case, with the help of God, in whom you placed your trust, you could manage your own affairs; and, moreover, there was no prince in the world who, in my opinion, had better means of obtaining friendships. With this reply I should have left him in a sweat without going further, but I begged him that we might not speak as if war would take place, but rather how to avoid occasion of it; which would never be given on the part of your Majesty. As to what he said of the justice of the Queen, since argument was to no purpose, I made no reply to him; but as to the first point, if he wished me to induce the Queen to submit to the sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury, I denied that I had any influence over her; and, to speak frankly, if I had I would not use it to that effect for all the gold in the world, unless your Majesty should command me; and though I was sure you would never consent to anything except what justice would ordain, yet, to gratify the King, I would write to you about all this, and if perhaps I received your commandment to enter upon such a course, which I did not expect, I would show the King the desire I had to do him service, and help in the preservation of amity. On this the Duke swore by the faith he owed to God that I spoke like an honest man, and that he could not press me further, but begged me to do in this and all else the best I could. Your Majesty will see to what they are reduced when they address themselves to me, when they know very well, as the King once told me, and as I have written to your Majesty, that I have always been and am most devoted to the right of the Queen; so that it must be said either that they are in very great fear, or think me mad, or are themselves altogether blind. And in order to play the part of a corsair among corsairs (pour jouer avec eulx de courssaire a courssaires), I have a little dissembled with the Duke about the treatment of the said ladies, in accordance with your Majesty's commands, awaiting your determination for the remedy of this matter. I have written the said conversations of the Duke in plain writing, because he uttered them in order that I might inform your Majesty; and if, perhaps, he spoke them of himself without command of the King or his Council, I might have given greater faith to what he said to me of their friendships and intelligences, because by nature he is no great dissembler or inventer. And not to speak of the rest, as to the Scots, whatever confidence they have here to have the said Scots at their command, I know for certain that since the date the truce is said to have been concluded, the said Scots have taken several ships at different times, the last being not ten days ago, when they took seven very rich vessels. The Duke, as to what I had said, that the presence of his master would be very desirable at the said meeting, answered that it would be of no use; for if the Pope, the king of France, and all the world were to attempt it, they could not persuade the King to take back the Queen,—such was the scruple of his conscience, joined to the despair of having issue by her; and that it was in vain for the Pope to give sentence, for they will make no account of it or of his censures. No doubt it would give them some trouble, but for that they cared not; and if, perhaps, by reason of the said censures, Spain and Flanders would cease intercourse with the English, the others would share in the injury, and they would send part of their merchandize to Flanders and the rest to Calais, where your subjects to their great inconvenience would be compelled to get their wools, which were indispensable to them, as he said. To this I made no reply, but smiled. After this he began to excuse himself that he had not been a promoter of this marriage, but had always dissuaded it; and had it not been for him and her father, who pretended to be mad to have better means of opposing this marriage, it would have been done secretly a year ago; on which account the Lady was very indignant against both of them. In confirmation of this, I have learned from a very good authority, and from one who was present, that eight days since, the Lady having put in a piece to enlarge her gown, as ladies do when in the family way, her father told her she ought to take it away, and thank God to find herself in such condition; and she, in presence of Norfolk, Suffolk, and the treasurer of the household, replied by way of announcement, that she was in better condition than he would have desired. On departure, the Duke made me many gracious offers of his person and goods, recommending the sending of the said packet, and great care in writing to send personages to the said meeting, and above all to make his recommendations to your Majesty, to whom, after the King his master, he desires most to do service. This he said several times in the presence of the whole Council. I have not been with them since.

Letters and Papers 1535. 05 Feb 1535. 174. On the Monday following at 8 a.m. declared his charge to Cromwell; the Admiral's hope that he would help to bring matters to a good issue, and Francis' satisfaction on hearing that such a virtuous and wise person had the ear of the King. To this Cromwell replied with thanks and expressions of affection that I cannot write. He alone has more influence with his master than any other; the late Cardinal of York had not more. He spoke much of his master's prosperity and authority and the quiet of the kingdom. He has increased his revenue by 500,000 cr., for since the Admiral's departure Parliament has given him the ordinary tenths, besides which he will take this year the annates of bishopries, abbeys, and other benefices, of which the possessors are bound to take from the King new bulls and provisions, and give up those from the Pope as null, and to swear to hold their benefices of the King. He showed me a copy of the oath sworn by the bishops. He says that by a little writing, from himself alone, he can be obeyed and summon all princes and lords for his master's service.

Cromwell then took him to Westminster, where he presented his letters to Norfolk (age 62). He asked much about the Admiral, as did "Messieurs de Suffolck (age 51) et Fischer" (Fitzwilliam?). After dinner, was taken by Cromwell to the King in the matted gallery, where the Admiral (age 43) spoke with the King the first time. He asked a copy in writing of what Gontier had said to him, and put it in his sleeve without looking at it. He then began to walk about, and talked for three hours.

He complained of the practises on the side of Spain for the marriage of the Emperor's daughter with the Dauphin, and not long ago the Imperial ambassador had been for a long time shut up with the French queen; that three despatches had been made towards Spain since the Admiral's return, and he saw now that the delay in Gontier's coming was to wait for a reply. He said they wished to accomplish (joindre) the marriage of the Dauphin and also at the same time that of his daughter the Princess, so as to be supported on both sides. Unless these practises are broken he must be careful of speaking, showing that he has great suspicions, for this was not the language that Francis used both by mouth and in writing. He remembered also one day Francis saying to his children that they must never forget the inhuman treatment of the Emperor to him and to them, and if they did not avenge it after his death, if he could not himself, as he hoped, he gave them his curse. He accused the Emperor of deceit and breaches of faith, and of trying to disturb by false offers the friendship between them, repeating what he had said the previous evening, that he had made him offers, and he could be on good terms with him if he liked, but any reconciliation on this side would be too dangerous. He had kept his promise, and never been engaged in any practises, and he complained of what had been done at Marseilles, of which he had no knowledge nor participation till afterwards. He said the French Council governed as if their only object was to lose good friends, and he wished Francis would take the management of his affairs more into his own hands. In consequence of having supported France he had lost the Emperor's friendship, who called him son bon pere, and had often written and promised that he would do nothing contrary to what he ought as a son. France would find herself deceived, whatever promises he had made; even the surrender of Milan would not be accomplished when the time came. His only intention was to show to England and others that there was no reliance upon Francis' friendship. He would find himself cut out in Italy if he did not advance soon, for the Emperor would be there first, speaking also of the league agreed to by all the potentates and signories of Italy. As to the Pope, Francis ought to act quite differently, and get out of him what he had.

Letters and Papers 1535. 05 Jun 1535. 826. On the 28th Cromwell came twice to my lodging, not having found me the first time; and, anxious and troubled as he showed himself, he told me that when the French came to Calais they began by protesting that they would not speak of war, and they continued this language till Rochford (age 32) left; but afterwards, as the Duke of Norfolk (age 62) wrote, they entirely changed their tone, and were very desirous of war. He said he would not specify in what quarter; not withstanding he immediately observed to me that it was for Milan. Further, in the way of confidence, Cromwell showed me a writing, which, he said, had been enclosed in a letter sent to him by the Admiral of France, although it bore no signature or appearance of being an inclosure. He allowed me to read it in full. The purport was that Francis, having carefully examined the question of the validity of the two marriages of the king of England, found the first unlawful and the other valid, and promised to defend the latter, and procure revocation of the sentence given to the contrary by the Holy See. On reading it I smiled, and said the French knew well what they were doing, and did not promise things without knowing for how much an ell, and, having obtained what they wanted, knew how to wash their hands of their promises. And for this they had several means sufficiently apparent, especially as there would be time enough, before they were called on to fulfil their promises. I added that since the said king of France had taken so much trouble in examining matrimonial questions, this King had no occasion to send lately to Calais; and that, having the promise of such a prince as the king of France, who is not only so great but allied to the Queen, this King, who alleged the fear that princes entertained of the kindred and affinity of your Majesty, ought to make no difficulty in submitting to the determination of the Council. To this he made no reply. In truth I should doubt that the said writing had been drawn up by the English, who want to impute it to the king of France, for otherwise it would not agree with what a very good person has sent to inform the Princess, i.e. that the French insisted on having her for the Dauphin; and this is said commonly at the lodging of the French ambassador. It seems the more probable from what the King said lately, that the Admiral had written on his arrival at Calais, that there was nothing so true as that your Majesty had previously offered them the said Princess.

Letters and Papers 1535. 22 Jun 1535. Add. MS. 8,715, f. 76 b. B. M. 909. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.

The Admiral (age 43), who was 22 days at Calais, returned on the 17th, though it was said everywhere that he would go on to England. Mons. de Ricciafort (age 32) (Rochford), the brother of the new Queen (age 34), came here for eight days, but, as far as could be seen, did nothing. It is only from his relation to the Queen that he is employed, for the King has very few to trust in. All business passes through the hands of people who depend on the new Queen, and must therefore be settled according to her purpose. This was the case in the negociations with the Admiral (age 43), which were broken off on account of his refusal to allow the duke of Angoulême to go to England until the girl was old enough to be married, and because he would not declare in any way against the Church, or in favour of the King's second wife (age 34) (ne voler difendere in alcun modo contro la chiesa o declaratione del concilio la causa della seconda moglie¹). Every one knows that the alliance (parentado) has not been concluded, as both sides confidently affirmed it would be, but that the ambassadors separated very ill satisfied, and the English are guarding Calais more carefully than they have done, even when the French were there in greater numbers. However, both sides affirm the friendship to be firmer than ever. The French king and Council say that their respect to the Holy See and the Pope has been the principal cause of their not coming to some other understanding (ad altro ristretto) with the king of England, who is a most bitter enemy of the Church, and so firm in his opinion that he intends to die in it, and tries to have this kingdom for company. The Duke of Norfolk (age 62), according to the Admiral (age 43), affirms that he would sooner die than see any change as regards the King or the new Queen; which is not unlike what the writer has heard in other ways of Norfolk, viz., that this breaking off might reasonably have been expected, matters depending very much on his dexterity, and the affairs of England being commonly managed more than barbarously. For he, being one of the greatest men in the kingdom, and having sons, and the [his son-in-law] Duke of Richmond (age 16) for his son-in-law, might hope one day to have that daughter for one of his sons, or, if disorders ensued, to get the rule into his own hands. The French lords are not too well contented with the English, who, since Norfolk's return, have despatched a courier, and show themselves displeased that nothing was concluded at Calais. The Admiral (age 43), though he takes Fisher's (age 65) case much to heart, has great fears for his life, especially as the Pope says in the brief that the created him a cardinal to make use of him in the Council. He says also that the English pretended that he could not live much more than a month, being a valetudinarian of 90; which shows what they mean to do with him, reckoning him 25 years older than he is, although they declare there is no hope in any case of his coming out of prison. These are truly the most monstrous things seen in our time. The French make great account with the Pope of not listening to anything proposed to them by the English which might turn to the damage of the Holy See.

Ital., pp. 9, modern copy. Headed: In Amoien, al Sig. M. Ambrogio, alli 12 (sic) ut supra.

2. An extract copy from the original is in the Vatican transcripts, dated Amiens, 22 June 1535. Pp. 3.

Note 1. nor want to defend the cause of the second wife in any way against the church or declaration of the council

Letters 1536. 21 Apr 1536. 699. One of the greatest disappointments I have suffered has been not being able to effect (exploicter) in this matter what your Majesty desires. Greater vigilance and dexterity could not have been used than has been done. I have forborne to write it all, fearing that what I write is already too long, and I beg you to excuse me that I have not been able to do better.—Suggests that if the Emperor, weary of pursuing matters with the English, thinks it expedient to treat with the French, the whole matter should be brought forward by means of the Pope, as they have to do with men of little faith, and that the king of France should promise to obey the commands of the Holy See, especially about the matrimonial sentence and its consequences; and it should be said that if, in consequence of this King's obstinacy, it be necessary to proceed to the promulgation of the bull depriving him of his kingdom, that the right to the kingdom is entirely reserved to the Princess, so that she may not lose the pension and claim of France; and it would be necessary, to give greater occasion to see to the preservation of her life, to arrange something in favor of the lawful successors, or the assistance to your Majesty in the pursuit of her quarrels; and though I think your Majesty would not listen to it, it should be expressly said that neither you nor the said King shall regard as lawful any issue that this King may have of his concubine (age 35), nor of any other wife during her life; which agreement is in conformity with the sentence and with law, unless the Pope dispenses with it, and it would be necessary at once to constrain the Pope not to give such a dispensation; and I think that if this King heard that a part of this had been arranged he would suddenly come to his senses without waiting for the said force to be applied. If your Majesty thinks the matter should be pursued here, it could not but do good to thank the Chancellor and the Duke of Norfolk (age 63) by letter for their good will, begging them to continue.

Letters 1536. 21 Apr 1536. 699. Hereupon, without having given him any occasion except [that I desired] he would take with extreme gentleness and patience what I showed him, he began to be somewhat angry, and reproached your Majesty with great ingratitude, saying that without him you would not have acquired the Empire or enjoyed Spain, and that after you had been elected you had not only treated him with neglect, but had tried to get him declared schismatic and deprived of his kingdom, and that you ("quil," qu "quelle"? i.e. vre. Majesté) had not kept your promise to him not to make peace with the king of France till you had obtained for him the crown of France, and that when Francis was your prisoner you had replied you would not make war on your prisoner. He concealed the other article of the reply, viz., that he had already made a compact with the Chancellor of Alençon, as I showed him, telling him, as to the declarations he spoke of, that he himself had affirmed to me, (and I had not since spoken to him), that he knew well it was the Pope who solicited his (qu. your?) Majesty about it, but that if he was well informed he would find that immediately after the Admiral had left ill content with the last meeting at Calais there were others who solicited the same declarations. I did not cease to beg the King to put all this aside, urging that if there had been in the past any ill understanding so much the more earnest should be the good offices; and I quoted certain authorities and histories serving to this purpose. I afterwards told the King that since he would not give me a more formal answer I begged him to write to his ambassador with your Majesty. He remained some time without knowing what to reply, but afterwards said that if I wished it he was willing to do it, but in that case he held the said reply as not given; and then immediately afterwards said to me that his ambassador was not fit for this, and that I must have the honor since I had made the beginning. The Chancellor and Cromwell appeared to regret these answers, and in spite of the King's gestures (bonnes mynes) to them that they should applaud him, neither of them would say three words. The conclusion was that he would next day look over the treaties he had with your Majesty, and inform me of what they determined. At this slender and provoking reply, after compliments to the Duke of Norfolk (age 63) and others of the Council, I left the Court, and went to wait on Cromwell at the place where we met in the morning, and there we expressed our mutual regret, which was great on both sides, especially on that of Cromwell, who was hardly able to speak for sorrow, and had never been more mortified in his life than with the said reply. I suggested to him that we should suspend the other matters, and consider what could be done about the fourth point, and as to marrying the Princess;—at which he recovered his spirits, and said he had still hope of a good result. Next day, Wednesday of Easter week, the King's whole Council were assembled for three or four hours; and, as Cromwell informed me, there was not one of them but remained long on his knees before the King to beg him, for the honor of God, not to lose so good an opportunity of establishing a friendship so necessary and advantageous; but they had not been able to change his opinion, and that he would sooner suffer all the ills in the world than confess tacitly or expressly that he had done you any injury, or that he desired this friendship, but that if asked for it in good form, as he had said, he would be content. Today, Thursday, Cromwell reported the above to me, and thanked me on the part of the King for the good office I had done, begging me on his part also to continue till the establishment of this friendship was achieved, and that afterwards all the other points would be disposed of to your Majesty's satisfaction; and begged, for the honor of God, that I would at least obtain a letter of credence addressed to the King, saying that the King would liberally acknowledge my trouble. Moreover, he has given me to understand that he told the King his master that if he had known what has taken place in this affair, he would not have meddled with it for all the gold in England, and that henceforth he would not treat with ambassadors without having a colleagne; telling me also that although he had always pretended that what he said to me was of his own suggestion, yet he had neither said nor done anything without express command from the King. On my asking him what could have made this variation in the King's will, he said he could not imagine what spirit it was, and that at least I had given him no occasion, for the King himself was satisfied with the moderate language I had used; and he concluded that princes have spirits or properties which are hidden and unknown to all others. By which conversations Cromwell showed covertly his dissatisfaction at the strange contradictions of his master. He also told me that the King was writing to his ambassadors in France to desire the French king to desist from his enterprises, and that he had spoken of it yesterday also to the French ambassador, who, as the said Cromwell told me, came back yesterday from Court as mortified as I was the day before.

Wriothesley's Chronicle 1536. 15 May 1536. And first the Kinges commission was redd, and then the Constable of the Tower (age 60)^e and the Lieutenant (age 56) brought forthe the Queene (age 35) to the barre, where was made a chaire for her to sitt downe in, and then her indictment was redd afore her,^g whereunto she made so wise and discreet aunsweres to all thinges layde against her, excusinge herselfe with her wordes so clearlie, as thoughe she had never bene faultie to the same,^a and at length putt her to the triall of the Peeres of the Realme, and then were 26 of the greatest peeres there present chosen to passe on her, the Duke of Suffolke beinge highest, and, after they had communed together, the yongest lorde of the saide inquest was called first to give verdict, who sayde guiltie, and so everie lorde and earle after their degrees sayde guiltie to the last and so condemned her. And then the Duke of Northfolke (age 63) gave this sentence on her, sayinge: Because thou haste offended our Sovereigne the Kinges grace, in committinge treason against his person, and here attaynted of the same,' the lawe of the realme is this, that thou haste deserved death, and thy judgment is this: That thow shalt be brent here within the Tower of London on the Greene [Map], els to have thy head smitten of as the Kinges pleasure shal be further knowne of the same; and so she was brought to warde agayne, and two ladies wayted on her, which came in with her at the first, and wayted still on her, whose names were the Ladie Kingstone (age 60) and the [his sister] Ladie Boleyn (age 56), her aunte.

Note e. Sir William Kingston (age 60).

Note f. Sir Edmond Walsingham (age 56).

Note g. Her indictment, which comprised six sereral charges, is preserred in the Public Record Office, with the subsequent proceedings thereon.

Note a. Upon her examination she positively denied she had ever been false to the King; but, being told that Norris, Weston, Brereton, and Smeton had accused her, she said she ought not to conceal certain things which had passed between her and them. See Burnet, tom, i. pp. 191, 280, &c.

Letters 1536. But she did not give up her greatness, but spoke to the lords as a mistress. Those who came to interrogate were astonished. They afterwards went to Rochford, who said he knew that death awaited him and would say the truth, but raising his eyes to Heaven denied the accusations against him. They next went to Norris, Waston, and Barton, who all likewise refused to confess, except Mark, who had done so already. The King ordered the trial at Westminster, which was held after the manner of the country.

Description of the process of indictment and how the archers of the guard turn the back [of the axe] to the prisoners in going, but after sentence of guilty the edge is turned towards their faces; the trial at Westminster; the verdict; whereupon suddenly the axe was turned towards them; and the sentence. Everyone was moved at their misfortune, especially at the case of Waston, who was young and of old lineage and high accomplishments; but no one dared plead for him, except his mother, who, oppressed with grief, petitioned the King, and his wife, who offered rents and goods for his deliverance. But the King was determined the sentence should be carried out. If money could have availed, the fine would have been 100,000 crowns.

Rochford (deceased) was not tried at Westminster, but at the Tower, with the Queen. His calm behaviour, and good defence. More himself did not reply better. The judges at first were of different opinions, but at last one view overturned the other and they were unanimous. The Duke of Norfolk (age 63) as president, though maternal uncle of the accused, asked them if he was guilty or not, and one replied guilty. Rochford (deceased) then merely requested the judges that they would ask the King to pay his debts. The Queen then was summoned by an usher. She seemed unmoved as a stock, and came away with her young ladies, not as one who had to defend her cause but with the bearing of one coming to great honor. She returned the salutations of the lords with her accustomed politeness, and took her seat. She defended herself soberly against the charges, her face saying more for her than her words; for she said little, but no one to look at her would have thought her guilty. In the end the judges said she must resign her crown to their hands; which she did at once without resistance, but protested she had never misconducted herself towards the King. She was then degraded from all her titles,—countess, marchioness, and princess, which she said she gave up willingly to the King who had conferred them. Sentence of death, either by sword or fire, at the pleasure of the King, was pronounced by Norfolk. Her face did not change, but she appealed to God whether the sentence was deserved; then turning to the judges, said she would not dispute with them, but believed there was some other reason for which she was condemned than the cause alleged, of which her conscience acquitted her, as she had always been faithful to the King. But she did not say this to preserve her life, for she was quite prepared to die. Her speech made even her bitterest enemies pity her.

Meanwhile the prisoners prepared to die and took the Sacrament. Description of the execution of Rochford (deceased), with his dying speech, not unlike the version given in No. 1107. The other four said nothing, as if they had commissioned Rochford (deceased) to speak for them, except Mark, who persisted in what he said that he was justly punished for his misdeeds.

The Queen, in expectation of her last day, took the Sacrament. Then the day of her death was announced to her, at which she was more joyful than before. She asked about the patience shown by her brother and the others; but when told that Mark confessed that he had merited his death, her face changed somewhat. "Did he not exonerate me," she said, "before he died, of the public infamy he laid on me? Alas! I fear his soul will suffer for it."

Next day, expecting her end, she desired that no one would trouble her devotions that morning. But when the appointed hour passed she was disappointed,—not that she desired death, but thought herself prepared to die and feared that delay would weaken her. She, however, consoled her ladies several times, telling them that was not a thing to be regretted by Christians, and she hoped to be quit of all unhappiness, with various other good counsels. When the captain came to tell her the hour approached and that she should make ready, she bade him for his part see to acquit himself of his charge, for she had been long prepared. So she went to the place of execution with an untroubled countenance. Her face and complexion never were so beautiful. She gracefully addressed the people from the scaffold with a voice somewhat overcome by weakness, but which gathered strength as she went on. She begged her hearers to forgive her if she had not used them all with becoming gentleness, and asked for their prayers. It was needless, she said, to relate why she was there, but she prayed the Judge of all the world to have compassion on those who had condemned her, and she begged them to pray for the King, in whom she had always found great kindness, fear of God, and love of his subjects. The spectators could not refrain from tears. She herself having put off her white collar and hood that the blow might not be impeded, knelt, and said several times "O Christ, receive my spirit !"

One of her ladies in tears came forward to do the last office and cover her face with a linen cloth. The executioner then, himself distressed, divided her neck at a blow. The head and body were taken up by the ladies, whom you would have thought bereft of their souls, such was their weakness; but fearing to let their mistress be touched by unworthy hands, forced themselves to do so. Half dead themselves, they carried the body, wrapped in a white covering, to the place of burial within the Tower. Her brother was buried beside her, Weston (deceased) and Norris after them. Barton and Mark also were buried together (en ung couble).

The ladies were then as sheep without a shepherd, but it will not be long before they meet with their former treatment, because already the King has taken a fancy to a choice lady. And hereby, Monseigneur, is accomplished a great part of a certain prophecy which is believed to be true, because nothing notable has happened which it has not foretold. Other great things yet are predicted of which the people are assured. If I see them take place I will let you know, for never were such news. People say it is the year of marvels.Fr.

Letters 1536. 06 Jun 1536. The King had said to me before with great protestations that it was not by way of reproach, and he begged me not to inform you about it if I did not think it for the benefit of affairs; that, because the promise formerly made to him to continue the war against the king of France, even to the privation of the Crown, had not been kept, he feared that when they came to treat it would be the same thing again. But I satisfied him on this point by several reasons.

On my leaving the King he called several of his Council who were there in the chamber, and repeated to them our communications. Meanwhile I went to talk with this Queen's brother [Edward Seymour (age 36)], whom I left very well informed of the great good it would be, not only to the Queen his sister and all their kin, but also to the realm and all Christendom likewise, if the Princess were restored to her rights; and I am sure he will use his good offices therein. The Duke of Norfolk (age 63) afterwards, leaving, told me that I should see without being told that the King his master had no need of Chancellor or Council to make his replies and take his determinations, for he did all his business himself. I afterwards spoke to Cromwell, reporting the brusque words the King had used to me, but excusing him because he had already taken upon himself the office of an arbiter, who to bring the parties to an agreement imputes blame to both. Cromwell replied that I had spoken truly, and he thought it a great advantage that I understood the nature and artifice of the King his master, and that he could assure me all would go well; and he prayed God that during these interludes your Majesty's army might make notable progress, and that if the Princess were restored, which he hoped would be by Saturday next, all the rest could be easily settled; and that the Queen, after leaving me, had spoken to the King as warmly as possible in favor of the Princess, putting before him the greatness and goodness of all her kindred. Cromwell would advise your Majesty to write a rather long letter to the King about the injuries done you by the king of France, your efforts for peace, the expences you have incurred, and offering still to accept a sure and honorable peace, especially for the King's sake; and that you might send me the conditions apart if you did not think proper to write them to the King, among which conditions Cromwell presupposes would be the demand for Burgundy.

Hall's Chronicle 1536. Around Oct 1536. After that the King’s highness was credibly certified of this new insurged insurrection, he making no delay in so weighty a matter, caused with all speed the Dukes of Norffolke (age 63) and Suffolke (age 52), the Marques of Exeter (age 40), the Erle of Shrewsbury (age 68) with other, accompanied with his mighty and royal army, which was of great power and strength, forthwith to set upon the rebels: but when these noble captains and counsellors approached, the rebels and perceived their number and saw how they were bent to battle, they practised with great policy to have pacified all without bloodsheding, but the Northern men were so stiff necked that they would in no wise stoop, but stoutly stood and maintained their wicked enterprise, wherefore the nobles above said perceiving and seeing none other way to pacify these wretched rebels, agreed upon a battle, the battle was appointed, and the day was assigned: but, se the same night which was the night before the day of the battle appointed, fell a small rain nothing to speak of but yet as it were by a great miracle of god, the water which was but a very small ford, and that men in manner the day before might have gone dry-shod over, suddenly rose of such a height, deepness and breadth that the like no man that there did inhabit could tell that ever they saw it so afore, so that the day, even when the hour of battle should come it was impossible for the one army to come at the other.

After this appointment made between both the armies (disappointed as it is to be thought only by God, who extended his great mercy and had compassion on the great number of innocent persons, that in that deadly slaughter had like to have been murdered) could take no place: Then by the great wisdom and policy of the said captains, a communication was had, and a pardon of the King’s Majestic obtained, for all the captains and chief doers of this insurrection, and they promised that such things as they found themselves aggrieved withall they should gently be heard, and there reasonable petitions granted and that their articles should be presented to the King’s Majesty, that by his highness authority, and wisdom of his counsel, all things should be brought to good order and conclusion: and with this order every man quietly departed, and those which before were bent as hot as fire to fight, being letted thereof by God, went now peaceably to their houses, and were as cold as water. A domino factum est istud [This was done by the Lord].

Letters and Papers 1537. 03 Jul 1537. 206. Robert Southwell to Cromwell.

On his way towards Furness, found the Duke of Norfolk (age 64) at Sheriff Hutton in Yorkshire, and delivered Cromwell's letter, on reading which the Duke seemed glad of Southwell's coming. The Duke walked into the park with him to confer of divers matters, as of Gostwyk's, Pope's, and Freman's, whereof at his departure Cromwell commissioned him; and he, being desirous of amity between the Duke and Cromwell, took the occasion to recite many arguments he had perceived both before and since the Duke's going Northward of Cromwell's friendship to the same. The Duke answered, "Sowthwell," quoth he, "I confess all to be true that you have spoken and myself to be knowing of no less than you have said, for having the experiments that I have of his friendship towards me and mine for my sake, if I should have diffidence in him I were not worthy to be taken ay an honest man, and if there were any spark of mistrust in me toward him I would not disguise it to you, whom I take both to be my friend and an honest man." Assures Cromwell that wherever the Duke went, after reproving the people for their untruth to the King, he blamed most their inhumanity towards Cromwell. Heard this of the people themselves, who are very penitent, though the original default was not in them. Has heard many complaints as he passed through; if it is as they say, they are not well treated. The tenants of Wynterberne complain of my Lord of Cumberland: wherewith he would not meddle other than for the "vndevalue" (undervalue?) of the manor, which touches his office; for he has learnt, in the short while he has served the King, that it is best to be silent. Begs favour. Assures Cromwell the King's fee and all he has beside is not us much as the office in London he gave up on entering the King's service. Can get nothing more than his fee of £20 Truly, if he had sold the cattle, &c. there to the rich, leaving the poor unserved, he might have benefited himself more. Begs remembrance of the Bishop of St. Assez suit and his touching the priory of Rochester. Furneys, 3 July.

Hol., pp. 4 Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.

Letters and Papers 1533. Apr 1553. R. O. 423. The Staple Of Calais.

"Demands to be made of the King's behalf of the merchants of the Staple."

1. That they shall pay the King the sums due this day upon all obligations according to the days of payment. 2. That they shall pay ½d. more on each woolfell that they shall load hereafter to Calais, and 13s. 4d. more on every sack. 3. That they shall bring in bullion for every sack according to law, and not henceforth make any exchanges without licence.

On these conditions the King is willing to take their house and lands in Calais and the Marches, and to accept the other offers made in their supplication, and to grant them liberty to ship and to continue their company, and to pay for no more wools and fells than they shall ship.

In Cromwell's hand, p. 1.

ii. Memoranda on the back of the preceding:—

"For to remember the judgment to be prepared for in the King's great matter.

Item, for the despatch of my lord of Norfolk (age 80).

Item, the bill for the succession, and to rest upon the same.

Item, for to devise for the coronation, and to see presendementtes for the same.

Item, to devise for lands for the Queen.

Item, for the establishment of the Dowager."

In Cromwell's hand.