21 Jan 1536. Vienna Archives. 141. Chapuys to Charles V.

My man has sent me from Flanders, where the Queen has kept him some days, your Majesty's letters of the 13th ult., to which I must delay replying till his return. I thank you for writing that I shall not be forgotten when the time of distribution of benefices arrives. Must not omit to say that the enterprise mentioned in the said letters is becoming more difficult every day, especially since the death of the Queen (deceased), as they have kept more company than before ("lon a tenu plus de court et en plus de regard que par avant"). I have also received your Majesty's letters of the 29th, with your most prudent discourse touching the perplexity of the affairs of the late good Queen (deceased) and of the Princess (age 19), the substance of which considerations, though not so well put, has been already at times communicated to the said ladies. Moreover, I added another point, viz., that what was chiefly to be feared, if they were compelled to swear all that the King wished (besides the bad effect mentioned in your Majesty's letters, that so many would lose heart and join the new heresy), the danger would be, not that the King would proceed by law to punish daily disobedience, but that, under color of perfect reconciliation, if he were to treat them well,—I don't suppose the King but the Concubine (age 35) (who has often sworn the death of both, and who will never be at rest till she has gained her end, suspecting that owing to the King's fickleness there is no stability in her position as long as either of the said ladies lives), will have even better means than before of executing her accursed purpose by administering poison, because they would be less on their guard; and, moreover, she might do it without suspicion, for it would be supposed when the said ladies had agreed to everything that the King wished and were reconciled and favorably treated after they had renounced their rights, there could be no fear of their doing any mischief, and thus no suspicion would arise of their having received foul play.

The King and Concubine (age 35), impatient of longer delay, especially as they saw that proceedings were taken at Rome in good earnest, and that when your Majesty goes thither the provisions will be enforced, determined to make an end of the Queen's process, as you will see by what follows. It must have been very convenient for them that she died before the Princess, for several reasons, and, among others, because it was at her instance that proceedings were taken at Rome, and because they had less hope of being able to bring her over to their opinions, reckoning more upon her constancy by reason of age than on that of her daughter, especially because, not being naturally subject to their laws, they could not constrain her by justice as they could her daughter. Further, I think the cupidity which governs them has led them more to anticipate the death of the mother, as they will not be obliged to restore the dowry.

21 Jan 1536. 141. Now the King and Concubine (age 35) are planning in several ways to entangle the Princess in their webs, and compel her to consent to their damnable statutes and detestable opinions; and Cromwell was not ashamed, in talking with one of my men, to tell him you had no reason to profess so great grief for the death of the Queen, which he considered very convenient and advantageous for the preservation of friendship between your Majesty and his master; that henceforth we should communicate more freely together, and that nothing remained but to get the Princess to obey the will of the King, her father, in which he was assured I could aid more effectually than anybody else, and that by so doing I should not only gratify the King but do a very good office for the Princess, who on complying with the King's will would be better treated than ever. The Concubine (age 35), according to what the Princess sent to tell me, threw the first bait to her, and caused her to be told by her aunt, the gouvernante (age 60) of the said Princess, that if she would lay aside her obstinacy and obey her father, she would be the best friend to her in the world and be like another mother, and would obtain for her anything she could ask, and that if she wished to come to Court she would be exempted from holding the tail of her gown, "et si la meneroit tousjours a son cause" (?); and the said gouvernante (age 60) does not cease with hot tears to implore the said Princess to consider these matters; to which the Princess has made no other reply than that there was no daughter in the world who would be more obedient to her father in what she could do saving her honor and conscience.From what the Princess has sent to tell me, it seems probable that the King will shortly send to her a number of his councillors to summon her to give the oath. She requested me to notify to her what to reply, and I wrote that I thought she had best show as good courage and constancy as ever with requisite modesty and dignity (honesteté), for if they began to find her at all shaken they would pursue her to the end without ever leaving her in peace; and that I thought they would not insist very much on her renouncing her right openly, nor abjuring the authority of the Pope directly, but that they might press her to swear to the Concubine (age 35) as Queen, alleging that as the Queen was dead there could be no excuse for opposition. I wrote to her to use every effort to avoid any discussion with the King's deputies, beseeching them to leave her in peace that she might pray to God for the soul of the Queen, her mother, and also for His aid, and declaring that she was a poor and simple orphan without experience, aid, or counsel, that she did not understand laws or canons, and did not know how then to answer them; that she should also beseech them to intercede with the King, her father, to have pity on her weakness and ignorance; and, if she thought it necessary to say more, she might add that as it is not the custom to swear [fealty] here to Queens, and such a thing had not been done when her mother was held as Queen, she cannot but suspect that it would be directly or indirectly to her prejudice; also that if she (Anne Boleyn) was Queen, her swearing or refusing to swear did not matter, and likewise if she is not; and that she remembers well one thing,—that in the Consistorial sentence by which the first marriage had been declared valid, this second marriage was annulled, and it was declared that this lady could not claim the title of Queen, for which reason she thought in conscience that she could not go against the Pope's command, and that by so doing she-would prejudice her own right. I also suggested to the Princess that she might tell her gouvernante (age 60) it was but waste of time to press such matters upon her, because she would lose her life ten times before consenting to it without being better informed and her scruple of conscience removed by other persons than those of this realm whom she held "suspects," and that, if the King, her father, would give her time till she came "en eaige de perfection," from which she was perhaps not far removed, God would inspire her to devote herself entirely to him and enter religion, in which case she considers her honor and conscience might be preserved; or she might be meanwhile otherwise informed;—that this delay could be no disadvantage to the King, her father, but rather the contrary, for if she came to consent to matters the act at such an age would be of more validity. This I wrote to her, not as a positive instruction, but only as matter for consideration. I will think more at large of other means for putting the matter off in case of extremity, but if they have determined to poison her (luy donner a manger), neither taking the Sacrament nor any other security that can be invented will be of much avail.

21 Jan 1536. At the request of the Princess, who has twice written to me about it very warmly, I have again this morning asked leave of the King to visit her. Cromwell has sent word in reply that the King will grant it as soon as she is removed from where she is, which will be very shortly. I cannot tell, however, what to think of it considering the promises I have formerly received, seeing that notwithstanding that the King, since I spoke to him, gave me leave to send one of my servants thither every week, and Cromwell also had granted it to me two or three times, yet the gouvernante (age 60) refused the day before yesterday to let my man speak to the Princess, telling him she was forbidden to let anyone speak with her without bringing a letter or token from the King; yet she offered for my sake to let my man see her, provided he promised not to say anything of it to anybody, but she did not dare to allow him to converse with her; and this courtesy the gouvernante (age 60) showed in consideration of some little presents, which I have heretofore made her by advice of the Princess. The latter, hearing from her oratory the conversation between the said gouvernante (age 60) and my man, and finding she would have no opportunity of speaking with him. called out loud to the gouvernante (age 60) to let him go, and that, please God, she would nut see him or any other to the displeasure of the King, her father. Perhaps they do not wish anyone to speak to her until she has received the said summons. I do not know if it would be good that your Majesty should send some personage to see her who should make the necessary representations to the King for the amendment of her treatment; which, as she has sent to tell me this morning, grows worse and worse. That would be a comfort to her, and would encourage this people in hope while the remedy was preparing there. But it would be convenient if your Majesty's affairs would allow, that whoever should come should adopt rather a high tone, otherwise it would be no use; for, as the good Queen used to say, these men show themselves sheep to those who appear like wolves, and lions to those who show them some respect, and she always forecast that the gentleness used towards them owing to the exigence of the common affairs of Christendom would be the cause of her destruction; and if no one shows resentment at the death of the said Queen, it will encourage them to put an end to the other (d'achever Pautre, i.e., the Princess). And though it may not be advisable to make mention of poison, yet there is good ground for speaking otherwise of the rigour and illtreatment shown to her. Several of them confess, and even keep on saying that grief was the cause of her death, to exclude suspicion of anything worse. Seeing, therefore, that the grief of the Princess is now more dangerous, especially as it is increased by her mother's death, there is good occasion to insist upon her better treatment. "Sire, l'amyte et compassion de ceste bonne dame me fait passer lymites; je supplie a vostre majeste le me pardonner et l'attribuer a ladite compassion."

21 Jan 1536. Since my last letters of the 9th inst. I have had no opportunity of writing. I soon after sent one of my servants to the place where the good Queen died, to learn the circumstances since my departure, and also to comfort the poor servants, and to see what I could do both for them and for the funeral, for which the Queen had left some directions. My man returned only three days ago, and informed me that for two days after I left her the Queen appeared to be better; and even on the day of the Kings (Feast of Epiphany, 6th January), on the evening of which she, without any help, combed and tied her hair and dressed her head. Next day, about an hour after midnight, she began to ask what o'clock it was, and if it was near day; and of this she inquired several times after, for no other object, as she at length declared, but to be able to hear mass and receive the sacrament. And although the Bishop of Llandaff, her confessor, offered to say mass before 4 o'clock, she would not allow him, giving several reasons and authorities in Latin why it should not be done. When day broke she heard mass and received the sacrament with the utmost fervour, and thereafter continued to repeat some beautiful orisons, and begged the bystanders to pray for her soul, and that God would pardon the King her husband the wrong he had done her, and that the divine goodness would lead him to the true road and give him good counsel. Afterwards she received extreme unction, applying herself to the whole office very devoutly.

Knowing that according to English law a wife can make no will while her husband survives, she would not break the said laws, but by way of request caused her physician to write a little bill, which she commanded to be sent to me immediately, and which was signed by her hand, directing some little reward to be made to certain servants who had remained with her. She also declared that she desired to be buried in a convent of Observants of the Order of St. Francis, to which her robes should be given to make church ornaments, and that the furs should be reserved for the Princess, her daughter, to whom she likewise desired to be given a collar with a cross which she had brought from Spain. On these points Cromwell replied to one of my servants, that as to the burial, it could not be done where she had desired, for there remained no convent of Observants in England; but as to the rest, everything would be done as regards the Princess and the servants as honourably and magnificently as I could demand. Next day I sent my man to the Court to Cromwell, to ascertain the whole will of the King on the subject, and to request that the King would write to the physician and apothecary of the Queen to go to the Princess. And though Cromwell had said he would get my man to speak to the King, yet he had no audience except of Cromwell himself, who called him into the room in which were two ambassadors of Scotland, who are returning to France, and conversed long with my man, asking him of my health "et de mon exercise,"—all, as I imagine, to make the said ambassadors believe that there were great matters "sur le bureaul" and very good understanding between us. At the end he spoke to him more coolly than he had done the day before, adding the condition that the King wished first to see what the robes and furs were like, and that if the Princess wished to have what had been given her she must first show herself obedient to her father, and that I ought to urge her to be so. As to the physician, he said if my man would go to him in his lodging he would give him letters for him. At evening he put off my man till next clay, and on his returning next day, told him that he was sending to me, on the part of the King, the person who had come to accompany me when I went to the Queen; and Cromwell begged my man to urge me not to refuse an audience to him whom he sent to me. The said person acknowledged to me in conversation that Cromwell had promised my man to write to the Queen's physician and apothecary to go to the Princess, but that afterwards, having considered the matter with the King, he thought that as they were Spaniards, and not his subjects, they will make as little difficulty in obeying my letters as his own, and that I might write to them, and if they objected and the need was greater than it was at present, for he did not consider the said Princess ill, he would write to them as should be convenient. As to the burial, the King said the same as Cromwell, that the bequest of her robes to the Church was superfluous, considering the great abundance of ecclesiastical vestments in England, and that although the Queen's will was not accomplished in this respect, something would be done in the abbey where she should be interred that would be more notable and worthy of her memory; that the abbey intended for her was one of the most honorable in all England. It is 17 miles from where she lived, and is called Pittesbery (Peterborough). As to the servants, it concerned nobody so much as himself to require their services, as he had appointed them to her service. As to the Princess, it depended only on herself that she should have not merely all that her mother left her, but all that she could ask, provided she would be an obedient daughter. Hereupon he entered on a great discussion touching this obedience; but I think in the end he regretted having gone so far, because he did not know well what to reply to me but that the King must be obeyed, and she must not presume to be wiser or of better conscience than her father. And on my telling him that the urgency with which her father had pressed her, and the threats that had been used, had been only to induce the Queen, her mother, on whom everything depended; to consent to the King's will; and as the cause had now ceased, I hoped the Princess would not be importuned any further, especially now in her time of trouble, as it might bring on some severe illness, or even death, which would be a very great loss, and could produce no good. He replied that there was no trouble or other cause which could excuse the said Princess from obeying her father's commands, and that the King would not forbear to do what seemed to him reasonable—in fact (he presently added) whatever he wished. And even if the said Princess died, it would be no such great evil as people supposed; and that the King his master had already well discussed all the ill effects that could possibly arise from it, and that he was well able to answer for everything. He had held the same language to my man in coming from Cromwell's house. Your Majesty will consider to what state matters have come.

21 Jan 1536. 141. It was reported here that the King, intending to go or send some good personage to console her, had ordered the death of her mother to be kept secret from the Princess; but it was no use; her gouvernante (age 60) told her the news four days after the Queen's death, before which time I had already written a consolatory letter for her, and had sent it to one of her ladies to present to her, which letter gave her great cousolation. Soon afterwards she wrote me in reply a very good letter, well written and well worded, in which, besides infinite thanks for all the good I had done her, she begged me to intimate to the King, her father, that if he took her away from the company in which she was she thought it would be fatal to her, and that following my counsel she would endeavour to show such constancy as I wrote to her, but in any case she would prepare herself to die. On the evening of the same day she begged her gouvernante (age 60) to write to the King to have the physician and apothecary of the Queen, rather, as I think to hear particulars of her mother's illness and death than for any need she had of their services; and, on the King replying that any illness she might suffer must be from worry (facherie), and that she had no need of a physician, she wrote me another letter, begging me, among other things, to press for the said physician and apothecary, which I did, as your Majesty will have seen above. I sent the day before yesterday to the Princess the letters your Majesty wrote to the Queen, her mother, and also that the Queen Regent in Flanders wrote to her, from which she received inestimable comfort, as she wrote me by a letter of hers, which I received half an hour ago. She has written to me since she heard the death of the Queen more frequently than she did before, and this, I think, to testify the good heart and constancy to which I continually exhort her, in which certainly she shows great sense and incomparable virtue and patience to bear so becomingly the death of such a mother to whom she bore as much love as any daughter ever did to her mother, who was her chief refuge in her troubles.

21 Jan 1536. One of the two[Scotch] ambassadors who passed this way about two months ago, returning from France, visited me on repassing the other day, and among other things told me of himself that the French had avoided informing the King, his master, of the death of the duke of Milan, well knowing that the practices for the marriage of the King, his master, were being interrupted, and without that they did not yet know how they stood as regards the French marriage; and that they had been trying hard of late to find out if the King would consent to give the Princess to the King, his master, but they find no likelihood of it. The said ambassador told me they had shown this King a brief, written by the Pope to the King, their master, expressing his desire to deprive Henry of his kingdom, and that if it appeared to him that the said King, their master, was able to treat for a reconciliation between the Pope and him, he would employ himself therein with very good will. To this the King replied that there was no occasion for the king of Scots or any other to trouble himself, for the Queen being dead, at whose request the whole had been done, he imagined there would be no further question, for he supposed his Holiness would attempt nothing in vindication of his primacy over the Church, considering the questions that had arisen about it at all times, and that, besides the Greeks having always held the King's opinion, the greater part of Germany, and other northern Princes, agreed with him also. He told me also that the ambassadors sent by this King a few months ago to Scotland were only to persuade the king of Scots to withdraw his obedience from the Apostolic See; but they have lost their labor, for they got nothing but ridicule. The first time they spoke to the King they asked for a secret audience, "et ny outrement que le secretaire," and as soon as the said ambassadors entered on the subject of their heresies, there arose the most horrible thunder that had been heard for a long time. Then the King began to make the sign of the Cross, not so much for the horror of the thunder, as he said, as of what the same ambassadors suggested. This King is sending new ambassadors to Scotland upon the same business, as the said ambassador has given me to understand, to whom I did not speak at great length except to assure him of your goodwill to his master, telling him, moreover, that they were good and wise, and that, seeing the state of matters here and elsewhere, they might very well secure their interests both for the present and for the future.

He who is called baillie of Amboise, of whom I have several times written to your Majesty, left here a few days ago, and having passed Boulogne, he was taken and detained at the request of the French ambassador here resident. To-day a French gentleman has arrived from Germany who belongs to M. de Langey. When I can learn his charge I will inform you. London, 21 Jan. 1535. French. From a modern copy, pp. 14.

Parl. Roll 27 Henry VIII. 243. Parliament. Holden by prorogation at Westminster, 4 Feb. 27 Henry VIII. Acts passed concerning—

1. Manor of Grenes Norton assured to the King.

2. Jointure of lady Elizabeth Vaux.

3. Lands late of Sir John Tuchet, lord Audeley, assured to the King.

4. Agreement between the Earl of Rutland and the city of York.

5. Exchange with the Duke of Norfolk and the prior and convent of Thetford.

6. Exchange with the archbishop of Canterbury.

7. Moiety of lands lately issued by Cornelys Vanderdelf assured to Rich. Hyll.

8. Lady Eleanor Clyfford's jointure.

9. Pardon to the Duke of Suffolk.

10. Exchange between the Duke of Suffolk and the Earl of Northumberland.

11. The Duke of Suffolk's place in Southwark assured to the King and Norwich Place to the Duke of Suffolk.

12. Agreement between the Duke of Suffolk and Sir. Chr. Wylloughby.

13. Manor of Hasyllegh assured to the Queen.

14. Exoneration of Oxford and Cambridge from First Fruits and Tenths.

15. "An Act between Sir Piers Dutton and others."

16. Partition of lands between the heirs of lord Broke.

17. Temporalities of Norwich assured to the King.

18. Dissolution of the lesser monasteries.

19. Partition of lands between lord Thomas Howard and Sir Thomas Ponynges.

20. The Earl of Northumberland's lands assured to the King.

21. Lands assured to Sir Thomas Audeley, the Lord Chancellor.

22. A void plot of ground in Chepe assured to the mayor and commonalty of London.

23. Manor of Halyng assured to the King.

24. Manor of Colly Weston assured to the Queen.

25. Exchange with Corpus Christi College, Oxford.

26. Exchange with the prior and convent of Marten.

27. Lands assured to Sir Arthur Darcy.

28. Jointure of Anne Fitzwilliam.

29. Lands assured to lord William Howard.

30. Lands assured to Thomas Pope.

31. Deed of feoffment by Sir Thomas More annulled.

32. Attainder of John Lewes.

33. A longer day to be given to collectors of the Tenths to bring in their certificate.

34. Manor of Bromhill assured to the King.

35. "An Act for reëdifying of divers towns."

36. "An Act concerning the forging of the King's Sign Manual," &c.

37. "An Act for avoiding of exactions taken at Kingston upon Hull.

38. Concerning pirates.

39. For making justices of the peace in Wales.

40. Concerning the breed of horses.

41. Against abuses in the forests of Wales.

42. "For discharge of payment of the Tenths in that year in which they pay their First Fruits."

43. "Licensing all butchers for a time to sell victual in gross."

44. "Concerning uses and wills."

45. Concerning clerks of the Signet and Privy Seal.

46. "For true making of woollen cloths."

47. That certain woollen cloths may be exported.

48. Concerning the custom of leather.

49. Touching the making of ecclesiastical laws.

50. Enrolments of contracts of lands.

51. Concerning servants who rob their masters.

52. For the preservation of the river Thames.

53. Limitation of an order for sanctuaries.

54. An order for tithes.

55. For tithes in London.

56. Decay of houses and enclosures.

57. Preservation of Havens in Devon and Cornwall.

58. Concerning general surveyors.

58.* For continuing certain liberties taken from the Crown.

59. For punishment of sturdy vagabonds.

60. For justice to be ministered in Wales as in England.

61. "An Act establishing the Court of Augmentations."

62. Ordinances for Calais.

17 Feb 1536. Vienna Archives. 307. Chapuys to Charles V.

Informed His Majesty of the arrival of lord Rœulx's man by his last letters of the 10th. Has communicated his charge to the Princess by the man in whom she trusts. Late yesterday the said man informed him that it was not necessary to acquaint her with the plan, as she trusted entirely to Chapuys' discretion. She thought it would be easy to escape from the house if she had something sent her to drug some of her women with. She would have to pass her governess's window; but once out of the house could easily find means to break or open the garden gate. She is so eager to escape from all her troubles and dangers that if he were to advise her to cross the Channel in a sieve she would do it; but this desire makes it seem easier both to her and to her confidant. Thinks it would really be much more difficult, as she has no person of sense or experience about her, and if she has been lodged in a place so convenient for escaping, it may be a trap to tempt her. She does not think that she is guarded; but still she may very probably be so without knowing it, as last year at Greenwich. The ports also may be warned. The house where she is at present is much more inconvenient for the enterprise than the former one. In the first place, it is 15 miles further from Gravesend, where lord Rœulx intends her to embark. His shipmaster says that he dare not come any higher, and therefore it would be necessary to ride 40 miles on horseback. It would be impossible to do this without relays, and even with them it could not be managed with such rapidity as to prevent discovery. There are a great many people and horses in the village where she now is, and she would now have to pass several large villages, where she could be easily detained. The former house was free from these dangers; there were no horses or men near it, and it would have been unnecessary to pass through any place where six or eight harquebus men on horseback could not have kept things quiet¹. If the Princess could be brought below Gravelinghe (Gravesend), as the shipmaster wishes, all would be right. If she embarked nearer, it would have to be about two miles from here, which would be very dangerous, as one could not be sure of the tide or of not being stopped on the river. The master says he dare not conceal men in the ship, everything is so carefully searched. They might, however, be put in different boats (?) (charrues) as sailors or passengers, and disembarked beyond Gravesend. The Princess thinks it certain, and others say the same, that she will be removed about Easter, probably to the house in which she last was or nearer, which would be very convenient. Although the Princess very much desires to escape from all her troubles, still she would prefer, as surer and more profitable, the general and total remedy so necessary for God's service to rescue innumerable souls from perdition; for even if she were to escape, the matter would not end there, but the King might fortify himself where he is at present weak, and the case would be still more difficult. Thinks, for his own part, that if she were once out of England, and in the Emperor's power, Henry would not kick against the pricks. She is continually asking him to beg the Emperor to hasten the remedy, which she fears will be too late for her, for which reason she is daily preparing herself for death. She wished Chapuys to send a messenger to the Emperor, unless the late Queen's physician had any mind to go thither; but Chapuys dissuaded her from doing so by showing her that it implied distrust in the Emperor, and by assuring her of the diligence and vigilance which would be used. Will take care that the physician does not go to Spain or elsewhere, as the Princess dare not trust any one else. Although he has not yet been retained as her physician, orders have been given to her gouvernante (age 60), by Chapuys' request, since the Queen's death, to allow him to visit her whenever necessary, which will be a great comfort to her if it continue, and will make matters easier. If the King is going to add to her suite, as is reported, some of her mother's old servants, and one who served the late Queen as master valet of the apothecary, could be got as her valet de chambre, the enterprise would be much easier, as he would be a fit man to assist in it, especially if she were removed nearer London, or to the place where she last was, which, as I said, is expected about Easter, when the season will be more suitable, as the King generally leaves the neighbourhood about that time, and the sea would be more navigable for vessels with oars, which De Rœulx ought to have provided. Moreover, it appears by a letter which the concubine wrote to her aunt, Madame Shelton (age 60), the said Princess's gouvernante, shortly before the said concubine's miscarriage, of which I enclose a copy, that the Princess's case is by no means so urgent as it was before. I know not if the said letter was a ruse, of which there is some fear, seeing that it was left by the gouvernante (age 60) as a thing forgotten in the Princess's oratory, who, having transcribed it, replaced it where she found it.

If the affair is carried out, it will not be to His Majesty's honor for Chapuys to remain here, as nothing will make Henry believe that he had no share in it, and consequently nothing could deliver him from death, for in this as in other things the King would show that he has no respect or fear of anyone in the world. Nor would the concubine restrain him from doing so, for she bears Chapuys no good will, any more than the King does himself, for having always shown him the truth against his inclination. Proposes, when everything is ready, to find some honorable excuse for going into Flanders with two or three of his men; for, having discussed the matter with lord Rœulx's man, it would be very difficult for him to take any part in the enterprise without being discovered; and possibly when he is gone, they would pay less regard to it, especially if he were to pretend that when in Flanders he might solicit something in their behalf. Desires instructions what to do. Does not wish the Emperor to suppose he hesitates for want of good will or for fear of death, which in His Majesty's service he would think a glory.

Note 1. "Sy ne convenoit passer par lieu que six ou huit arqueboutiers a cheval neussent pu rebouter et fait tenir quoy."

17 Feb 1536. Two days ago some Gueldrois arrived, and came to the King. Will endeavour to discover the cause, and inform His Majesty both of that and of what takes place at this Parliament, in which nothing has yet been done that is worth writing. London, 17 Feb. 1535. Fr. From a modern copy¹; pp. 5.

ii. Copy of the letter of the Concubine to Madame Chelton, her aunt.

[Before 29 Jan 1536]. Mrs. Shelton (age 60), my pleasure is that you do not further move the Lady Mary (age 19) to be towards the King's Grace otherwise than it pleases herself. What I have done has been more for charity than for anything the King or I care what road she takes, or whether she will change her purpose, for if I have a son, as I hope shortly, I know what will happen to her; and therefore, considering the Word of God, to do good to one's enemy, I wished to warn her before hand, because I have daily experience that the King's wisdom is such as not to esteem her repentance of her rudeness and unnatural obstinacy when she has no choice. By the law of God and of the King, she ought clearly to acknowledge her error and evil conscience if her blind affection had not so blinded her eyes that she will see nothing but what pleases herself. Mrs. Shelton, I beg you not to think to do me any pleasure by turning her from any of her wilful courses, because she could not do me [good] or evil; and do your duty about her according to the King's command, as I am assured you do, "et le devez estre aussi (qu. assuré?) que me trouverez vre. bonne dame quil ne (qu. quelque?) chose quelle face." Fr. From a modern copy, p. 1.

Note 1. There is another modern copy in Rymer Transcripts, Vol. 145, No. 6, but some important passages are omitted in it. A translation of the greater part of the letter will be found in Froude's "The Pilgrim," p. 108.

25 Feb 1536. Vienna Archives. 351. Chapuys to Charles V.

The day before yesterday Cromwell sent to beg that I would come and speak with him in the Church of the Augustines, which adjoins my lodging and abuts on a large house he is building, which I politely declined to do, expecting that the King was going to perform some obsequies as had been reported; and also I had determined not to go out till I had done my duty to the Church by celebrating masses for the soul of the good Queen, meaning afterwards to go out today, feast of Saint Matthias; adding that if he would not come and see me he might send to tell me what he wanted to say. As soon as he received my answer he sent to tell me, by a secretary of his who carries all the messages between the King and him (que fait toutes les ambassades entre le roy et luy), that he would have been very glad to come to me if only to see how I did, but that it was unadvisable at this time, both to avoid the suspicion of the French and because he wished only to speak to me of himself and not by command of the King, and therefore he begged I would choose some place less suspect where we could talk together, and he would tell me things of great importance for the services of your Majesty and the King. Considering his reasons, especially the second, (for of the first I might make use, as well as himself, if it were not for my desire to satisfy the King his master, as I had several times informed him,) I sent to tell him that next day, yesterday, I would be very early at the Augustines, and that after the offices which I meant to celebrate there for the Queen I would return through the house which he is building, as it would be my most direct road home. Yesterday morning, before I had gone to the church, he had already come to the said house, which is about half a league distant from where he dwells now, and there I met him after having heard the office. After thanking me for the honor I had done him in coming to see him, and for making such a good report to your Majesty of him as Granvelle had informed their ambassador, he repeated the grand prologue he has usually made touching the advantage of the amity between your Majesty and the King his master, by which you might easily succeed in your enterprises both against the Turk and others, for if you and the King were thoroughly united no other prince in Christendom durst murmur, and that he considered continually night and day how to cement the said amity. For this reason he had continually done his best to prevent anything being treated with the French to your prejudice, or to that of the said amity, and said I might remember that when the King's commissioners went to Calais to meet the Admiral and the other French commissioners he had assured me that nothing would be treated to your disadvantage, neither was there, and he could clearly show that this was one of the articles contained in the charge of the bishop of Winchester, concerning which he could also show me a letter from the king of France, who never forbore to beg the King his master to move war against you and invade Flanders; but he was quite mistaken, for the King would never undertake such a dance, and of this I might be quite assured; and, moreover, that the King his master desired nothing more earnestly than your friendship, to which he was not only naturally inclined himself but strongly urged by his Council, especially by those who were pensionaries of France, such as the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk and the Treasurer, as well as by those of the opposite party like the Earl of Wiltshire (age 59), the said councillors being indignant at the incredible ingratitude and wickedness of the French, and moved by the goodness and innumerable virtues of your Majesty, whose affairs are conducted by the grace and clemency of God, who seems to have taken your interests under His special care. Nor did they think you disinclined to reciprocate their friendship, considering the language used by Granvelle to their ambassador, and especially that it appeared by what they heard from Rome that your Majesty had not yet permitted the Pope to fulminate the censures, to do which his Holiness had been extremely urged by the cardinals since the death of the cardinal of Rochester. But although the King and his Council were well assured of your goodwill they thought if you [bore to them] onetenth part of the affection that all this people bore to you, your benevolence towards them would augment in such fashion that it would be impossible for the Pope, who was scarcely a friend of your Majesty, or any other power to persuade you to allow injury to be done to this kingdom; and since it had pleased God to remove from this world that which was the only hindrance to cordial amity, it was right that the servants of either Prince should do their utmost for the renewal and confirmation of the said amity; that he had great confidence that I would do my best to promote it, whereby I should acquire immortal fame; and he begged I would despatch some one in all diligence to inform you of the said matters, and to request that you would not lose the opportunity now that the door was open. I praised Cromwell's prudence and goodwill, and told him that hitherto I had not found in your Majesty any other desire than to continue and augment the said friendship, and that you only wished it restored to the condition of which he spoke; and as to despatching any one to your Majesty about such general conversation as we had had without any particular overture, it seemed like wasting time and trouble for nothing, for it was only the same song as ever; and, to cut the matter short, and show that something effectual was meant, it would be necessary to propose some overture. On this Cromwell said that I might feel quite assured there was no dissimulation in what he had said, and it would be very foolish in him to attempt it, for nothing could be gained thereby for his master; and as what he had said came of himself without commission from his master, I might see that he had no power to make any overture, which must come of your Majesty. And for himself, when I remarked that they had not yet replied to the first overtures your Majesty had made, he answered that there was no occasion to speak of those overtures now, as the Queen, to whom they chiefly related, was dead. I did not wish for the moment to say more than that, perhaps, the article of the validity of the Queen's sentence was still more necessary to be declared than previously; and on his asking why, I declined to tell him, saying I had not spoken assuredly, and would not insist upon the matter. Hereupon Cromwell began to praise the Bishop of Winchester, who had shown great judgment in avoiding the tricks and deceits of the French, and had wisely advised the King not to trust them, but to use every effort to ally himself with your Majesty, with which Cromwell said he was very much pleased, for the Bishop was bound to treat with the French, and to hear what they said; but when he had to treat with your Majesty his heart rebounded with pleasure. And here he showed such great anger that he could hardly explain himself, saying that the French had played such tricks upon the King that he would rather be hanged on the highest steeple of London than have done or thought the half of them; and, besides this, that the French, for their own advantage, had intimated to Likkerke that the King his master meant to send men against Flanders and against Denmark. Incidentally he told me that the marriage was spoken of between the duke of Angoulême and the duchess of Milan, and that your Majesty would invest Angoulême with the said duchy. I think all that he said is meant principally to interrupt the said alliance, of which I have the greater suspicion because the said Cromwell begged me to write it all to Likkerke as well as to your Majesty.

29 Feb 1536. R. O. 371. Doubtful Divinity.

"The deposition of Tristram Reuel, late scholar of Christ's College, Cambridge, touching the translation of the book called the Sum of Christianity, ultimo Februarii, ao xxviimo."

About Easter last he borrowed of Dr. Leonard, a physician dwelling about the Crossed Friars, a book called Farrago Rerum Theologicarum, from which he made "the collection of the book aforesaid, translating the same word for word without addition, saving the epistle, which was of his own device." He first presented it to my Lord of Canterbury's brother, who showed it to my Lord himself. The Archbishop committed the examination to my Lord of Worcester and his said brother¹, the archdeacon of Canterbury; and the Bishop of Worcester gave it to a monk, one of his doctors, to examine. Meanwhile, deponent carried the book printed to Mr. Latymer, the Queen's (age 35) cha[pla]in, "requiring him to present it to her [Grace, who], two days after, gave him .... Queen's (age 35) grace thanked him .... [b]ut she would not trouble herself .... oke. And hereupon it was committed to [the sai]d monk, of whom the said Tristram had none answer." But my Lord of Worcester said there were two or three extreme points in it that might not be borne; "nevertheless, in case it should come before them that had authority to put forth books, he would say his opinion in it."

He says he desired Redman to print, as he wished to dedicate it to the Queen (age 35), because his writing was not very legible; also that his father would have had him a priest, to which he was not inclined, and he had enterprised this translation in the hope of getting some exhibition from the Queen.

In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 2. Endd.

Note 1. Edmund Cranmer, Archdeacon of Canterbury.

29 Feb 1536. Vienna Archives. Lanz, ii. 212. 373. Charles V. to Chapuys.

His last letters received were of the 18th and 30 Dec., and of the 9th ult., touching the sickness and death of the queen of England. Laments her decease, and the desolation of the Princess, her daughter. Desires to hear of the Princess' treatment—whether she continues at the same place as when her mother was alive—and whether there is any means of getting her away (de la transpourter ailleurs), or making some change in her estate. As to the king of England's desire to renew amity with the Emperor, considering the French king's threat to recommence war, who feels confident of Henry's support, Chapuys might suggest, as if of himself, that perhaps such a renewal of amity might be more easily effected now, and without any need of a council, with some suitable provision for the Princess, than during the Queen's life—not for the sake of coming to an agreement with Henry, which would not be for the Princess's advantage while he is so obstinate with his Concubine (age 35), but to abate the insolence of Francis, and perhaps to compel the king of England, in indignation, to treat with Charles for the benefit of the Princess; and, in any case, to gain time. Hopes then to make such preparations that Francis must either accept his conditions or he shall repent it. He may tell the king of England not to let himself be misled by the boasts of the French, for it will be seen in six weeks if Charles be not the stronger. He may also tell the King or Cromwell that all the French king's boasting (braveté) is only for the duchy of Milan, about which Charles can arrange with him any day on such terms as he pleases. Will inform Chapuys what comes of the negociations now on foot about it; and he may write his advice what stipulations he thinks Charles might insist upon with Francis in behalf of the Princess.

Since the above was written, received on the 25th his letters of the 21st and 29th Jan. Approves of his conduct in consoling and advising the Princess. Thinks the language of the King and Cromwell shows they want to set the above [alliance] on foot. Agrees with his advice that the Princess should feign a wish to enter religion. Delays writing to her lest his letters be intercepted; but Chapuys may assure her that he hopes to remedy her treatment (son affaire) to her satisfaction, whatever turn matters take, either for peace or war. Is much grieved at the death of his aunt, and especially that the manner of it should have been such as Chapuys reports. Naples, last day of Feb. 1536.Fr. From a modern copy, pp. 3.

4 March. R. O. 416. Geo. Rolle to Lord Lisle.

Commendations to Lord and Lady Lisle. I have received your two letters, dated 8 Feb. and 24 Feb. By secret inquiry I find that lord Daubeney is not now disposed to hurt my Lady and Mr. Bassett's title. He has made shift with my Lord of Wiltshire for £400, and there is no use in moving him for the redemption of Mr. Bassett's land till the money is spent, or when it is to be repaid. John Halfe, son and heir to Richard Halfe of Devonshire, my Lady's kinsman, and a servant of lord Daubeney's, can give information when lord Daubeney has necessity. He proposes shortly to be at Calais. Lord and lady Daubeney are about to be divorced by mutual consent. She will have £80 a year and her whole jointure at his death, as was appointed at their marriage. I hope to make some further motion before I ride into Devonshire. Mr. John Chichester is dead. He held certain lands called Doddecott contrary to the indenture between lord Daubeney, Mr. Bassett, and him. If his office is found that he died seized thereof by right, it will cause Mr. Bassett trouble, so the indenture and writings should be showed to the jury, and I think my Lady has her book at Calais. Worth, lord Daubeney's servant, told me yesterday that his master has sold all the timber and wood in Bekonholte to Roger Gifford and Thomas Seller, sometime servant to Sir John Bassett. I wish to know what I shall do about it. Your weir and all others in Devonshire will be pulled down by very strait commandment of the King to Sir Thos. Denys and Mr. Hugh Stucley, and by mouth here to Sir Hugh Pollard, sheriff of Devonshire.

Your Lordship would do well to write a pleasant letter to Richard Pollard, sending him a patent of 40s. a year. He is in good favour with Mr. Secretary, and is likely to be more in favour with lord Daubeney, and may do you pleasure divers ways. He has been your enemy before, but I doubt not he will deserve this. I write of myself, not of his suit. London, 4 March.

I intend to tarry in London these 16 days. As far as I remember, Mr. Bassett's great indenture states that Dodcott was appointed to Mr. Bassett both by fine and indenture between Mr. Chichester and him. I do not know why he was suffered to have the possession of the lands.

Pp. 3. Hol. Add.: Deputy of Calais.

07 Mar 1536. Vienna Archives. 429. Chapuys to Charles V.

The Bishop of Llandaff, confessor of the late Queen, finding that he could not live here as a Catholic, or preserve his own soul in safety, fearing also that by refusing to swear to the new statutes he should be treated like the cardinal of Rochester and some others, determined, on the very day of my last letters, 25th ultimo, to escape from the kingdom to Flanders or to Arragon, where he was born, after first visiting your Majesty and the Pope; but he managed so badly that he was taken prisoner and put in the Tower. No one yet knows what will be the issue of his case, but I fear he will not be permitted to leave the kingdom lest he should stir up opposition to the King. For the same reason the King is afraid that the late Queen's physician wishes to remove hence, and he is trying to get him into his service, or at least keep him here for some time. For this purpose Cromwell sent to me this morning, requesting that I would send the said physician to him, whom he has been urgently soliciting to accept the King's service. The physician replied that to do so at once would arouse people's suspicions, and give occasion to scandal. Moreover, he did not know how your Majesty, whose subject he is, would take it. In reply to this last point Cromwell told him that there was no obstacle at all, for before three months there would be most perfect friendship between your Majesty and the King his master; to accomplish which he was holding the door wide open. The physician, however, declined to answer without taking my advice.

The two Gueldrois who arrived here, of whom one is burgomaster of Nimiguen, left four days ago. I am told they have had no other answer but that the King would respect the treaties between France and Gueldres. The two uncles of the Earl of Kildare, a brother, and some other kinsmen who have hitherto withstood strongly, have at last surrendered. Many think that the King was only awaiting this news to put Kildare to execution. It is said that they were assured that Kildare was well treated, that they might be entrapped. They are expected every day in this city, and it is said they will all wed the Tower, whatever has been promised them. Cromwell sent yesterday and the day before to tell me that he would come to me today or tomorrow. Perhaps he means to inform me that the King avows what he said to me lately; or perhaps he means to come to some particular overture on the subject of his proposals to the Queen's physician, who informs me that on speaking with him yesterday, when he named the Princess, Cromwell put his hand to his bonnet, which he did not often do, except sometimes when mention was made of your Majesty. London, 7 March 1535.French, from a modern copy, pp. 2.

12 Mar 1536. Vit. B. xxi. 141. B. M. 458. Thos. Tebold to Earl of Wiltshire (age 59).

"Please it your Lordship to understand .... I have received your most loving letters wh .... of Reygnard Wolfe, for the which I most ho .... Lordship, praying God to give me that power aug .... may once with my service and diligent endeavour reco[mpense] your great goodness, to the which my heart shall never .... [de]syrying your Lordship to continue this your good w[ill tow]erd me so long as you shall perceive me most willing [and] diligent to accomplish your pleasure, and to do that thy[ng] which I shall judge to be acceptable to you."

This money came to me happily for two causes, because I fear war and because I have spent much in riding to Norenberg, Wy[ten]berg, Augusta, and Ulmes, from all which places I have written to you. I have had letters of commendation to the learned men there. It is costly at Tubynge, for you desired me to haunt the acquaintance of the best, and I am familiarly acquainted with the bishop of the town, the bishop and reformator of the whole country, the governor of the town, and most of the professors, being better esteemed than perhaps I am worthy, and of more credit than it becomes me to rehearse. The expense has not been very great, for I had not more than 30 li. in bank at leaving England, and I have come a long journey, not knowing the language, and stopped on my way at Collen, Franckford, and Heydylberg, where the Palsgrave was married, besides being sick for five or six weeks. I have also bought books and raiment, and made journeys to Wyttemberge, Ausborge, and Noremberg, which cost me about seven weeks, and there are also my commons at Tubyng. I reckon the money well bestowed, for I have seen most of the chiefest cities in Almayne, and spoken with many of the best learned men. I could now travel to all these parts without a guide, and, if you were disposed, could cause works both in divinity and other subjects to be dedicated to you. You commanded me to tell you how I have profited in the Almain tongue and the Latin tongue, and al[though] I have tarried but little in one place since my coming .... "kn .... [un]derstand the most part what the * * * I un .... he speaketh more and better th ....but that is but for lack of use, which, God willing, I will shortly .... my return recover. Further, your Lordship may demand of Reygnard W[olfe] .... yn tongue I have had no great time or rest since my coming hither to have yn .... re than I had before when I was in Lovayne by reason .... use in speaking Latin that I had there the Latin tongue .... as familiar unto me as English, and I had as leve have [spoken] Latin as English;" but my being in France and learning French has made me less prompt, but a little use will make me prompter. I think, however, that I speak as readily as the common sort here, and I have daily communication with the best learned men, who commonly speak not all the readiest for lack of use. I will diligently labour at these two tongues. As for uttering my mind in speaking, I do not fear to whom I speak, not for excellency, but for true Latin, without studying or stumbling. As to leaving Tubyng, which you refer to my decision, I shall not depart this summer, because at Strosborge, where I intended to have gone, they begin to die of the pestilence, and I had rather go there toward winter. Another cause is that a young kinsman of Mons. de Langie has come here to study Latin and Dutch, having lived with Melancthon for a year at Wittenberg, and also at Nurenberg for a year. Langie has obtained 500 cr. a year for him from the King to stay at Tubing, and resort to the duke of Wirtemberg and others, who will communicate with the King through him. I expect to obtain news through him, and we intend to have private masters to read Dutch and good Latin authors. The Duke has given him a goodly lodging. He was lately with the dukes of Bavaria, from whom he had 100 cr. as a reward. He tells me that one of them has not forsaken the French king, and that the other wavers. If this is true, I suspect there is not such earnest hatred between them and our Duke as they pretend, but the rumour was spread that they might have occasion to muster and view their people. The truth will come out if the Emperor and French king once meddle earnestly together. The people of Bavare are esteemed the worst men of war in Dutchland and * * * "of the own . . I saw not two parsons off refuse .... y met to war. I never saw greater and stronger people and bett[er] .... nerallye, wearing their harness and bearing their p .... bardes and hand guns, triumphing in the way as the[y went, inso]much that a man would think they were lanceknights [brought] up and exercised all their life in war. When they w[ere assem]bled all afore the governour of the town he made a sm[all orai]son to them in Dutch, showing them that the Prince desired nor intended war against no man, but to live quietly in peace [with] his well-beloved subjects, notwithstanding he was adve[rtised] of certain envies which privately had conspired agai[nst] him and them, which suddenly would invade them unawares, and f .... them .... to provide against this great danger in time, he had cause[d] them to assemble to give them warning to be in readiness," giving every man an oath not to leave the country without licence. He desired them to be of good courage, for he would demand no money of his subjects, for he had plenty of money, wine and victuals, and friends to take his part. They were then ordered to go to the Prince's castle, and fetch as much wine and bread as they would. They brought the wine in pails and tubs, and quaffed merrily till they were drunk. The governor's good words and this liberality set these rustics so on fire and in love with their Duke that they desired nothing else but war, being content to go whither their Prince would. When the Prince goes to war he gives no wages to his subjects, but only meat and drink, and that slenderly, except when they are going to fight, when they have their bellies full of good wine. The duchy can raise nearly 30,000 foot and 300 or 400 horse. I think our Duke favours the French king, but he dissembles, for the Emperor is proving all his friends, and has commanded that whoever goes out of the Empire to help the French king shall never return except he be content to lose his head and his goods. I think this is because the Emperor demands Milan in his own name; "but for the .... it is thought here that the Pope is in league with the .... and the .... last letter to you it * * * themperor, howbeit some r .... [fa]vor in their heart on this matter the French king, for themper[or has] too much power already in Italy. The Emperor could not use .... more for his profit than at this time to be pre .... partly to establish them in Naples .... thought somewhat to favor the French king, and further . . make amity and accord with the other princes of Italy, at least [to] find the means that they do not meddle against him." It is thought that the Turk is procured to come on the other side against the Emperor. The French king has a good beginning for the invasion of Milan, for he has invaded great part of the lands of the duke of Savoy and the city of Berne. We hear that the duke of Savoy has fled to Milan. I enclose a copy of a letter from a preacher in the army of Berne to my host, who is preacher of Tubyng. Berne is one of the 12 confederated villages or cantons of Switzerland, and can raise 30,000 men born there, having 30 earldoms and 10 seniories. Shaffhowse, another canton, can make 15,000 or 16,000, and Friburg as many. Basyle is also one of their cantons. Strosborought, an imperial city, has no great country nor possessions, but there is no city in Almain so strong, and they are rich enough to support 30,000 men for two years, and have victuals to keep the city for four years. The strength of the 60 cities and 10 Imperials, besides the princes and bishops of the Empire, is very great. At my departure from Tubyng, I asked the bishop and reformator general of our duchy whether he would give me any commands for Franckforde or Strosborg. "Then he asked me if I had any acquaintance with Bucerus and .... and other learned men there .... said he * * * with him .... articles of the French .... n in receiving the Gospel sent to our Duke of late by an ambassador from him, which articles the Duke sent to him, requiring him with all speed to ma[ke] answer to them, which I read also, very clerkly written, condemning all their petitions as fantasies, follies, and great dissimula[tions] .... in words to have the name of an evan[gelist] .... follow it and express it in deed, for he will .... in a manner as afore both in the Pope, cery .... men, and divers other articles by the which he .... hatred in Almain than favour. But all men mock .... ambassy at Smalcaldia, concerning his petitions for .... the Gospel, and so they did likewise at Noremberg, as I [wrote] to your Lordship at large from thence."

Gives an account of the hospitality shown to him by the son of the Margrave of Baden at Phorseyne (Pforzheim), whose acquaintance he had made at Orleans. Supped at his castle, where his father, who is very old and sickly, has his lodging apart. "After much communication of many matters of France .... and by occasion I moved communication of war between .... mas he said his father had * * * that it was thought the Emperor should have from .... subjects in Almain 11,000 horsemen, but of .... he said he was sure, adding that 1,000 of them .... of the Palsgrave's provision, and 1,000 should [come] from about Colleyne." He said the French king would not have as many as he trusted and was promised, because of this strait command of the Emperor that all lanzknechts going to the French king should lose their heads, pretending that this war is in the name of the empire. Some who would have gone to the French king have already been hanged. He has sent to the Almain gentlemen and lanzknechts already in France, that if they will return at once they shall have favor and pardon, but if not their goods shall be confiscated, and they shall lose their heads if they ever return. They mentioned a baron and a gentleman or two who have already returned. Asked whether the Earl of Furstenberge would return, who is chief for the French king in these parts, and an old captain of his. They said he had nothing to lose, and did not care to return; but I have since heard that his brother has taken possession of a seniory of his. He said he was sure that the French king had not more than 6,000 or 7,000 lanzknechts, though the report is that he has 20,000, for as many would have gone to him if they had not been forbidden. Every one says they would rather serve the King than the Emperor, for the former gives more wages and pays them better, though he does the contrary with his own subjects. After supper the Prince led me over his court. The buildings are about as large as my lord of Canterbury's place at Otford, but not so goodly. It is very old. He showed me his great guns, harness, hand guns, &c. * * * ". . ller that ever I saw, yet I saw a very goodly one ...., .... castle at Wyttenberg, he showed me that th .... ed in his father's court 200 or 300 pars[ons] .... as goodly horses as ever I saw." He invited me to stay with him when I would. Great part of his lands lie beside Basele. I think he is of kin to the Emperor by his father, and to the dukes of Brande[nburg] by his mother. His father is a great papist, but I think he is in[diff]erent, for when he showed me his father's artillery, in which he has great pleasure, "I said to him in French that if I were in his taking I would have twice as many as there were and better, which should cost no great money. And he asked me how? And I said when his father died I would visit abbeys and religious houses where were many bells that did serve for no other purpose but to ring to dinner and supper, and to hypocrisy and superstition, with the which he might furnish himself in guns and hackbutts abundantly to defend his country, and with the monks' possessions he might bring up learned men to be of his council, for his great profit and the country, likewise to nourish with the said possessions also a great many of horsemen, in the which is all their pleasure, &c. At the which he fell in a great laughter that he could scarce stand; wherefore his gentlemen and doctors desired greatly to know what I said, but he would not tell them, forbidding me also to show them, for he would for [no] good that it should come to his father's ear that he rejoiced in such a matter." We hear by posts from Lyons that the French king has assembled more than 100,000 persons there. It is generally thought that our King and the Pope are helping him. These Brabantynes and Flemyngs do most ungoodly rail a[gainst] England and the King, and desire war with us, "saying that our King his grace is covy[to]use and layeth up money for them. This, with many other railing wor[ds], they use in all companies. Merchants of these high parts hath .... times of it, greatly mocking them becau[se] .... yevel men of * * * that they know us no more.

".... to understand that at this present I spake with two merchants of .... of my old acquaintance which do occupy much to .... lly to Lyone, wherefore the merchants having a post .... showed me that they were certified in letters from thence, that [the French] king had lately viewed his host," and had given to William [earl] of Furstenberg, the captain of the lanceknights (6,000 or 7,000 in number), a chain of gold worth 1,000 cr., a chain to all the other captains, and a crown to each lanceknight. Earl Frederick, brother to Earl William, will be captain for the Emperor of 4,000 horse and 10,000 lanceknights. They showed me a tale of the Pope's treason against the Emperor such as I wrote before. The people here commonly favor the Emperor, especially the Imperial cities, for the Emperor pretends that he is warring for the profit of the empire, "and to subdue to them and not to himself." They say that he intends to make Florence a city Imperial; but I fear he will keep his conquests for himself, as Philip, the father of Alexander the Great, did. A mad foolish fellow and unlearned, named Cochlæus, who is with duke Frederick, the brother or uncle of the duke of Saxony, has madly and railingly written against the King for the death of More and Fisher and other matters. Your Lordship shall receive the book from Reygnard Wolfe. Among learned men Cochlæus is esteemed not only unlearned, but foolish, mad, and fantastical, but his book doth and will do hurt. I marvel that no answer is made to Erasmus' epistle¹ for More and Fisher.

Sends an epistle of Clement Marrott, an excellent French poet, who has fled from France for the Gospel. We hear from these merchants that the Emperor will have 1,000 horse from about Gulyk, July, and Luke, who are only waiting for certainty of their stipend, and that worthily, for in their last journey for the Emperor they spent all they had, and received no recompense.

There are no new maps or pictures. If there were, I would send them. As for books, you shall .... [Wol]fe such as * * * .... e Sundaye.

Hol., pp. 8. Mutilated. The address is written on the back of § 2, which is the enclosure referred to in the letter (see p. 186).

Note 1. The letter signed Gulielmus Covrinus Nucerinus (Vol. VIII., No. 1096) was commonly, and no doubt rightly, attributed to Erasmus.

24 Mar 1536. R. O. 541. Lord Lisle (age 71) to Cromwell.

Sends a letter from the captain of Gravelyng to the Emperor's ambassador in England, brought hither by an Englishman who dwells in the English house at Bruges.

On Tuesday last Parker's servant received three of the King's horses, and the fourth is lame. The captain of Gravelines gave 24 crs. for him, and, if he recovers, Parker will pay back this sum and for his meat, and have the horse again. On Monday last Diryck and the man of the duchy of Holster, who came in his company, were sent in a waggon from Bruges to Gawnt, and 16 archers with them. The same day the queen of Hungary removed from Bruges to the forest of Eclow towards Antwerp. Will send news when he hears of Diryk and his companion, as he has a person daily in the Regent's Court. Hears from a man of Marguyson that on Tuesday at midnight all those of Marguyson who belong to the garrison of Boulogne rode forth in harness, he thinks to the revictualling of Turwyn. Begs Cromwell to be good to him in his suits. Calais, 23 March.

After writing the above, went to the dyke to view the foundation of the wall which late fell. As the first stone was laid in the foundation, the rest of the wall and the rampire fell to the ground. If one who spied it had not given warning, it would have killed 10 men. No man can remember such a breach here before. Asks that there may be no lack of money. The breach shall be rid and the work set forward with all diligence. Forty men shall work day and night, and meantime that quarter shall be well furnished with ordnance, and 20 gunners shall watch there every night beside the stand watch and search watch.

The night of the date of this letter, received Cromwell's letter and two letters to the captain of Gravelines, from Cromwell and from the Emperor's ambassador. Has written him an answer, and sent the letters by a discreet fellow, one of the King's servants. Today, 24 March, heard that the Regent is returned from the forest to Gawnte for redress of great matters. Will write again when he hears from the captain of Gravelines. Signed.

Pp. 2. Add.: Chief Secretary and Master of the Rolls. Endd.

R. O. 2. Corrected draft of the preceding. Pp. 2. Add.

28 Mar 1536. Vienna Archives. 575. Charles V. to [Chapuys].

We received only yesterday, the 28th, your letters of St. Matthias' Day, relating your conversations with Cromwell about the establishment of amity with us; and although you doubt, with good reason, that all Cromwell has said to you was only with a view to his master's profit with the French, nevertheless, perhaps, things being as they are at present, means might be found at this juncture to withdraw the King from his grave error, relieve the Princess from her danger and the realm from confusion, and at the same time get the better of the king of France, who is the chief cause of all this mischief. This would be all the more important now, considering the unjust attack made by Francis on the duke of Savoy, his own uncle, occupying his country beyond the mountains, except what he has instigated those of Berne, Fribourg, and the Valisiens to take. This has caused many enormities and scandals against the Church, and all has been done by Francis from dislike of the amity shown by the Duke and Duchess to us, and in the hope of obtaining Milan by force, or compelling us to dispose of it according to his wish, even while he was negociating with us, and notwithstanding that his ambassador had several times expressly assured us that his master would undertake nothing by force, especially against the duke of Savoy. And although we hope to resist them, and Milan is very well provided, yet there could hardly be a better time to bring about the above effects; and whatever may have been the past dissimulation of the king of England and his ministers, yet there is a great probability now of their coming to treat, considering what Cromwell has said to you and the great indignation of the English against the French, which his words imply. Besides, we hear from France that the French complain openly of the king of England, and say they expect no assistance from him. Moreover, Wallop has spoken lately to Likkerke, although in very general terms, in agreement with this, and likewise the English ambassador with us. For these reasons, and the other conversations hitherto held with you and Likkerke, we last wrote to you from Naples to try and find out if there was any means to renew negociations with England, so as, if opportunity offered, to hinder the kings of France and England from a closer alliance, or England assisting Francis in his enterprise. And since the overture has been made on the side of the king of England you must use all possible dexterity, seeing that it is so important to conduct this good work aright. And considering how it affects us and our said cousin, and the whole of Christendom, that you may know our mind more particularly, we take up the points of your proposals to Cromwell, on which it seems to us that his answer is not much amiss.

28 Mar 1536. 1. As to the withdrawal of the king of England from the Church of Rome: it is truly a matter of great importance, and it may be feared that the King will be the more obstinate from fear of the world, and even of his subjects; and the more he is wedded to his own opinions, and needs to be reconciled to the Church, as you may see opportunity, you must use such arguments as you think useful, both as to the danger of conscience, the division and confusion that might arise in his realm, and the manifest danger thereof if the Pope were to proceed further to the execution of the censures already fulminated and to deprive him of his title, demanding the assistance of Christian princes; and that whatever might occur he and his adherents could not be without continual anxiety; and even if he could maintain what he had begun it would be with great danger and difficulty during his life, and afterwards there would ensue troubles, which it would be better to avoid, securing both himself and his kingdom, either by referring the decision to the Council, or trusting to our mediation with the Pope, on which he may rely, to put matters on an honorable footing. If you could also try and discover the means which he would agree to, it would be time gained, and it is probable he would choose this last rather than bind himself either to the Council or to our arbitration. This also we should prefer ourselves, as otherwise he would do all he could to hinder the Council, and even if he consented to its convocation he would adhere to the other heretics, rendering a general remedy more difficult; whereas, by treating privately with the said King, we could the more easily negociate with the Pope. As the causes of his present perplexity are the sentence given at Rome on the divorce, and the particular interests of the kingdom as regards annates and other dues of the Church; as to the first, it might cease in treating of what concerns our cousin the Princess, and as to the second some declaration might be made touching the said annates and other dues; and even as regards the authority of the Church of England, the King might be persuaded that the matter would be determined to his honor and the weal of his kingdom. You will do in all this what you think most judicious, putting forward everything as of yourself and by way of inquiry whether such a thing can be done, without giving any assurance on our part until we know to what the King will agree, for it is a matter on which we can give no pledge to the prejudice of the Church without the Pope's consent; but you may declare that we will do our best for the honor of the King and realm. And if in the end you see no hope of withdrawing him from his error, you must still sift his intentions as to the other points to the bottom, provided you do not bind us to maintain his error; for, sooner than break off the treaty at this juncture, although it were unwillingly, we would consent to leave this point out in order to carry the others, which we think would in the end bring him right, otherwise things will go from bad to worse. You will also ascertain, as far as you can, the intention of the King as to the said Council, in which he ought to make no difficulty in case matters were discussed concerning the Pope and Princess as above.

28 Mar 1536. In this three things are to be considered:—(1.) That in that case nothing more can be done for her advantage during her father's life, and she can take no action with good conscience against her father even for redress of the injuries done to her late mother, even if her life was "advancée sinestrement," as is suspected; and if the sentence of the divorce were pursued, to make the King give up his concubine (age 35), he might marry another, whereas it is certain he could have no issue from the concubine (age 35) to hinder the succession of the Princess. And as one of the principal points which the King will think of with regard to our said cousin, and also the concubine (age 35) and her adherents, will be to whom they will marry her, and it is important also to treat of it as a principal point in order to with draw our said cousin even for her surety, as well as for the security of further negociations, you will endeavour discreetly to discover to what match the king of England leans; and, as of yourself, and in such wise that no one can presume it is part of your charge, you may suggest Don Loys of Portugal, our brother-in-law, who was lately with us in the Tunis expedition, and do your best to recommend it either to the King or Cromwell. He is, in truth, the person who, among all others, seems best suited both for the Princess herself and for the King and his realm, and the concubine (age 35) and her adherents ought to be less suspicious of him as the Portuguese are good neighbours and not quarrelsome, as you may suggest; but it must be with a suitable dowry. (2.) By this means the Princess might be drawn out of the kingdom, rescued from continual danger of her life, and allied with a person of suitable quality; and, when the time came, might be assisted by her allies in obtaining her right; and if issue came of the marriage, especially male issue, it would be a great occasion to her father to recall her and her children into the kingdom, if he is satisfied with the treaty we shall make together, and the good offices we shall continue to do him. And (3), although it be a good thing to bring back the King to his allegiance to the Church, even though the Church forbear some of her rights and profits, and also to withdraw our cousin out of the realm, yet we cannot do prejudice in the future either to the one or to the other, and means may be found hereafter of putting the said Church in full possession of her rights, especially if our said cousin succeed to the Crown; and she also, before leaving England, cannot make any treaty which can prejudice her, since everyone knows in what fear and danger she is kept. Moreover, although the concubine (age 35) might not agree to either the one or the other of the above means (the declaration or suspension),—which she and all her adherents ought to think a great advantage, to be relieved from the fear and danger they are continually in,—and though she put forth further claims in behalf of her daughter and other children that she might have, yet you should not break off negotiations on this account, but ascertain in this also to what she will agree, and, after making such representations to her as you think fit, say you will refer to us. If you find her demands too exorbitant you may use Cromwell's help, if he can and will do what he has promised, and use all possible dexterity to make the most advantageous terms for her that you can; and if there be anything that requires to be kept secret from the said concubine (age 35) or her adherents "il s'en usera selon ce."

4. As to the last point, of making a league offensive and defensive: although it seems to depend on the other three, yet it is none the less principal and all in all; and we do not see how any good can be done without treating expressly that the King should declare himself on our side against Francis, except the mere gain of time in which England shall not assist France. And it appears to us that, if the indignation of the English be unfeigned, you may, on communication, find what they are doing with the French, and what they wish to do, whether for or against them; and you will accordingly reserve yourself or proceed further; for if they will not declare themselves against the French, you can temporise on the occasion of the said communication, but, if you see good ground, you will go on to ascertain their intentions fully. And if they object to declare themselves openly on our side by reason of their treaties with France, you shall show them that those between our houses are more ancient and binding, and their observance more honorable and necessary to both parties, as also are those made between the king of England and us, both before, during, and since the wars; moreover, that the king of England is expressly comprehended in the treaties of Madrid and Cambray, which Francis has in so many ways inexcusably violated. Also the said King knows the last treaty made at Cambray between us, to which we trust the king of England has not derogated by any others, by which he is bound to declare himself on our side and take arms against France on account of the said violations, especially for what the king of France has done in stirring up the duke of Gueldres against us, and raising war against the King our brother in the duchy of Wirtemberg. The King cannot be ignorant of these two points; indeed, probably no one better knows what has passed, as the French glory in their ill deeds. And, lastly, putting apart all other great violations, the French occupation of Savoy is quite inexcusable. It is extraordinary that the king of England should have been told that we tacitly agreed to what Francis has done so unjustly against the duke of Savoy, his own uncle, which, it is evident, was only with a view to occupy Milan. And we are sure Francis has boasted of it to the king of England, who, by this and other things, has ample cause, if he will, to declare himself on our side as a party attacked, as he has taken hostile measures to the above end. Probably he will never have a better opportunity for declaring himself if he wish to perform the office of a good ally, and it would be a considerable step to resist the Turk, whose favor the French king seeks, still trying to stir him up against Christendom, as the king of England may know. This would give him sufficient grounds to repudiate all treaties with France, and throw off the subjection in which Francis has tried to keep him till now by reason of the divorce, and revenge all the injuries which Cromwell says his master has continually received from the French. If you are asked on the part of the king of England, or think it advisable to state for your own part, what we wish the king of England to do for us, you may say reason requires that he should openly declare war against Francis in accordance with the said treaties, and that he should send a good number of men against him, and that we will on our side give him enough to do, so that he shall be unable to revenge himself on the other side. And if there be a difficulty in making the said enterprise, at least he might make the said declaration, since he may be well assured of the French king, and that we will not fail to assist the said king of England whenever there is need. If he will not make the said defiance openly, let him at least notify to the king of France by writing, that, considering the treaties between us, the said king of England will not enterprise anything against us; and, for the rest, let him assist us in the war with a good sum of money, reckoning it, as he may well do, the same as employing it against the Turk, considering the intelligence between him and France. Further, let him intimate to Francis that if he attempt anything against our Low Countries he will assist in their defence, and let him also treat and promise to do so with such power as he may be advised; let him abandon all intrigues with Germany and Denmark, and support us and our brother in the recovery of the latter kingdom for the duke palatine Frederic and our niece "sa compagne."

1 April [1536]. Vienna Archives. 601. Chapuys to Charles V.

Having three days ago received letters from the Queen Regent in Flanders, addressed to this King, in reply to those he wrote to her for the delivery of two rebels and fugitives of this realm, I sent to Cromwell to know when I should present them; who made answer that I should be welcome to him at all times; nevertheless if it suited me better to deliver them to Cromwell instead, I might do so. And immediately after the said reply, Cromwell sent to me again yesterday morning direct to say that if I agreed he would relieve me of the trouble and come to me, as he thought he was in reason bound to do. But I thought I must not abuse such great courtesy, seeing that I had to present the same letters; and I thought it better to address myself to him rather than to the King, both to avoid giving colour to what the King had lately intimated to the French ambassador, viz., that some courier had come whom I kept in secret, and that you had despatched him expressly to solicit aid in money, and also because Cromwell, being, as he professes, very much inclined to the preservation of amity between your Majesty and the King, not only does continually good service in reporting what he sees conducive thereto, but also adds of himself according to the exigence of affairs. Further, I thought it would be good to find out what was at the bottom of his repeatedly expressed desire to talk with me. Accordingly I went yesterday after dinner to Cromwell, who was very well satisfied with the said Queen's letters, and replied five or six times, with great fervour, that it was a good beginning for the matter of the preservation of the amity of which we had so often talked, to which the King was more inclined than ever, and likewise those of his Council; and that it had been frequently proposed for a long time past to send some good embassy to your Majesty, but that the King alone had always been opposed to it until he had received some answer to what he told me during the Christmas holidays, and which Cromwell had repeated to me since. And Cromwell assured me, on his life and honor, that the King had never treated anything in France, Germany, or elsewhere, to the prejudice of the friendship he has with your Majesty; and that lately again, having been asked by two persons sent hither by the duke of Gueldres to make a similar league with the said Duke to what the French had made, the King had replied that as both parties were at peace there was no occasion for a league, and if there were, he must presuppose the reservation of ancient friendships, especially those he had with your Majesty. And with this answer the said personages of Gueldres returned without having achieved more. Cromwell has confirmed to me the statement that his master and the king of Scots are to meet at York, and that perhaps they might afterwards come hither in company. I think the king of Scots agreed to this interview in the hope of persuading the King to give him the Princess, but being informed of the conclusion of the marriage made by his ambassadors with the lady of Vendôme, of which he knew nothing when he despatched the ambassador who came hither to arrange the interview, I suspect there will be some change.

01 Apr 1536. There lately came to dine with me the young marquis, the widowed Countess of Kildare (age 39), lord Montagu, and other gentlemen; when lord Montagu, after many complaints of the disorder of affairs here, told me that the Concubine (age 35) and Cromwell were on bad terms, and that some new marriage for the King was spoken of; which agrees with what was written to me from France that Henry was soliciting in marriage the daughter of France, so as to confirm their mutual intelligence and test how matters went. I told Cromwell that I had for some time forborne to visit him that he might not incur suspicion of his mistress for the talk he had previously held with me, well remembering that he had previously told me she would like to see his head cut off. This I could not forget for the love I bore him; and I could not but wish him a more gracious mistress, and one more grateful for the inestimable services he had done the King, and that he must beware of enraging her, else he must never expect perfect reconciliation; in which case I hoped he would see to it better than did the Cardinal, as I had great belief in his dexterity and prudence; and if it was true, what I had heard, that the King was treating for a new marriage, it would be the way to avoid much evil, and be very much for the advantage of his master, who had been hitherto disappointed of male issue, and who knows quite well, whatever they may say or preach, that this marriage will never be held as lawful, for several reasons which he might sufficiently understand; and that although a more lawful marriage should follow, and male issue from it would be to the prejudice of the Princess, yet the affection I bore to the honor and tranquillity of the King and kingdom, and towards him particularly, made me desire another mistress, not for hatred that I bore to this one, who had never done me any harm. Cromwell appeared to take all this in good part, and said that it was only now that he had known the frailty of human affairs, especially of those of the Court, of which he had before his eyes several examples that might be called domestic, and he always laid his account that if fate fell upon him as upon his predecessors he would arm himself with patience, and leave the rest to God; and that it was quite true, as I said, that he must rely upon God's help not to fall into mischief. He then began to defend himself, saying he had never been cause of this marriage, although, seeing the King determined upon it, he had smoothed the way, and that notwithstanding that the King was still inclined to pay attention to ladies, yet he believed he would henceforth live honorably and chastely, continuing in his marriage. This he said so coldly as to make me suspect the contrary, especially as he said so, not knowing what countenance to put on. He leaned against the window in which we were, putting his hand before his mouth to avoid smiling or to conceal it (ou pour lencouurir), saying afterwards that the French might be assured of one thing, that if the King his master were to take another wife, he would not seek for her among them. He then said that when an answer came from your Majesty upon the subject of our communication we should discuss everything and do some good work. At last, when I was going to leave, he said to me that although I had formerly refused a present of a horse he wished to give me, that now I could not do so without suspicion of ill-will, and he offered me one that the Earl of Sussex had presented to him the day before; and for all I could say to excuse myself, I was obliged to accept it. I think that those here are not content with the appointment made by the Lubeckers with the duke of Holstein; for, happening to talk of the Lubeckers with Cromwell, he said they were false villains and canaille; and that, notwithstanding the said appointment, and that the Duke called himself king of Denmark, the King, writing lately to him for the release of certain ships, would not call him King, saying he knew there was another King alive with daughters, who might pretend to the kingdom. Hereupon Cromwell began to complain of the detention in Flanders of Dr. Adam, of whom I lately wrote, and a servant of this King, who came from Lubeck and Denmark, and begged I would write again for their deliverance. This I could not refuse to do; nevertheless, as I have before stated, it seems to me that unless your Majesty is fully informed, or the said doctor has been well examined and confessed, he ought not to be released. He is a "tres fin galant," who has been the cause of many evils, as I doubt not you are well advised.

05 Apr 1536. Cleop. E. vi. 249. B. M. 625. Clerk, Bishop of Bath and Wells, to Cromwell.

I thank you for giving credit to my last letters for the excuse of Master Carsley in his late preaching. As to the bearer, Mr. Claxton, my chaplain, for whom you have sent, I will not ask for him to be totally excused, for I do not know his matter so well as the other man's, but he is marvellous honest and virtuous. He has been for four or five years my almoner; a soft man of small spirit, no meddler in any matters, all given to study, except when I send him about my diocese preaching. I have not heard that he has spoken anything to offend any man, except those who are suspected of naughty opinions, against whom he has spoken somewhat earnestly, as is now very necessary. He suspects that his accuser is one Champneys, as fond, malicious, and seditious as any in the shire. He is my tenant, and lately my servant, but I had to cast him off for sedition and "bryges" with Sir John Saynctlo and other gentlemen. He has since given himself to idle and evil company. It is the same man of whom I told you that last Christmas he came to the offering (I being present), kissed the stole in the priest's hand, turned his back to the altar, and gave his offering to a beggar whom he had caused to stand near, to whom he never gave halfpenny before, though he lives within three houses of him. His neighbours wonder and grudge at his lewd pranks; but as I still hope for amendment, "I have not said so moche unto hym, dwellyng within a flyght shott of me, as blakke is his iee," except that I have given him secret advertisement by friends, "hæc est patientia nostra ut vincamus mundum." However, he fears the more behind, and thinks more is proved than indeed there is. He fears being called to some reckoning, and tries to stop it by these means. It were great pity he should do so. Master Claxton's integrity and perfection of living are known in all the country. You will find the report against him either untrue and malicious, or else the occasion was such that you yourself would well allow it. Part of the complaint made against him was for omitting to exhort the people to pray for the King, Queen, and Princess by name. By what I can discover, he has done his part at all times, except once or twice when he preached at Chiew, where he says that he did not expressly name either the King, Queen, or any other whom he is accustomed to name. The cause was, that the congregation consisted but of gross and rude people, disposed to gaming and pastime, and not to tarry long in the church, it being about "Shrofty[de]," so he merely exhorted them generally to pray for those quick and dead for whom they were accustomed to pray, reckoning that they knew well enough who they were. He says he has heard preachers do the same in great and solemn audience in London. The place where he preached is neither market town nor good village; and without my household, who were then staying in a small house of mine there, he could have had but a small and simple audience. No man living prays more heartily for the King and his in his sermons and elsewhere. I dare say he prayed for them in his heart, and thought his audience would do the same.

I have reproved him, and he is very sorry, and promises that he will never more offend, and I dare undertake that he will not. I beg you that his labour and expense in coming up and waiting upon you, and my displeasure, may be taken in satisfaction of some part of his penance for his negligence. Deal mercifully with him. He has not 20 marks a year to live on, and was fain to make friends and borrow for his coming up. Wells, 5 April. Signed. Pp. 3. Add.: To, &c., Master Secretary. Endd.

19 April. Camusat, 155. 688. The Bishop of Tarbes to Francis I.

On Easter eve a courier came to the Imperial Ambassador, who went next day to ask Cromwell when he could communicate the news to the King. Knowing that he was put off till Tuesday, let Cromwell know that he wished to speak to the King, and was answered that the King would be willing to see him on Wednesday. Went to Greenwich on that day, and while waiting to see the King, spoke to Norfolk, who has been ill several days. He assured the Bishop that what he had said the last time they met was true, and that whatever overture the Emperor might make things would not be other than they have been hitherto. Replied that he had no doubt of this, knowing that the friendship between the Kings cannot be affected by any practice or overture of the Emperor. The conversation was interrupted by Rochford and others. Met the King going to mass. He is vexed that the gentleman whom Francis was going to send has not come. He says the Emperor has written him a letter containing five articles: (1.) That he hoped to enter Rome the day the courier was starting, and when there he would try to bring the dissension between the Pope and the King to some good end. (2.) That the French king had made war on the duke of Savoy, claiming his patrimony and county of Nice, which Francis seemed to have given up as the Duke is named as an ally in treaties on the part both of France and of the Emperor. He therefore requests Henry to intercede with Francis for the said Duke, and persuade him to relinquish the war and return what he has taken. (3.) He fears that Francis will make war upon him in the duchy of Milan, and begs the King to defend it, in accordance with the treaty of Cambray and other treaties, by which Francis has no right to the duchy. (4.) He asks the King to forget what passed between them touching his aunt's divorce, and to renew the old treaties, for he has not forgotten the King's kindnesses and help. (5.) He asks Henry to contribute to the defence of Christendom against the Turk.

The King says the Emperor is anxious to have a speedy answer, but he wishes to think about it before replying, as it is a matter of importance, and he told the Ambassador so. He did not wish to make himself a judge between princes, and he had heard that Francis had just cause for making war in Savoy. He understands that the Emperor is preparing a powerful army to attack the French forces in Italy, preferring to do so before the Turkish army lands in Sicily or elsewhere. He thinks the Emperor cannot long pay such a great army, and that the French should fortify their camp in Piedmont and Savoy, and wait for the enemy in the towns, before which the Emperor would waste men and money, while Francis might collect a stronger army. This would be a better course than risking battle when the Imperialists wish to give it. A little delay will consume his money. Many of his men will desert, which will bring about his complete ruin, and force him to abandon Italy to Francis.

The treasurer Feguillen spoke about the delay in sending the gentleman, which some wished to turn to a bad end, and the Emperor was practising very diligently. Has always found the Treasurer very desirous of serving Francis, but does not know whether this was his object, or because his master is anxious to hear from France before answering the Emperor.

Went to Court really to know the charge of the Emperor's Ambassador, but his pretext was to excuse Bonneboz, captain of a galley which came into Hampton (Antonne) equipped for war, and of which complaints had been made. London, 19 April.

Fr.

21 Apr 1536. 699. Having sat up all night on Easter Eve to decipher the said letters of the 28th ult., I went to Cromwell on Easter Day after dinner at a very fine house the King has given him well furnished, three leagues from here; and before mentioning the news I had received from your Majesty, or the letters addressed to himself, I reminded him of the communications we had several times had upon the establishment of peace and amity, especially on the eve of St. Matthias; and finding him firm, and as determined as ever to complete things begun, declaring also, of himself, the indignation he felt against the French, I presented to him the letters of your Majesty, which he kissed and received with great reverence, replying several times that he knew not how he could deserve your Majesty's great kindness in having deigued to write to him who was only "un petit compagnon." I then declared to Cromwell your intention upon the four points contained in the letters. As to the first, he made greater difficulty than before, saying the injury done to his master by the Holy See was so recent, and the constitutions having just been made which the King had promulgated against the said See, it would be very difficult to bring the King back, but that if the amity between your Majesty and the King were consolidated you would have in process of time greater influence to persuade his master to this reconciliation. He said further that the Pope on his side, with inconstancy enough, solicited the King's friendship, and that very lately the Pope's son had requested some great personage of the Court of Rome to write to Cromwell that, for the honor of God, he would take the matter in hand, and that this King would find the Pope very willing to satisfy him as far as possible. The Pope's son had also said that if the King would not listen to this, his Holiness would be compelled to abandon the friendship of the king of France. And hereupon Cromwell sent for the secretary who had the letters to this effect, to show me them; but he was not at home; at which Cromwell was very much displeased, telling me, as he did five days later, that he wished by all means that I should see the said letters. Hereupon I asked Cromwell how he understood that the Pope, failing of the reconciliation of the King his master, would leave the friendship of the king of France; saying that did not appear to me probable, but, on the contrary, His Holiness having lost the obedience here ought to be the more anxious to preserve the friendship of France, both to avoid alienating that kingdom, and to obtain assistance from it for the remedy of affairs here. This I said to him, fearing that this King, who is credulous enough in matters agreeable to himself, would give faith to the said words, and show himself less inclined to the said reconciliation, supposing that if the Pope abandoned France he would get the French king to support his new opinions, and would make use of him as he pleased. Cromwell only answered that he did not know how these words were to be understood, but so the letters contained, which I should see. I fancy the Pope's son intended to hint that his Holiness forbore to make a league with your Majesty, and was showing himself partial to France, upon an intimation given to him by France that it was in their power to bring back this King into obedience to the Apostolic See. I expressed myself very glad that such honorable offers had been made to the King his master, and said the King could not wish for anything more honorable than that, after having done what pleased himself in despite of those whom he need not name, he should now be so humanely desired by his Holiness and your Majesty for a thing so just and necessary for the discharge of his conscience and the tranquillity not only of this kingdom but of all Christendom. By this means, the troubles of Christendom would be appeased, and its forces directed elsewhere, and the King might boast of being father of his country, and even of having triumphed over his Holiness and your Majesty, who came to him half as suppliants for the said reconciliation. Cromwell confessed it was all true, and hoped every thing would be settled in time, and meanwhile he would promote the matter to the utmost of his power. As to the second point, touching the Princess, he said the King would certainly act like a good father and a virtuous prince, but as it was a matter that depended upon the King's honor it was not a subject for express stipulation; the King was only waiting for an opportunity to show the affection he bore the Princess; nevertheless he would not forbear to make all suitable representations to the King his master, and what could not be done at present could be easily achieved when the amity was established.

21 Apr 1536. 699. As to the third point, he replied fully and liberally as he had done before. When we came to the fourth, he declared the King his master was very much disgusted at the inhumanity the French king had shown to the duke of Savoy, and blamed the enterprise Francis made upon Milan as rash and illconsidered, and in violation of treaties. He said the King had written to this effect to Francis; but I do not know how to believe it, for when I spoke with the King himself, praising him for having done such a good office, I found him vacillate, telling me at one time that he had warned the king of France, and at another that it was not a matter for him to trouble himself with. And Cromwell told me that if I wished it his master would send some good personage to the king of France to warn him to desist from the said enterprise, otherwise he would consider himself bound to fulfil his treaties with your Majesty. I accepted the offer at once, and begged him as earnestly as possible to pre-occupy this point before I talked with the King about it; which he promised to do. Hereupon Cromwell began to repeat the great inclination which all the Council without exception had to the establishment of this friendship, and the little affection they bear to France, insomuch that only a few days ago they unanimously told the King he must not suppose there was any of them who had the slightest affection to France, except so far as they saw him inclined that way, and that, except out of regard for him, they had more esteem for the least hair of your Majesty's head than for Francis and all his people.

Cromwell gave me to understand that the King his master held the French army as broken, seeing the great power of your Majesty, and that if he were in your place he would stay some time about Rome and dissemble matters, so as to give the Frenchmen an opportunity of entering Italy further with their power and riches, in order to give them the more effectual beating. Cromwell, then, among other reproaches which he threw at the French, touched upon the ambassador Francis had with the Turks; and, from one thing to another, getting warm upon the subject, he said he was not accustomed to conceal anything, and would tell me of a wickedness as great as could be conceived; and, entering his chamber, he produced a letter stating that the Turk had given a great reception to La Forestz, the ambassador of France, and a treaty had already been made between the Turk and him in his master's name, and that if this were so Henry would not cease to make or procure war against Francis, even to his total destruction; and since Francis so inhumanly made war against the duke of Savoy, his own uncle, without any just title, what would he not do against them from whom he could obtain much more profit, if only they had power to invade them? And Cromwell was convinced that if the French had as much power to injure England as as the English have to injure France they would not let them rest, and now that they saw their neighbour's house burning they ought to have some fear for their own; and assuredly, as I told him, it was time, before the effects of the understanding with the Turk proceeded further, to apply a remedy, and the King his master ought not to lose such an opportunity of doing at once a great service to God, a service to Christendom, and a pleasure to such a friend as your Majesty. Cromwell also thought he would not, and has no doubt that Francis only aims at Milan, to obtain which he would refuse no conditions your Majesty would demand. I do not write the means and observations by which I drew him to say these things, only he could not make profit out of anything I said to him. He replied to me several times that he never heard more agreeable news, and that I could not have done him so great pleasure by giving him 20 (sic), for the news had come in good time before the arrival of any man from France, and that although he had not intended to go to Court for three days, he would go there as early as possible. In the end, I informed him of the answer the Queen had made to me about the release of the two Germans¹ detained in Flanders, but he would hardly listen to it, saying it was a matter of no moment, and that it must not be mixed up with this, on which depended all other things. Nevertheless, three days before he had spoken of it haughtily enough to a servant of mine.

Note 1. See Nos. 541 and 718.

21 Apr 1536. 699. On coming to Court I was most cordially received by all the Lords of the Council, who congratulated me on the happy news, praising greatly the good service they presumed that I had done,—especially Lord Rochford (age 33), the Concubine's (age 35) brother, to whom I said that I did not doubt that he had as great pleasure in what was taking place as any other, and that he would assist as in a matter for the benefit of the whole world, but especially of himself and his friends. He showed me "fort grosse chiere," and I dissembled in the same way with him, avoiding all occasions of entering into Lutheran discussions, from which he could not refrain.

Before the King went out to mass Cromwell came to me on his part to ask if I would not go and visit and kiss the Concubine (age 35), which would be doing a pleasure to this King; nevertheless, he left it to me. I told him that for a long time my will had been slave to that of the King, and that to serve him it was enough to command me; but that I thought, for several reasons, which I would tell the King another time, such a visit would not be advisable, and I begged Cromwell to excuse it, and dissuade the said visit in order not to spoil matters. Immediately afterwards Cromwell came to tell me that the King had taken it all in good part, hoping that hereafter "lon y supplyeroit assez," and he immediately added that after dinner I should speak with the King at leisure, and that on leaving him, agreeably to their custom, I ought to see those of the Council and explain my charge. I told him that I thought things were so honorable and reasonable, and had been foreseen so long, that I thought the King would make up his mind immediately; and if not, he to whom my credence was addressed would make a far better report to the Council than I could; nevertheless, that till I had heard part of the King's will, I could neither promise to go, nor not to go, to the said Council, though I meant to speak particularly to all, and do all that they would counsel me. Just after this the King came out and gave me a very kind reception, holding for some time his bonnet in his hand, and not allowing me to be uncovered longer than himself; and after asking how I was, and telling me that I was very welcome, he inquired of the good health of your Majesty and showed himself very glad to hear good news. He then asked where you were, and on my telling him that the courier had left you near Rome, he said that by the date of your Majesty's letters to his Secretary it appeared that you were at Gaeta when the courier left. Hereupon he asked if you would stay long at Rome, and on my telling him that I thought not, unless your Majesty could gratify him by a long delay, for which purpose I was sure you would make no difficulty either in remaining or doing anything else that you could on his account, he said he thought it would have been better for your interests not to have come so soon to Rome, but to have staid in Naples, so as to afford a bait to those who needed it to involve themselves further in the meshes. I said that there was still time enough to use such dissimulation, and that I was sure you would in this and other matters be glad to follow his counsel as that of a very old friend, good brother, and, as it were, a father, as he might understand by what I should tell him hereafter more at leisure. On this he said, Well, we should have leisure to discuss all matters. I was conducted to mass by Lord Rochford (age 33), the concubine's brother, and when the King came to the offering there was a great concourse of people partly to see how the concubine and I behaved to each other. She was courteous enough, for when I was behind the door by which she entered, she returned, merely to do me reverence as I did to her. After mass the King went to dine at the concubine's lodging, whither everybody accompanied him except myself, who was conducted by Rochford (age 33) to the King's Chamber of Presence, and dined there with all the principal men of the Court. I am told the concubine (age 35) asked the King why I did not enter there as the other ambassadors did, and the King replied that it was not without good reason. Nevertheless, I am told by one who heard her, the said concubine after dinner said that it was a great shame in the king of France to treat his uncle, the duke of Savoy, as he did, and to make war against Milan so as to break the enterprise against the Turks; and that it really seemed that the king of France, weary of his life on account of his illnesses, wished by war to put an end to his days. As soon as the King had dined, he, in passing by where I was, made me the same caress as in the morning, and, taking me by the hand, led me into his chamber, whither only the Chancellor and Cromwell followed. He took me apart to a window. I reminded him of several conversations which Cromwell and I had had, and also of those of your ambassador in France with Wallop, and also of the old affection your Majesty had borne him, and began to declare your will touching the four points, taking the utmost care to speak as gently as possible, that he might not find grounds of quarrel or irritation. He heard me patiently and without interruption, till at last, on my saying that your Majesty, desirous above all things of the peace of Christendom, had forborne your claim to Burgundy, which you might demand by a much better title than the invaders of Savoy and Milan, he answered that Milan belonged to the king of France, and the duchy of Burgundy also, for you had renounced it by the treaty of Cambray, which qualified the unreasonable conditions of that of Madrid, and that even if Milan had now come to your hands the defensive treaties comprehended only the lordships possessed at the time they were passed. I showed him, but not without difficulty, that he was illinformed about your rights to Milan and Burgundy, and also that when those treaties were made you were the lawful Lord of Milan, and he who held it was only feudatory, after whose death the duchy was not newly acquired by your Majesty, but had only been consolidated; which argument, as Cromwell informs me, has since been weighed and approved by the King and his Council.

21 Apr 1536. 699. Perceiving by this conversation that the King's affection was not sincere, I did not enter further into business, but only asked him if the king of France were to break or attempt to break any other article touching the duke of Gueldres or other matters, whether he would not aid your Majesty according to the treaties. He replied that, so far as he found himself bound, he would acquit himself better than several others had done towards him; and as to the rest, in which he was not bound, he would give satisfaction as occasion was given to him. Returning to the subject of the war against the duke of Savoy, he wished me to understand, notwithstanding that I had told him what you had written to me, that the said war was not against the will of your Majesty, and also that the duke of Savoy had lately offered to come to the court of France, "sur quoy ne resta a luy donner assez raisons a lopposite." After this he called the Chancellor and Cromwell, and made me repeat before them what I had said to him, which I did succinctly, without interruption from him or the others. After which they talked together, while I conversed and made some acquaintance with the brother (age 36) of the young lady [Jane Seymour (age 27)] to whom the King is now attached, always keeping an eye upon the gestures of the King and those with him. There seemed to be some dispute and considerable anger, as I thought, between the King and Cromwell; and after a considerable time Cromwell grumbling (recomplant (?) et grondissant) left the conference in the window where the King was, excusing himself that he was so very thirsty (altere) that he was quite exhausted, as he really was with pure vexation (de pur enuyt), and sat down upon a coffer out of sight of the King, where he sent for something to drink. Shortly afterwards the King came out of the conclave, I know not whether to come near me, or to see where Cromwell was. He told me that the matters proposed were so important that without having my propositions in writing he could not communicate them to his Council or make me any reply. I told him that I was not forbidden to do so, but I could not venture, for several reasons, and I thought it a new thing, seeing that hitherto he had not asked anything of me by way of writing, and had never found me variable or vacillating, either now or before, and that I had learned from his ambassadors whom he sent to Bologna to your Majesty to make such refusal, although they had not such good reason for it as I; also I had taken example of Cromwell, who had never given me anything in writing; and if he wished such writing to be assured that there was no dissimulation on your Majesty's part, I would offer my ears, which I would give far more unwillingly than all the writings in the world, if there should be any deceit on the side of your Majesty;—with which conversation, as Cromwell told me afterwards, the King was far better assured than before, taking this offer in good part. Nevertheless, he insisted wonderfully on having the said writing, and said several times very obstinately that he would give no reply. Nevertheless, he did reply, confusedly and in anger, to the following effect:—(1.) The affair of the Pope did not concern your Majesty, if you did not wish to meddle with it to vindicate your authority over the whole world, and if he wished to treat with His Holiness he has means and friends without needing your intercession. (2.) Concerning the Princess she was his daughter, and he would treat her according as she obeyed him or not, and no one else had a right to interfere. (3.) As to the subvention against the Turk, it was necessary first to re-establish old friendship before putting people to expense. (4.) As to the fourth, which was most urgent, and which I have chiefly pressed, he said he would not violate any promise he has made, or refuse the friendship of any one who desired it, provided it was such as was becoming, but that he was no longer a child, and that they must not give him the stick, and then caress him, appealing to him and begging him. In saying this, to show how he was experienced in business, he began playing with his fingers on his knees, and doing as if he were calling a child to pacify it, [and said] that before asking an injured person for favor and aid it was necessary to acknowledge old favors. And on my saying that we had been so long treating of this re-establishment, and I had pressed for an overture of what he wished to be done, but to no purpose, he answered that it was not for him to make an overture, but for those who sought him. I replied that if he who was hurt did not show his wound it was impossible to heal it. He then said he wished your Majesty would write to him, [desiring] that if there had been in the past any ingratitude or error on your part towards him, he would forget it, [and] requesting him to show that the root of old amity is not disturbed. I told him this was not reasonable, and he moderated the proposal, suggesting that you should request him not to speak any more of the past. I said no other letter was needed, because I asked it of him in the name of your Majesty; but he persisted that he must have letters, and it was no use reminding him of what he has several times said to me before, that delay is the ruin of all good works.

21 Apr 1536. 699. Hereupon, without having given him any occasion except [that I desired] he would take with extreme gentleness and patience what I showed him, he began to be somewhat angry, and reproached your Majesty with great ingratitude, saying that without him you would not have acquired the Empire or enjoyed Spain, and that after you had been elected you had not only treated him with neglect, but had tried to get him declared schismatic and deprived of his kingdom, and that you ("quil," qu "quelle"? i.e. vre. Majesté) had not kept your promise to him not to make peace with the king of France till you had obtained for him the crown of France, and that when Francis was your prisoner you had replied you would not make war on your prisoner. He concealed the other article of the reply, viz., that he had already made a compact with the Chancellor of Alençon, as I showed him, telling him, as to the declarations he spoke of, that he himself had affirmed to me, (and I had not since spoken to him), that he knew well it was the Pope who solicited his (qu. your?) Majesty about it, but that if he was well informed he would find that immediately after the Admiral had left ill content with the last meeting at Calais there were others who solicited the same declarations. I did not cease to beg the King to put all this aside, urging that if there had been in the past any ill understanding so much the more earnest should be the good offices; and I quoted certain authorities and histories serving to this purpose. I afterwards told the King that since he would not give me a more formal answer I begged him to write to his ambassador with your Majesty. He remained some time without knowing what to reply, but afterwards said that if I wished it he was willing to do it, but in that case he held the said reply as not given; and then immediately afterwards said to me that his ambassador was not fit for this, and that I must have the honor since I had made the beginning. The Chancellor and Cromwell appeared to regret these answers, and in spite of the King's gestures (bonnes mynes) to them that they should applaud him, neither of them would say three words. The conclusion was that he would next day look over the treaties he had with your Majesty, and inform me of what they determined. At this slender and provoking reply, after compliments to the Duke of Norfolk (age 63) and others of the Council, I left the Court, and went to wait on Cromwell at the place where we met in the morning, and there we expressed our mutual regret, which was great on both sides, especially on that of Cromwell, who was hardly able to speak for sorrow, and had never been more mortified in his life than with the said reply. I suggested to him that we should suspend the other matters, and consider what could be done about the fourth point, and as to marrying the Princess;—at which he recovered his spirits, and said he had still hope of a good result. Next day, Wednesday of Easter week, the King's whole Council were assembled for three or four hours; and, as Cromwell informed me, there was not one of them but remained long on his knees before the King to beg him, for the honor of God, not to lose so good an opportunity of establishing a friendship so necessary and advantageous; but they had not been able to change his opinion, and that he would sooner suffer all the ills in the world than confess tacitly or expressly that he had done you any injury, or that he desired this friendship, but that if asked for it in good form, as he had said, he would be content. Today, Thursday, Cromwell reported the above to me, and thanked me on the part of the King for the good office I had done, begging me on his part also to continue till the establishment of this friendship was achieved, and that afterwards all the other points would be disposed of to your Majesty's satisfaction; and begged, for the honor of God, that I would at least obtain a letter of credence addressed to the King, saying that the King would liberally acknowledge my trouble. Moreover, he has given me to understand that he told the King his master that if he had known what has taken place in this affair, he would not have meddled with it for all the gold in England, and that henceforth he would not treat with ambassadors without having a colleagne; telling me also that although he had always pretended that what he said to me was of his own suggestion, yet he had neither said nor done anything without express command from the King. On my asking him what could have made this variation in the King's will, he said he could not imagine what spirit it was, and that at least I had given him no occasion, for the King himself was satisfied with the moderate language I had used; and he concluded that princes have spirits or properties which are hidden and unknown to all others. By which conversations Cromwell showed covertly his dissatisfaction at the strange contradictions of his master. He also told me that the King was writing to his ambassadors in France to desire the French king to desist from his enterprises, and that he had spoken of it yesterday also to the French ambassador, who, as the said Cromwell told me, came back yesterday from Court as mortified as I was the day before.

21 Apr 1536. 699. One of the greatest disappointments I have suffered has been not being able to effect (exploicter) in this matter what your Majesty desires. Greater vigilance and dexterity could not have been used than has been done. I have forborne to write it all, fearing that what I write is already too long, and I beg you to excuse me that I have not been able to do better.—Suggests that if the Emperor, weary of pursuing matters with the English, thinks it expedient to treat with the French, the whole matter should be brought forward by means of the Pope, as they have to do with men of little faith, and that the king of France should promise to obey the commands of the Holy See, especially about the matrimonial sentence and its consequences; and it should be said that if, in consequence of this King's obstinacy, it be necessary to proceed to the promulgation of the bull depriving him of his kingdom, that the right to the kingdom is entirely reserved to the Princess, so that she may not lose the pension and claim of France; and it would be necessary, to give greater occasion to see to the preservation of her life, to arrange something in favor of the lawful successors, or the assistance to your Majesty in the pursuit of her quarrels; and though I think your Majesty would not listen to it, it should be expressly said that neither you nor the said King shall regard as lawful any issue that this King may have of his concubine (age 35), nor of any other wife during her life; which agreement is in conformity with the sentence and with law, unless the Pope dispenses with it, and it would be necessary at once to constrain the Pope not to give such a dispensation; and I think that if this King heard that a part of this had been arranged he would suddenly come to his senses without waiting for the said force to be applied. If your Majesty thinks the matter should be pursued here, it could not but do good to thank the Chancellor and the Duke of Norfolk (age 63) by letter for their good will, begging them to continue.

24 Apr 1536. Vienna Archives. 720. Chapuys to [Granvelle].

This very moment when the courier was about to mount I have been informed of his departure, and having already written pretty fully, I shall say little now. I forgot in my last to make answer about the intentions of those here with regard to the Council. They have made no formal reply, only saying that they would not disturb such a good thing, or cut themselves off from the number of Christians, but they conclude that such a Council must be convoked by the Emperor. Does not think they want one. Thinks the news of an arrangement between the Emperor and the king of France has thrown them into great confusion, and compelled them to dispatch this courier; because previously they cared nothing, and would not have written even to their ambassador if Chapuys had not urged them, which he very soon afterwards repented, for he would have dispatched the courier two days sooner without waiting for their letters. Yesterday the French ambassador was long at Court, and Chapuys has not been able yet to discover what he was negociating. The King also sent for the late Queen's physician, and told him he would have called him sooner but for fear of its being insinuated that there had been some intrigue to put the Queen to death. The King said he wished to make use of him, and thought that I would consent willingly, and get the Emperor to agree to it, otherwise he would not take him into his service, and that the means to get the Emperor and me to agree to it was to give out that he was retained for the Princess, with whom he would be left till all suspicions and murmurs had died out. And hereupon the King began to speak very well of me, and asked the physician two or three times if he had not spoken with me since Easter Tuesday when I was with him. I think he wished to find out what was in my mind after his brusque replies. Although I would not kiss or speak to the Concubine (age 35), the Princess and other good persons have been somewhat jealous at the mutual reverences required by politeness which were done at the church. I refused to visit her until I had spoken to the King. If I had seen any hope from the King's answer I would have offered not two but 100 candles to the shedevil, although another thing made me unwilling, viz., that I was told she was not in favor with the King; besides, Cromwell was quite of my opinion that I should do well to wait till I had spoken to the King. Even before receiving instructions from the Emperor, has always avoided "l'envoy" which the Princess urged, as again she has since done, for the reasons which he has heretofore written¹. London, 24 April 1536. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.

Note 1. "Sans quil eust pleu a sa matc me faire aduertir dexcuser lenvoy, dont la Princesse me sollicitoit comme encoires elle a depuis fait je nen (qu. m'en?) avoye garde, et continuellement luy ay satisfait des raisons que jay cy devant escriptes."

06 May 1536. 808. Anne Boleyn (age 35) to Henry VIII.¹

"Your Grace's displeasure and my imprisonment are things so strange unto me as what to write or what to excuse I am altogether ignorant. Whereas you sent unto me, willing me to confess a truth and so to obtain your favour, by such an one whom you know to be my ancient professed enemy, I no sooner received this message by him than I rightly conceived your meaning; and if, as you say, confessing a truth indeed may procure my safety, I shall with all willingness and duty perform your command." But do not imagine that your poor wife will ever confess a fault which she never even imagined. Never had prince a more dutiful wife than you have in Anne Boleyn, "with which name and place I could willingly have contented myself if God and your Grace's pleasure had so been pleased." Nor did I ever so far forget myself in my exaltation but that I always looked for such an alteration as now; my preferment being only grounded on your Grace's fancy. You chose me from a low estate, and I beg you not to let an unworthy stain of disloyalty blot me and the infant Princess your daughter. Let me have a lawful trial, and let not my enemies be my judges. Let it be an open trial, I fear no open shames, and you will see my innocency cleared or my guilt openly proved; in which case you are at liberty both to punish me as an unfaithful wife, and to follow your affection, already settled on that party for whose sake I am now as I am, "whose name I could somewhile since have pointed unto, your Grace being not ignorant of my suspicion therein." But if you have already determined that my death and an infamous slander will bring you the enjoyment of your desired happiness, then I pray God he will pardon your great sin, and my enemies, the instruments thereof. My innocence will be known at the Day of Judgment. My last request is that I alone may bear the burden of your displeasure, and not those poor gentlemen, who, I understand, are likewise imprisoned for my sake. "If ever I have found favor in your sight, if ever the name of Anne Boleyn has been pleasing in your ears, let me obtain this request, and so I will leave to trouble your Grace any further."From my doleful prison in the Tower, 6 May,

In an Elizabethan hand. Pp. 2, mutilated.

Note 1. That this letter was not really either written or composed by Anne Boleyn, the handwriting and the style alike indicate beyond any reasonable doubt. It does, therefore, beg the question how did become added the the Calendar Rolls?

Titus, B. I. 444. B. M. 871. Cromwell's Remembrances.

"First for answer to be made to my lord Lyzle and letters to be written for the expelling of the Emperor's subjects." For answer to the Emperor's ambassador.

Bills be signed for Pylston, Leson, Starkey, my Lord of Sussex, and Robinson, for Bothombar. Folgeambys warrant to be signed. Letters to be written into Ireland, for a motion to be made in the Parliament for the King's great charges. Bills to be signed for Mr. Cofferer and Sir Thomas Wharton. A remembrance that all Mr. Nores' (age 54) patents may be searched out. To remember the Bishop of Llandaff's deliverance; the jewel; Besse Darell; Henry Knyvette's letters to Mr. Weston, and to young Weston's wife; Henry Knyvette's bills for the offices and the annuity. For the things that shall be done in the Parliament. An Act for the attainder of those that be perjured in Yorkshire. To remember the jury in Devonshire; my lady Guldeforde; Dotton and Done for Delamer; Sir Edward Seymour (age 36); to call for the evidence of the house at Keyew for my lady Seymour (age 27); the master of the horse; John Parker for the lands of Fulham; Dr. Tregonnell; the Charterhouse in London.

The demesnes of the Holte Castle with the weyr Houke and other pasture in Bromfeld is worth, a year, £19 17s. 9d. The horsemill and the town of the Holte, 33s. 4d. The stewardship of Bromfeld and Yale, £20 The receivership there, £13 6s. 8d. The master forestership, £3 The office of serjeant of peace, £4 The office of improver, 60s. 10d. The keepership of Marsheley Park, 60s. 10d.

Tregyan, £700 Dudeley, £700 Jenney, £666 13s. 4d.—£400 John Williams, £300 The prior of Winchester, £400—£200 Dr. Leyton, £100 —£200 Arthur Darcy, £100 Sir Edward Seymour, £300—200 mks. Sir John Gage, £200—£666 13s. Sir William Gascoyne, £4000 Sir William Berkley, £120.

Sir John Russell, £100 Thomas Wyatt, £100 Karew, Souche, and Rogers, £60 The grower, £40 The Abbot of the Vale Ryall, £200 The prior of Gisborowe, £100 Nicholas Statham, £100 Lady Lucy's executors, £20 Thomas Broke, £100 Pylston, £60 Sir Francis Bygod, £50 Delivered to my Lady Mary, £20 The King's attorney, £66 13s. 4d. Pp. 4. Mostly in Cromwell's hand.

Note 1. The names in this paragraph are written by Cromwell in a column with a certain sum opposite each name in another column to the left, which in most cases is the same as the sum written after the name. Where two amounts are given in this abstract the second is the sum in the left-hand column.

15 May 1536. R. O. 878. Rochford (age 33), Norris (age 54), and Brereton. Lord Rochford's lands. Account of their yearly value.

Farms:—Manor of South Kent, and honor and lordship of Rayley, Essex, sold to the Earl of Wiltshire (age 59); manor of Grymston, worth £10 a year. Offices:—Stewardship of Beaulyu, Essex, £10 and keeping of the new park there, £4 10s. 3d.; keeping of the house of Our Lady of Bethlem without Bishopsgate, without account; keeping, &c. of the parks of Rayley and Thundersley and the bailliwick of the hundred of Rocheford, £16 20d.; keeping of the park of King's Hatfelde, 100s. 10d.; keeping of the manor, &c. of Beaulyu, Essex, and baileywick of the m[anors] of Newhall, Dorehame, Walkefare hall and P[ower]s, [See Vol. IV., 4993 (15).] Essex, £21 5s. 10d.; stewardship and other offices of Tunbridge, receivership and bailliwick of Brestede, keeping, &c. of the manor and park of Penshurst and the parks of Northleigh and Northlands, Kent, £28 15s. 10d.; constableship of Dover and keeping of the v. ports, —; constableship of Kelingworth, £13 6s. 8d.; keeping of Kelingworth park, 60s. 8d.; portership of Kelingworth castle, 30s. 4d.; bailiff and feudary of the liberty of the duchy in Warwickshire; keeping of the King's woods at Kelingworth, £4 11s. Annuities:—One of 50 mks., of the bp. of Winchester £200, and of the abbot of St. Albans £133 6s. 8d.

Grand total, £441 10s. 9d.

ii. Lands, &c. of Henry Norres (age 54), Esquire to the Body.

Account of Edmund Asshefelde, his receiver, for the year ending Michaelmas, 27 Henry VIII.

Arrearages, £692 8s. 2¾d.

Farms:—In co. Linc., the lordships of Barton upon Humber, £65, and Thursway and Tewelly, £13; in co. Notts., manor and lordship of Stokebardolph, Shelforde and Gedlyng, £45; cos. Beds. and Hunts., manor and lordship of Tylbroke and Southoo, £36 10s.; cos. Berks. and Dors., divers lands, £36; co. Rutl., lordship of Longhame, £81; co. Kent, lands in Greenwich, £15 10s.; co. Oxford, lordship of Duklyngton Fryngforde and Barley park, £32 10s.; manor of Mynster Lovell, £46; co. Bucks, "lands with the park which was never rented," nil; co. Surrey, house in Kewe never rented, nil. Total, £370 10s.

Offices:—Of the "Exchequireship" to the Body, £33 6s. 8d.; mastership of the Hart hounds, £18 5s.; Black Rod, £18 5s.; "gravership" of the Tower, £20; collectorship of the subsidy in London, worth 80 marks a year, sold to Richard Hill his deputy for ready money, nil; mastership of the hawkes, £40; keeping of the manor of Pleasaunce at Green wich, £24 17s. 8d.; stewardship of Mynsterlovell, £4 13s. 4d.; of Burfor town, £8 12s. 4d.; chamberlainship of North Wales, £20; constableship of Wallingford castle, £50; "wayreship" (weighership) of Southampton —; baileywick of Watlington, £6 20d.; mastership of the game of Whichewoode with Cornebury park, £27 2s. 6d.; keeping of Windsor little park, £4 11s. 3d.; of Foly Johns park —; of Ewelme park and manor, &c., £12 3s. 6d.; constableship, &c. of Donyngton castle and park, £16; baileywick of Kydlington, 100s.; of Buckl . d, —; of Newnam, 60s.; lieutenantship of Waltham forest —; keeping of Copped Hall park, —; of Hoknorton park, —; mastership of game and fee-farm of the lordship of Eltam, —; stewardships of Banbury, £6, of Osney, £4; and of the seven hundreds of Circetor, £6 13s. 4d.; fee of my Lord of Northumberland, £13 6s. 8d.; of lord Conyers, 66s. 8d.; of the abbot of Welbeke, 66s. 8d.; office of Sunyng, of the gift of the bp. of Salisbury, £13 6s. 8d.; stewardship of Abendon, £10; of Reading abbey, 100s.; of Brewan abbey, 66s. 8d.; of Malmsbury abbey, £10; of the University of Oxford, 100s. Total of offices, £395 5s. 7d.

Annuities:—Out of the Exchequer, £33 6s. 8d.; of the see of Winchester, £122; from the chamberlain of North Wales, over and above 40 marks for the constableship of Bewmares castle given to Richard Bowkeley, £360; out of the King's receipt, £26 13s. 4d.; of lord Dacres of the South, £20 Total, £562

Total "ultra arrerag," £1,327 15s. 7d.

iii. Lands, &c. of William Brereton, Esquire. Account for the year ended Michaelmas last 27 Henry VIII.

Lands in farm of the King:—To him and my lady in survivorship, lordship of Echells, £68 6s. 3½d., manor of Alderlaie, £20 12s. 5½d., and manor and lordship of Aldeford, Chesh., £53 14s. 1½d., with lands of Aldeforde, in Flintshire, 106s. 8d.; in all £47 clear, and the King paid. Lordship of Mottrom in Londendale, £46 19s. 2d., to him and his brother Uryan in survivorship, manor and lordship of Shotwyks and Sage Hall, £22 12s. 8d.; lands in Chester, parcel of Mottrom in Longdendale, 20s., to him and his heirs; manor of Lesnes, —; lands in Charleyton, Chesh., £6 14s. 8d.; ferries of North Wales, £20 2s. 4d. clear; lordship of Fyncheley, Midd., £25 19s. 4½d.: total £271 7s. 9d. Lands in farm of the Duke of Richmond (age 16):—Demesnes of Holt Castle, with the "weyre houks" and other pasture in the lordship of Bromefeld, £19 17s. 9d.; the horsemill in Holt town, 33s. 4d.: total, £21 11s. 1d. Farms:—of the Earl of Derby, of marshes in Alford, Coddington, and Twylston, Chesh., £18 19s., worth £8 10s. 8d., the King paid; of lord Audelay, the lordship of Tatenhall, co. Chester, £38 3s. 4½d., "worth nothing;" gift of Sir Randall Brereton, his father, lands in Malpas, &c., of the annuity of William Brereton, Esquire, 64s. 1d.; of Sir Anthony Browne, the lordship of Newhall, Chesh., £65 17s. 6d., "worth nothing by the year:" total, £120 3s. 11½d.

Sir John Savage's lands in farm of the King during the nonage of John, son and heir of the said Sir John, with my lady his wife's jointure:—In co. Chester, the lordship of Shipbroke, £85 2s., manors and lordships of Clyfton, £27 11s. 4d., Bradley, £14 9s. 11d., Makkelfeld, £12 2s. 8d., Huxley, £7 13s. 8d., Barrowe, £67 19s. 4½d., Chedell, £74 10½d., Coulle and Hurleston, £20 11s. 8½d.; in co. Shropp., lordships of Edelburnell, £13 16s. 7d., Crofton (with the manor), £7 13s. 8d., Sutton, £6 10s. 11d., Wotton Ovenbury, £14 4s. 7d., Hopebowdler, 55s. 1d., Wycus Malbus (Nantwich) for the barony there, 30s.; in co. Derby, lordships of Stanby, 34s. 17s. ½d., Elmeton, £16, Ilkeston, £37, Holmeffeld, £13 6s. 8d.; lordship of Graundby and Sutton, Notts, £36 4s. 7d.; lordship of Dowre, Derb., "nil, for he hath not accounted;" castle and manors of Gryse, Notts., "nil, in the hands of Richard Savage, the elder;" in co. Stafford, manors and lordships of Rossheton, £18 6s. 7¼d., and Tayne, £12 7s. ½d.; lordship of Shepfeld, Leic., £10; a meadow and tenement in Leicester, "nil, in the hands of John Savage:" total, £534 4s. 3¾d.

In farm:—of Dr. Chamber, tithe corn of Pykyll, £13 6s. 8d.; of the abbot of Vala Crucis, tithe corn of Ruabon, £26 13s. 4d., "for the which he paid nothing:" total, £40 Offices by the King:—chamberlainship of Chester, £22 10s., and Randall Brereton for the fee of chamberlain, £26 13s. 4d., £49 3s. 4d. clear; constable of Chester castle, £18 5s.; escheator of Chester, £10 10s.; rangership of Dalamer forest, £4 11s. 3d.; stewardship of Halton, 100 [s.]; comptrollership of Chester and Flintshire, £12 3s. 4d.; stewardship of Bromefeld, £20; receivership there, £13 6s. 8d.; master fostership, 60s.; office of serjeant at Paxe there, £4; of improver there, 60s. 10d.; keeping of Mersley park, 60s. 10d.; stewardship of Crykeland, £10; receivership there, 100s.; annuity of Denbigh, £6 13s. 4d.; sheriffship of Flintshire, £20; keeping of Halton park, 60s. 10d.: total, £190 15s. 5d. Other offices:— stewardship of lord Audeley's lands in Chester, £6 13s. 4d.; receivership of Newhall, Coulle, and other lands of Sir Anthony Browne, 50s.; annuity of the abbot of Norton, £4 13s. 4d.; of Anthony Kingeston, 53s. 4d.; the abbot of Chester, £20; abbot of Vala Riall, £20; stewardship of Sir William Brereton's lands in Malpas, 40s: total, £58 10s.

Grand total of Brereton's lands, &c., 1,2361. 12s. 6¼d.

Large paper, pp. 16. 3 blank leaves.

R. O. 879. Norris and Brereton.

Grant to Henry Norres (age 54), squire of the Body, of the stewardship of the manors of Lewesham and East Greenwich, with a yearly fee of £3 6s. 8d. [A.D. 1532.—See Vol. V., 1065 (22)]. Lat. Draft, pp. 2. Endd.

R. O. 2. Draft warrant to the Treasurer and Chamberlains of the Exchequer, in behalf of Thomas Brigges, deputy to Henry Norres (age 54), to whom the rangership of Whichwood Forest, Oxon, was granted by patent 24 Nov. 21 Henry VIII., with 6d. a day out of the issues of cos. Oxon and Berks,—to levy £17 arrears of the said 6d., which are unpaid since 5 June 26 Henry VIII. through insufficiency of the said issues, out of the petty custom of the port of London. [Date apparently 16 April 1536]. Pp. 2. Draft, mutilated. Endd.: £55 12s. 6d.—£28

R. O. 3. A list of William Brereton's offices; viz., chamberlain of Chester, escheator, baron of the Exchequer [i.e., of Chester], receiver general and surveyor, constable of the castle. "Also he maketh the coroners." Steward of Halton Castle and keeper of the prisoners there, steward to all abbeys and priories within the shire. "Steward to the king of Mottram in Longdendale, wherein he hath great manrede; steward and farmer of Echees, .... and Alderly, and farmer for the King of the same .... £100 by the year," &c. P. 1. Mutilated and defaced by damp. Endd.:

William Brereton offices.

R. O. 4. Accounts of John Norbury, general receiver of the lands of William Brereton in cos. Chester, Flint, and other counties, from 22 to 25 Henry VIII., containing numerous names of tenants, farmers, and officers.

A large folio volume of 41 leaves, numbered in pencil.

S. B. 5. Grant to W. Breerton, page of the chamber, of the wardship and marriage of Godfrey son and heir of Roger Fuljambe. [This S. B. is undated, but was probably issued early in the year 1529. See Vol. IV. 5508 (1). It has accordingly been placed on the file of the 21st year].

R. O. 6. A remembrance to Master Secretary of three offices in the King's gift, which William Brearton late had, in Cheshire; the riding forestership of Dealamer Forest, 4d. a day; keepership of Shotwike park, 2d. the [day]; escheatorship, £10 a year. P. 1. Endd.: [Hen]ry Annesley, Groom of the Chamber.

R. O. 880. Robert B[arnes] to Cromwell. Is informed that through the death of these false men the mastership of Bedlam¹ shall be void. Begs for that promotion, which he would rather have than a bishopric. Hears it is worth £40 If he had it, would be near Cromwell, who might be a witness of his conversation. Need compels him to write, for he has nothing and nobody to care for him. Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.: Anno xxviio.

R. O. 881. Robert Bar [Barnes] (age 41) to Cromwell. Desires to speak two or three words with him. "My matters pertain to God's glory and to the salvation of your soul, which our Heavenly Father ever keep for the sweet bulde (blood?) of his dear Son, Jesus Christ." Hol., p. 1. Add.: Master Secretary.

Note 1. Lord Rochford (age 33) was master of Bethlehem Hospital. See IV. 5815 (27); also in this Vol., No. 878, preceding. The endorsement is therefore wrong.

16 May 1536. R. O. 891. Longland Bishop of Lincoln to Cromwell.

Thanks him for repressing evil persons haunting these parts of Buckinghamshire, as Swynnerton and Threder. The latter shall remain in prison till Cromwell's pleasure is known. Swynnerton is either in London or Essex. His costs were paid by poor men, not having enough for themselves. There is another like preacher with the King's great seal, named Garrard, of little learning and less discretion, against whom Lincolnshire much grudgeth.

Thanks him for accepting the stewardship of the university. Sends a gift of the next avoidance of the stewardship of Banbury. Cromwell can move the duke of Suffolk for his resignation at time convenient. To show what desire there is for it, sends a copy of a letter from the duke of Richmond. Trusts he will keep it himself, for they have ever been of honor that have had that room. He will have thereby "the manerhode of tall men, which hath good qualities besides."

Hasilwoode is suing again for the Earl of Wiltshire's (age 59) debts, as executor to "my brother Lucas." Asks Cromwell to stay the matter again, by some commandment or injunction, till he sees the Earl's title, and "his" testament, which the Bishop will show him at Whitsontide.

Thanks Cromwell, for his nephew John Pate, and his brother the archdeacon of Lincoln. 16 May. Signed.

Pp. 2. Add.: Master Secretary. Endd.

2. Duke of Richmond (age 16) to [Bishop of Lincoln].

As the stewardship of Banbury is like shortly to be vacant in consequence of Mr. Norres' (age 54) trouble (many men thinking that there is no way but one with him,) asks the Bishop for a grant thereof under the chapter seal, that he may exercise the office by his deputy Gyles Forster, master of his horse, the bearer. London, 8 May.

Copy, p. 1.

19 May 1536. Vienna Archives. 908. Chapuys to Charles V.

Received on the 7th, by the English ambassador's messenger, the Emperor's letters of the 13th ult. Was unable, from a tertian fever, to visit the King, but communicated the contents to Cromwell, who expressed himself very much gratified to hear, especially with such particulars, of the continuance of the Emperor's goodwill, giving hope, as usual, of reciprocity on the part of his master, and saying that matters could not be in better train, owing to what had taken place as regards the concubine; reminding Chapuys also of what he had said to him on the eve of St. Matthias, when he had given a hint of what was going to take place. He also expressed great desire for Chapuys' recovery, that he might, after the dispatch of the Concubine and her accomplices, come to Court for business. As to the draft copy of the [bull of] privation which the French have got, I think they will make little by it as regards the English, who have been long persuaded that the Holy See was pursuing the matter in its own behalf and pressing your Majesty about it; and they are more jealous lest the French should make immediate profit out of it—by exemption from the pension and from the claims of England in France—than that your Majesty should gain anything; and the Princess, for whom you have most consideration, would be injured by it. This I must point out to Cromwell on every opportunity, as he is incessantly seeking to establish this stricter amity. For this reason, when the English ambassador's messenger on his arrival reported the sincere and perfect goodwill shown by your Majesty to his master, Cromwell sent him immediately to the King, conjuring him to declare it plainly without allowing himself to be disturbed by any appearance of a contrary feeling on the King's part. The said messenger tells me the King answered him that there was no appearance whatever of this goodwill except in words, and that these words were only because the Emperor's affairs did not succeed altogether to his wish, and he wanted the King's help, i.e. pecuniary aid; for as to the rest, however the French might disguise it, he considered your Majesty's forces incomparably greater than theirs, and considered them as already lost.

19 May 1536. 908. The joy shown by this people every day not only at the ruin of the Concubine (age 35) but at the hope of the Princess' restoration, is inconceivable, but as yet the King shows no great disposition towards the latter; indeed he has twice shown himself obstinate when spoken to on the subject by his Council. I hear that, even before the arrest of the Concubine, the King, speaking with Mistress Jane Semel (age 27) of their future marriage, the latter suggested that the Princess should be replaced in her former position; and the King told her she was a fool, and ought to solicit the advancement of the children they would have between them, and not any others. She replied that in asking for the restoration of the Princess she conceived she was seeking the rest and tranquillity of the King, herself, her future children, and the whole realm; for, without that, neither your Majesty nor this people would ever be content. Will endeavour by all means to make her continue in this vein. Hopes also to go and speak with the King within three days, and with those of the Council in general and particular. Will also get some of the lords spoken with who have been called hither for the Parliament to commence on the 8th proximo. Thinks the Concubine's little bastard will be excluded from the succession, and that the King will get himself requested by Parliament to marry. To cover the affection he has for the said Semel (age 27) he has lodged her seven miles hence in the house of the grand esquire, and says publicly that he has no desire in the world to get married again unless he is constrained by his subjects to do so. Several have already told me, and sent to say that, if it cost them their lives, when Parliament meets they will urge the cause of the Princess to the utmost (il pourteront jusques au boult laffaire de lad. princesse).

The very evening the Concubine (age 35) was brought to the Tower, when the Duke of Richmond (age 16) went to say Good night to his father, and ask his blessing after the English custom, the King began to weep, saying that he and his sister, meaning the Princess, were greatly bound to God for having escaped the hands of that accursed whore, who had determined to poison them; from which it is clear that the King knew something about it.

19 May [1536]. Vienna Archives. 909. Chapuys to Granvelle.

Refers him for the news to his letter to the Emperor. Hopes to make amends for his present brevity by writing to him the history of the conduct of this English Messalina or Agrippina during her imprisonment. The woman who has her in charge will not conceal anything from Chapuys. She has already sent to tell him some news, among others that the said Messalina could not imagine that anyone but Chapuys had got her in disgrace with the King, for ever since he came to Court the King has regarded her with an evil eye. It is well for Chapuys she did not escape, because with her humanity she would have given him to the dogs to eat. There are still two English gentlemen¹ detained on her account, and it is suspected that there will be many more, because the King has said he believed that more than 100 had to do with her. You never saw prince nor man who made greater show of his horns or bore them more pleasantly. I leave you to imagine the cause.

Owing to my illness, and to await the last act of the story, besides that George must have informed you what was to follow, I have not hastened to write sooner. London, 18 May 1536.

Yesterday the archbishop of Canterbury declared by sentence that the Concubine's daughter was the bastard of Mr. Norris (deceased), and not the King's daughter. This already removes an obstacle in the way of the Princess, who, I hope, whatever difficulty the King has made hitherto, will be declared true heiress of the kingdom, not as born of lawful marriage, but as legitimate propter bonam fidem parentum. Others tell me that the said Archbishop had pronounced the marriage of the King and Concubine (age 35) invalid on account of the King having had connection with her sister (age 37), and that, as both parties knew of this, the good faith of the parents cannot make the said bastard legitimate. Although the matter is not much to be relied on, many think that most of the new bishops "ont davoir leur Sainct Marten," because, having persuaded the Concubine (age 35) that she had no need to confess, she grew more audacious in vice; and, moreover, they persuaded her that according to the said sect it was lawful to seek aid elsewhere, even from her own relations, when her husband was not capable of satisfying her. The Concubine (age 35), before her marriage with the King, said, to increase his love, that there was a prophecy that about this time a Queen of England would be burnt, but, to please the King, she did not care. After her marriage she boasted that the previous events mentioned in the prophecy had already been accomplished, and yet she was not condemned. But they might well have said to her, as was said to Cæsar, "the Ides have come, but not gone." Has no doubt that if the Emperor intends to negociate with the English he will send some one to give greater weight to the affair, according to the letters of his Majesty; and if the said personage could negociate before the conclusion of Parliament, it would be very advantageous both for the interests of the Princess and for the rest. If he come about St. John's Day, he will probably assist at the new marriage and coronation, in which the King intends to do wonders. He has already given orders to build a vessel like the "Busentaure de Venice," to carry the lady from Greenwich hither. London, 19 May. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.

Note 1. The mutilations in the original are supplied from Burnet. Compare also Herbert, who abridges.

[19 May 1536]. 913. Queen Anne Boleyn. R. O. "The Queen's reckoning, beginning in December, anno xxvii. Henry VIII."

12 Dec.:—40 yds. garnish of Venice gold for a nightgown, at 4s. To Blase, her "brotherer," ½ lb. Venice silver, 24s. Stuff delivered to Floide, yeoman of her wardrobe, Stywarde her saddler, and Jervice, servant to Mr. Everest. 18 Jan.:—Boat-hire from Greenwich to London and back to take measure of caps for my lady Princess, and again to fetch the Princess's purple satin cap to mend it. 23 Jan.:—25 yds. of cadace fringe, morrey color, delivered to Skutte, her tailor, for a gown for her Grace's woman fool, and a green satin cap for her. A purple satin cap, laid with a rich caul of gold, the work being roundelles of damask gold, made for my lady Princess. 19 Feb.:—Tassels of fine Florence gold to Henry Cryche, clerk of the Wardrobe. 20 Feb.:—"A pair of pyrwykes" for my lady Princess, delivered to my lady mistress. 28 Feb.:—A button of silk and gold, delivered to Mrs. Coffyn. 10 March:—2¼ yds. crimson satin, at 15s., an ell of "tuke" and crimson fringe for the Princess's cradle head. 13 March:—Crimson fringe for a chair, to Grene, her coffer-maker. 2 fine pieces of "nydle rybande" to roll her Grace's hair withal. 17 March:—6 "forfruntes" wrought with laid work, delivered to Mrs. Margery. 20 March:—A white satin cap laid with a rich caul of gold for the Princess, £4, and another of crimson satin, £3 13s. 4d. 2 rich tassels of Florence gold for your Grace's beads, 10s.; a pound of starch, 4d. 20 April:—To Floide and Thomas Chapell, a fringe of Venice gold and silver for the little bed. To Baven, the bed-maker, fringe for the great bed. Green riband to garnish a pair of clavichords. Green fringe "to perform the green chair." 27 April:—Venice gold fringe and silk and gold points for a saddle for my lady Margaret. 2 round buttons of silk and gold for the bridle. 28 April:—Silver and gold fringe, black silk fringe, and gold and silver buttons for a saddle for your Grace. 2 leading reins with great buttons and long tassels. Red fringe to mend the harness of the Queen's mules. A cap of taffeta covered with a caul of damask gold for the Princess, 4 mks. And many other items.

Total, £68 4s. 1½d.

Pp. 9. Endd.: A book of the Queen's debts.

[19 May 1536]. 914. Anne Boleyn's Debts. R. O. ["Debts owin]ge by the late Queen Anne at the time of her death."

The wardrobe of robes.

Mercers:—To William Lok, Ambros Barker, Thomas Abraham, Henry Brayne, William Pecoke, Richard Gresshame, and Symonds Low, £218 2s. 8½d.

Drapers: Chr. Campyon, John Middleton, William Hewtson, Rowe, and Ph. Herderman, £27 5s. 0¾d.

Tailors:—John Malte and Scutte, £34. 9s. 8d.

Embroiderers: — Gilliame, William Ibgrave, and Stephen Umble, £55. 1s. 6d.

John Aware, clothier, £11 11s. 4d. Lawrence Carewe, fustian maker, 28s. Mrs. Curtes, Mrs. Kelinge, and Mrs. Phillips, silkwomen, £7 12s. 10d. Sharpe, pinner, 21s. 4d. Thomas Fretton, groom of the wardrobe of robes, 110s. Robert Everest, yeoman of the wardrobe of robes, 119s. 4d. William Greene, coffer maker, 60s. 4d. Richard Sylkokes, gold wire drawer, £38 Thomas Adington, for furs, £29 19s. 2d. Thomas Hardy, hosier, 22s. Baptiste, dyer, £34 16s. 6d. Arnolde, shoemaker, 42s. 6d. Costs of the Maundy, 27 Henry VIII., £31 3s. 9½d. Total, £508 5s. 11¾d.

Wardrobe of beds:—

William Lok and Symson, mercers, £30 0s. 11½d. Stephen Umble, embroiderer, £26 9s. 4d. Dormer, linendraper, £6 4s. 8d. Bawen and Chapell, bed-makers, £9 14s. 4d. Rypley, joiner, 39s. Bayne, ironmonger, 72s. 8d. Roman, the King's farrier, and Cornelys Smyth, £6 8s. 2d. Greene, coffer-maker, 104s. 2d. Mrs. Vaughanne, silkwoman, £68 4s. 1½d. Cloth of gold, £7 20d. Androw, paynter, 29s. 4d. Total, £166 8s. 5d.

The stable:—

Pecoke, mercer, £11 12s. William Hewtson, draper, £14 6s. Gilliame and Stephen Umble, embroiderers, £20 6s. 4d. Edward Stewerd, saddler, £21 4s. 10d. The farrier, 105s. 4d. Oats, &c. by the account of Denys Coppes, avener and clerk of the stable, ended 31 March 27 Henry VIII., £59 6s. 0¾d. Wages of the avener and yeoman of the Queen's horses, £24 17s. 3d. Total, £156 17s. 9¾d.

Thomas Alsoppe, apothecary, £41 9s. 10d. Nicholas Thorne, of Bristow, for 49 lb. of slevyd silk of Granatho, at 25s., delivered in accordance with a letter of her hand, dated Westminster, 14 Dec., £61 5s.

Total debts, £934 7s. 0½d. Large paper, formerly a roll. Pp. 8. Endd. Mutilated.

R. O. 2. Another copy, omitting the last item.

Pp. 7. Mutilated.

24 May 1536. 24 May. R. O. 952. John Husee to Lord Lisle (age 72).

Your peascods were thankfully received by the King "for mo considerations than I will write of." Mr. Russell says he moved his Grace for your preferment, and his Grace said it was too late, for all things had been disposed of long since, except some offices in Wales not fit for you, as it was so far from your native country, but he would gladly your Lordship had somewhat. The truth is, as I wrote, that Mr. Russell is a right worshipful, sad, and discreet gentleman, but will never prefer your Lordship. "I pray God take Mr. Norrys (deceased) to his mercy, for you have made an unlike change." You had better write to Mr. Hennage, and send him some pleasure. As to the priories of Mawdlens and Pylton, send me the extent of their lands and I will move the matter, but I think you might ask for some abbey "of the suppressed number" in Hampshire, Wiltshire, or elsewhere, near your dwelling-place. When your wine and quails come I will distribute them, unless otherwise commanded, to Mr. Russell and Mr. Hennage, but in anywise you should write to the latter, and also to Mr. Secretary, though he does you little good and promises much. The £200 the late Lord Rocheford (deceased) had out of the revenues of Winchester returns to the Bishop's coffers. Mr. Bryan had £100 that Mr. Norris (deceased) had out of the bishopric. As to the spurs, I cannot get to the King's presence, but when you have written to Mr. Hennage he shall have the delivery of them. Whatever be the reason, the King will not license you to come over. The King has already written about the marsh. I have not yet been able to get from Mr. Secretary the letter he promised to write for the friar's despatch. Your counsel do not advise you to procure a proviso by Act of Parliament for lord Daubney to stay the sale of lands that should descend to Mr. Basset, but only to keep a vigilant eye on his proceedings. Ling and haberdeyn are so dear that I cannot tell what to do, the former £8 per cwt. or over, and the latter £3 or over. A new coronation is expected at Midsummer. The progress shall not this summer pass Windsor. Your Lordship shall receive, by Hugh Colton, two pair of hosen. London, 24 May. Hol., pp. 2. Add.

[31 May 1536]. R. O. 1008. Anne Boleyn's Debtors.

Abstract of the "arrearages" of divers persons, due to the late Queen Anne at Michaelmas 27 Henry VIII.

Northt.—Berkhampstede, from lord Vaux.

Berks.—Newbury, from John Erley.

Wilts.—Dychamton, fr. Sir Humph. Stafford; Marleborough, fr. John Wylks.

Linc.—Grantham, fr. Francis Halle; Kelby, fr. the heir of George Taylbos, of the fee farm of Shillinghope.

Herts.—Huchyn, John Smyth.

Norf.—From the Earl of Rutland (age 44), Richard Southwell, William Conyngesby, and Sir John Heydon.

Hants.—Southampton.

Salop.—Fordeshome.

Total, £197 13s. 1d. ¼ 1/8.

Lat., pp. 4.

But she did not give up her greatness, but spoke to the lords as a mistress. Those who came to interrogate were astonished. They afterwards went to Rochford, who said he knew that death awaited him and would say the truth, but raising his eyes to Heaven denied the accusations against him. They next went to Norris, Waston, and Barton, who all likewise refused to confess, except Mark, who had done so already. The King ordered the trial at Westminster, which was held after the manner of the country.

Description of the process of indictment and how the archers of the guard turn the back [of the axe] to the prisoners in going, but after sentence of guilty the edge is turned towards their faces; the trial at Westminster; the verdict; whereupon suddenly the axe was turned towards them; and the sentence. Everyone was moved at their misfortune, especially at the case of Waston, who was young and of old lineage and high accomplishments; but no one dared plead for him, except his mother, who, oppressed with grief, petitioned the King, and his wife, who offered rents and goods for his deliverance. But the King was determined the sentence should be carried out. If money could have availed, the fine would have been 100,000 crowns.

Rochford (deceased) was not tried at Westminster, but at the Tower, with the Queen. His calm behaviour, and good defence. More himself did not reply better. The judges at first were of different opinions, but at last one view overturned the other and they were unanimous. The Duke of Norfolk (age 63) as president, though maternal uncle of the accused, asked them if he was guilty or not, and one replied guilty. Rochford (deceased) then merely requested the judges that they would ask the King to pay his debts. The Queen then was summoned by an usher. She seemed unmoved as a stock, and came away with her young ladies, not as one who had to defend her cause but with the bearing of one coming to great honor. She returned the salutations of the lords with her accustomed politeness, and took her seat. She defended herself soberly against the charges, her face saying more for her than her words; for she said little, but no one to look at her would have thought her guilty. In the end the judges said she must resign her crown to their hands; which she did at once without resistance, but protested she had never misconducted herself towards the King. She was then degraded from all her titles,—countess, marchioness, and princess, which she said she gave up willingly to the King who had conferred them. Sentence of death, either by sword or fire, at the pleasure of the King, was pronounced by Norfolk. Her face did not change, but she appealed to God whether the sentence was deserved; then turning to the judges, said she would not dispute with them, but believed there was some other reason for which she was condemned than the cause alleged, of which her conscience acquitted her, as she had always been faithful to the King. But she did not say this to preserve her life, for she was quite prepared to die. Her speech made even her bitterest enemies pity her.

Meanwhile the prisoners prepared to die and took the Sacrament. Description of the execution of Rochford (deceased), with his dying speech, not unlike the version given in No. 1107. The other four said nothing, as if they had commissioned Rochford (deceased) to speak for them, except Mark, who persisted in what he said that he was justly punished for his misdeeds.

The Queen, in expectation of her last day, took the Sacrament. Then the day of her death was announced to her, at which she was more joyful than before. She asked about the patience shown by her brother and the others; but when told that Mark confessed that he had merited his death, her face changed somewhat. "Did he not exonerate me," she said, "before he died, of the public infamy he laid on me? Alas! I fear his soul will suffer for it."

Next day, expecting her end, she desired that no one would trouble her devotions that morning. But when the appointed hour passed she was disappointed,—not that she desired death, but thought herself prepared to die and feared that delay would weaken her. She, however, consoled her ladies several times, telling them that was not a thing to be regretted by Christians, and she hoped to be quit of all unhappiness, with various other good counsels. When the captain came to tell her the hour approached and that she should make ready, she bade him for his part see to acquit himself of his charge, for she had been long prepared. So she went to the place of execution with an untroubled countenance. Her face and complexion never were so beautiful. She gracefully addressed the people from the scaffold with a voice somewhat overcome by weakness, but which gathered strength as she went on. She begged her hearers to forgive her if she had not used them all with becoming gentleness, and asked for their prayers. It was needless, she said, to relate why she was there, but she prayed the Judge of all the world to have compassion on those who had condemned her, and she begged them to pray for the King, in whom she had always found great kindness, fear of God, and love of his subjects. The spectators could not refrain from tears. She herself having put off her white collar and hood that the blow might not be impeded, knelt, and said several times "O Christ, receive my spirit !"

One of her ladies in tears came forward to do the last office and cover her face with a linen cloth. The executioner then, himself distressed, divided her neck at a blow. The head and body were taken up by the ladies, whom you would have thought bereft of their souls, such was their weakness; but fearing to let their mistress be touched by unworthy hands, forced themselves to do so. Half dead themselves, they carried the body, wrapped in a white covering, to the place of burial within the Tower. Her brother was buried beside her, Weston (deceased) and Norris after them. Barton and Mark also were buried together (en ung couble).

The ladies were then as sheep without a shepherd, but it will not be long before they meet with their former treatment, because already the King has taken a fancy to a choice lady. And hereby, Monseigneur, is accomplished a great part of a certain prophecy which is believed to be true, because nothing notable has happened which it has not foretold. Other great things yet are predicted of which the people are assured. If I see them take place I will let you know, for never were such news. People say it is the year of marvels.Fr.

04 Jun 1536. R. O. 1058. J. Husee to Lord Lisle (age 72).

Mr. Russell delivered your letter to the King in Mr. Secretary's presence, and declared your mind concerning the contents. Mr. Secretary was commanded to open and read the letter, and afterwards communed with the King a pretty space. I have since spoken with Mr. Secretary, urging him to keep you in remembrance, which he says he has done. He promises to show me more of his mind in three days, so by tomorrow or Tuesday I hope to know what he will say thereto. Undoubtedly he can do much good if he will be earnest as your friend. I wish his wine were had in remembrance. I wish your Lordship had Bewley, but I think it would be time lost to sue for it. If you would name one or two in Hampshire or Wiltshire, I have no fear but the King would soon know your mind. St. Mary's in Winchester, I am told, unless great friendship stay it, is like to be of the number. I am told Waberley is a pretty thing. I think your suit will not be frustrate if you let me know your mind and write to Hennage. Your counsel wish the proviso not to be spoken of. I will not forget Mr. Page for your nag. I have bought for my lady 14 yds. Lukes velvet; Skut will have no less. I hope she will have it before Corpus Christi Day [15 June]. I have also bought your Lordship ½ cwt. of ling and 1 cwt. haberdeyn. I have received £60 that Mr. Seymour (age 36) paid Mr. Wynsor, and have paid the parson of St. Martin's, your grocer and chandler, my lady's velvet, and the fish, in what manner I will write by him that brings my lady's gown. I send you by bearer a satin undercap, with two linings. By Fyssher I sent you two pair of hosen with your proxy, which I look for every day, with an answer to such letters as I sent by him. Mr. Treasurer (age 46) promises to move the King in Snowden's behalf. Mr. Whethill knelt before the King yesterday, I think for the same matter. I moved Mr. Treasurer (age 46) for my check, showing that I was here on your affairs, and stood in continual danger of my wages by the Act; but he said your Lordship could protect me. Please write to Mr. Treasurer (age 46) to write to the Controller and Treasurer there about it. I have been asked by one or two for money on your Lordship's behalf for the King's subsidy. Vycars, your late servant, begs you to write a letter to his father declaring the cause of his departure, else his father will never take him for his son. London, 4 June. Hol., pp. 2. Add.

06 Jun 1536. Vienna Archives. 1069. Chapuys to Charles V.

On the 24th of this month, the Eve of Ascension Day, immediately on the arrival of the courier who was despatched to Pontremolo, Cromwell sent me the packet which your Majesty had forwarded to that place, begging that I would impart my news to him without delay. Shortly afterwards he sent to say that he would come and see me, but as, owing to his being so much occupied, he had failed in a like promise two days before, I, in order to put him under greater obligation, went to see him. On my arrival he told me that he had been to Court that morning, only to obtain audience for me, which the King had granted for next day. The said courier had brought letters from their ambassador, giving such news of the sincere goodwill your Majesty bore the King that Cromwell said he was better pleased than if he had gained 100,000 cr.; and he was sure I should find the King otherwise inclined than he had been before, both as regards the principal matter and also as to myself in particular, for I had greatly increased the affection he bore me on account of certain letters I had lately written to him, of which I send a copy to Grandvelle; also that by the death of the Concubine (deceased) matters would be more easily arranged now than they had been. He said it was he who had discovered and followed up the affair of the Concubine (deceased), in which he had taken a great deal of trouble, and that, owing to the displeasure and anger he had incurred upon the reply given to me by the King on the third day of Easter, he had set himself to arrange the plot (a fantasier et conspirer led. affaire), and one of the things which had roused his suspicion and made him enquire into the matter was a prognostic made in Flanders threatening the King with a conspiracy of those who were nearest his person. On this he praised greatly the sense, wit, and courage of the said Concubine (deceased) and of her brother (deceased). And to declare to me further the hope of good success, he informed me in great confidence that the King, his master, knowing the desire and affection of all his people, had determined in this coming Parliament to declare the Princess (age 20) his heir; but by what he said afterwards, which I shall partly report, he left me in much greater doubt than before. For, besides requesting me in speaking to the King not to make any request on the Princess's behalf, and, if she were mentioned, not to speak of her as Princess, he also told me it was above all things necessary the Princess should write a letter to her father according to a draft that Cromwell had drawn up in the most honorable and reasonable form that could be, and that to solicit the Princess to do this he had, by the King's command, sent to her a very confidential lady; but, in any case, to avoid scruple, the King wished I would write to her, and send her one of my principal servants to persuade her to make no difficulty about writing the said letter, which he would have translated from English into Latin, that I might see that it was quite honorable. This translation he gave me next day as I left the Court; and since reading it I have not found the said Cromwell, to tell him my opinion of it, although I begged him the day before, when he spoke about it, to take care that it did not contain anything which could directly or indirectly touch her right, or the honor either of herself or of the late Queen, her mother, nor yet her conscience; otherwise she would not consent thereto for all the gold in the world, and the King's indignation against her would only be increased; and that he whom the said Princess regarded as almost a father, ought to take good care that the whole was free from danger and scruple. This, he said, he had done, as I should see by the tenor of the letter, of which I send your Majesty the very translation he delivered to me. Besides the evidence that letter contains that there is some bird catching attempted (quy y a de la traynee et pipe), this has been confirmed to me from a good quarter, and I have warned the Princess. I mean to get out of it (de me demesler) and dissemble the affair as much as I can, without speaking or writing of it till I have understood the intention of those here on the principal article of the negotiations. I shall excuse myself for not having sent to the Princess by saying that the messenger (icelluy) to whom I had committed the translation had lost it in returning from Court. When I have learned their intention I shall not fail to make the necessary remonstrances as to the unreasonableness of the letter, and seek all means possible to moderate such rigour; nevertheless your Majesty will be pleased to instruct me what to say and do in case the King insist on having the letter entirely written by the Princess, and that otherwise he means to punish her, as the lady sent by the King to the Princess has given a servant of mine to understand.

06 Jun 1536. Having endeavoured first to ascertain from Cromwell the King's inclination upon the above subject, I delivered to him your Majesty's letters to himself, and communicated to him the substance of what you had written to me; at which he showed himself as pleased as could be, especially as I told him that, to simplify matters, after my letters were deciphered, I would show him everything in confidence. He said to me, as before, that I should find the King his master very well disposed to peace and amity with your Majesty. I would not then enter into particulars in case of revocation and establishment of amity until I saw how the King proceeded; and by what I have perceived hitherto of the King and Cromwell, they only reckon upon preserving neutrality and remaining friends with all the world; but they have since spoken "plus avant." Cromwell tells me (but I have only been able to extract it from him by divers means) that the bailly of Troyes had come to know how the King wished to be comprehended in the peace, and that the King had replied he wished only to be comprehended as a principal contrahent; and he wished to comprehend the others, not the others to comprehend him.

The same was declared to me by the King, to whom I said that the thing was in his hands to do so if he pleased. Cromwell also told me that the bailly had brought to show the answer which the King his master had made to your Majesty upon the very honorable proposals made by you in Consistory; and that in that answer the king of France, by way of reproach, had said that without his aid you would not have obtained the Imperial crown, nor even have gone into Spain before it. At these words this King had been sorry, for it was his part to boast of these things and not that of any other, and begged the bailiff to advise his master to put in his answers things more true or more probable. Cromwell also said that the rest of the answer was such that he should have been ashamed to make it. He also said that the said bailiff [and] the other ambassador had proposed the marriage of the eldest daughter of France with this King, but that it was labour lost, for this King would never marry out of his kingdom. On my asking why, he gave me a very slender reason; viz., that if a foreign Queen of great connections misconducted herself as to her person she could not be punished and got rid of like the last. And on my replying that this was a misfortune not to be expected in generous and well brought-up persons, as they might see by the example of the late Queen, I took the opportunity to suggest the marriage of the Infant Don Loys, saying everything that seemed to me suitable. As to the "Infanta" ("linfante") Cromwell passed this over altogether; but as to the Infant Don Loys, he gave ear to it readily, enquiring several times of his age and personal qualities, and how many children the king of Portugal, his brother, had. And on my saying that although there was no hope of Don Loys succeeding to the crown of Portugal, yet, besides being of so noble blood and so virtuous a prince, he had enough goods of his own to maintain honorably the estate of the said Princess, I would not say better than the Duke of Suffolk (age 52) and the Queen of Scots' present husband, but I came so near this, that he himself said so, and, moreover, that it was certain that, failing hope of the succession of this kingdom by a male child of the King, your Majesty would, it is to be hoped, in that event do something for the advancement of the said Infant.

06 Jun 1536. Next day, Ascension Day, [25 May] I was with the King at 8 a.m., who, after kindly congratulating me on my convalescence, and thanking me for the letters I had written to him, began to make recital of your Majesty's letters of 13 and 18 April and of 15 May, and showed in everything the greatest satisfaction. The conversation turning on your Majesty's visit to Rome, I, finding the King in such good humour, said, in addition to the contents of the letters, that your Majesty was more desirous of the King's approval of the reasons you had given in your justification than for that of all other princes, as the King was one of the principal of all Christendom, and by his wisdom and experience was most competent to judge such matters, and that your Majesty would have been glad, before putting forth the said justifications, to have taken counsel with him about them, as you would do in all other matters. He appeared very glad to hear this, and said I should do him very great pleasure by communicating the said justification,—all the more so as, after dinner, the French ambassadors were to speak to him about that matter, and they did not always speak the truth. He took in good part my offer to read the copy of your Majesty's letters to your ambassador in France; and after talking together a while, begged that I would read them to the Chancellor and Cromwell. I did so, and they found it all so good that they had no criticisms to make.

Coming to the recital of the last letters, I studied to keep as close as possible to the text, they were so wisely and exquisitely couched, only I kept silence about "la frondeur quil avoit, et lautre fois," and refrained from saying that if this King would not go roundly to business, your Majesty would be justified, reserving that clause till it should be necessary. I also forebore to mention at once the offers of the French to treat haut et bas in what concerned him, or the delay your Majesty had made therein; but afterwards it came in very opportunely to tell him, and I had no great difficulty in persuading him of it, for he had long suspected it.

Having explained my charge to the best of my power, the King, who had been resting in a window, rose up very glad, and told me that I had brought him the most agreeable news, and for his part he was desirous of peace and amity with all the world; yet he thanked me very much for the trouble I had taken in these matters, and the good service I had done therein, as he had learned from the letters of his ambassador. After some other talk he added, that in accordance with his custom to conceal nothing from me, although the matter was of small importance, the cardinal of Lorraine had made great complaint to his ambassadors that he had heard in your Majesty's court that they had solicited and obtained, in the name of the said King, peace and amity with your Majesty; thereby insinuating that that had hindered peace between your Majesty and the king of France; and though the King does not believe that such reports have emanated from your Majesty's court, yet he will be glad if the thing be accomplished. I said these were French inventions, as he might suppose, and that I was sure if there was anything to remedy in the said case, or any other that concerned him, it would be done with great goodwill. I then said I understood the French had proposed to comprehend him in the treaty of peace, and that it would be much more profitable and honorable for him to be the principal, and comprehend the French if he thought good, and that it only rested with him to do so. He replied that he had made pretty nearly such an answer to the French ambassadors, and that he could not well say for what the bailiff of Troyes had come, for his commission was so vain and so ill founded that it was a shame, and that he would engage that the bailly could not tell distinctly what charge he has, and that formerly the bailiff had appeared to him a man of good judgment and experience, but now he found him quite otherwise. I said I thought that it might have been the fault of the matter and not of the person, that had given him such an opinion of the bailiff. He said both causes concurred, and that he was astonished at the terms of the French, who would never come to the point about anything, and were only seeking a multiplicity of matters, and that long ago he had proposed certain things to the French king by his ambassadors, to which he had not yet had any reply, though he had expected that the bailiff would have brought it, and so long a time had elapsed that the circumstances had altogether changed. He said that the said bailiff, among other things, had communicated to him the answer of the French king to the propositions made by your Majesty in Consistory, but it was no great thing.

06 Jun 1536. After these and other conversations, by the advice and even request of Cromwell I recited what had been written to me from the Court of the king of the Romans of the lanceknights who have already passed into Italy, and of the preparations still made in Germany, both of foot and horse, which makes me doubt that the said King was ill informed of the forces of your Majesty. Cromwell also begged me to relate to the King what had been written to me from Genoa and elsewhere of the retreat and disbanding of the men levied by Canigno de Gonzaga and his companions. It is on this, as the King affirms, that Francis bases his argument that your Majesty was the first to violate the peace; but on my showing him that as it was against the treaties for Francis to negociate or levy men in Italy against your Majesty, and that as, besides, those Italians raised for the French king being all or most of them subjects of your Majesty and of the Empire, it was lawful for your Majesty to treat them as you had done. He made no reply, but seemed quite satisfied.

Towards the close of our conversation. Cromwell, fearing I might forget to show the King your Majesty's answer to the French ambassador at Lucca, came forward to remind me about it. The King approved it entirely, even though he seemed thereby to have less hope of an "appointement" than by what had taken place before, which is what those here have always demanded. In the end he said to me that if I had any power to treat he would order his Council to attend to it, and, if not, I ought to write for it. I told him that I had no special power, but that I knew part of your Majesty's intention, and that to gain time, if he pleased, Cromwell and I would communicate, and that according to the decision we came to I would engage to have the said power, and if it was necessary, that some honorable person should come, to give the matter more weight. To which he consented. Shortly after I left the chamber he sent to me by Cromwell to say that it would be better, before wasting time in conference, to write for the said power and wait for it; but on my insisting on the opposite view, Cromwell, after speaking again with the King, arranged on the third day after to make answer to me, and begin our conference. He was so busy, however, that we could not confer till the Monday following, which was the 29th ultimo. I then visited him at his house, and the first words he said to me were that perhaps I suspected that the delay of my answer was owing to some hope they had of treating meanwhile with the French; but I must banish that opinion, for matters were not in such a state, and, even if they were, I might be assured they would treat nothing to the prejudice of your Majesty; yet it was true that they expected news from France before sending a dispatch to their ambassador with your Majesty, but my answer would not be delayed by that. Hereupon he began to speak about the matter of the Princess as that on which depended the stability of all the other matters to be discussed. On which I showed him the injustice of the letters which he wished the Princess to write. He asked me to moderate, correct, and amend what I pleased, or to dictate another letter such as I would have, and to use my influence to get the Princess to write; in which there will be no difficulty, for the Princess is determined to do only what I advise her. Cromwell assured me that every day since I had spoken with the King, they had been discussing the affair of the said Princess, and that certain remonstrances I had made with him and others of the Council had been well taken, and that the King no longer made any difficulty in making the said Princess his heir, and that he had approved of the overture I had made for the marriage of the Infant Don Loys, which might be pursued after the restoration of the Princess, but not before. And as to the other marriage of the Infanta of Portugal, it was impossible, for the King did not intend to marry out of the kingdom. Cromwell might have said also that the King had already fixed on a wife, to wit Jane Semel, as I wrote to Granvelle on 20 May. Yet the King denied it on Ascension Day [25 June] to the French ambassadors, telling them he was at liberty; whereupon, as I am told, the said ambassadors next day despatched a post. On my telling Cromwell that I had heard that on the French requesting to have the Princess for the Dauphin, the King would not consent, but offered her to the duke of Angoulême, he confessed it to me, saying I might well consider what the worth of this offer was; that these were artifices of princes; and he dared to add (at which I was astonished, especially as the case only applied to the King his master) that princes often do things so extravagant and dishonest that he would rather lose one of his arms than think of acting so.

06 Jun 1536. After reading to Cromwell your Majesty's letters, which he liked very much, I said if it was only a question of treating of a new and stricter friendship, we had labored to no purpose, seeing that there was no rupture or innovation on either side. And when he admitted this to be true, I went on to show that as sometimes physicians desired illness for their friends, and lawyers disputes, in order to show their true love and regard for them, and as God, without the wish of anyone, had offered a great opportunity of showing that the memory and root of old friendship was not extinguished between your Majesty and the King, and, moreover, to show the zeal he had for the service of God, the peace of Christendom, and the promotion of the Faith, the King had taken so much trouble to conciliate the Emperor and the king of France, so that he might be justly called the author and conservator of peace, that he had all the more reason to be angry at the wilful violator of peace, especially at such a juncture, when your Majesty was on the point of completing your holy and necessary enterprise against the enemies of the Faith; and that by this and other evidences, of which the King his master was fully informed, especially the understanding of the French king with Barbarossa and the Turk, with whom he had made a treaty, all Christian princes were justified in taking arms against the said King, especially the king of England, who, besides being a principal member of Christendom, bore the title of Defender of the Faith, and besides doing a good deed, would wipe out the evil rumors spread of him in France that he was no good Christian. On this Cromwell suddenly said to me that I had taken the word out of his mouth, and that if there were no other reason why the King should declare himself against Francis, he believed that Francis could be immediately crushed, or at least reduced to such terms that he would hereafter leave the world in peace; but he saw one danger in the King's so declaring, viz., lest your Majesty came to treat with the French, to which you appeared to be very well disposed, considering the offer of Milan to the duke of Angoulême; and if your Majesty considered well the consequence, you would as little consent to give the said duchy to the duke of Angoulême as to the duke of Orleans. This advice about not giving Milan to the duke of Angoulême had already been given to me by the King. I told Cromwell that in the event of your Majesty making any treaty with the French without the consent of his master, and in case his master made any difficulty about the said declaration, I proposed that he might give pecuniary aid. This I thought necessary to accelerate the negociation, and to find out the better what is in their mind, for to wait an answer to the first objection there would be no end. As to what concerns the defence of Flanders, I told him there was no need to speak, for it was notorious that the King was bound to the defence of Flanders by several treaties. Cromwell assured me that the King his master had said to him, just as he was leaving the Court to wait upon me at his house, that he knew well that among other points I would not forget to speak of the said protection of Flanders. Further, Cromwell said to me that if it rested with him he would resolve suddenly to make the said declaration against the French king, and that he would use all his influence to that effect; but that if I were of opinion that the King his master should meanwhile interfere in behalf of peace, or should send some ambassador to the king of France to advise him to desist from his enterprises, that would be done at once. I replied that as to advising the king of France, I did not think it expedient, for reasons he might sufficiently understand; it would only serve like the water which farriers throw upon the fire, and that if the King wished to induce peace he must act on the advice of Solon, the legislator of Athens, who, to appease the dissensions that might arise in that city, ordained a law that, in case of trouble arising, no citizen should remain who did not declare himself either on the one side or on the other. Cromwell said this was true, but there remained the objection that if the French knew that England was going to join with the Emperor they might offer terms, even to their own disadvantage, to injure the King his master.

To this objection I gave, I think, a satisfactory answer, with which he appeared to be content, and said that he would make a favorable report to the King, and next day give me answer. Next day he sent to ask me to excuse him, because it was impossible to speak to me either that day or the day following. On the third day, which was 1 June, he said he was obliged to go to the country, and would give me on his return an agreeable answer.

06 Jun 1536. Must not omit to mention that, among the remonstrances which Cromwell approved of, he noted particularly that it was not at this time that the kings of France had first troubled the affairs of Christendom, and that their glory and ambition had caused the loss of the Holy Land, and compelled that chivalrous prince Richard Cœur-de-Lion to withdraw, Philip of France having made war upon him unjustly. Recited also to Cromwell several other wrongs done by the French, and how they boasted that the Dauphin would subdue the realm as another Dauphin had done in the time of king John; and that on this subject they had invented certain prophecies, which they had got printed, to encourage the said Dauphin, though he is well enough inclined to it himself, and some time ago dared to say in the presence of Englishmen that he would regain the title and arms which the king of England bore, and something more besides. Cromwell acknowledged it was all true, and that there were other arguments for the same course, and it would not be his fault if it were not adopted.

They have delayed my answer so long awaiting news from France, as Cromwell let out to me. The delay was to my great annoyance, as I feared that meanwhile my man George would arrive with letters from your Majesty. He came on the 1st inst., and, according to your Majesty's command, although the King has made his decision, as I have already mentioned and have before written to Granvelle, yet I will not forbear to declare the affection and goodwill of your Majesty in this point, even more amply since there is no danger of being taken too literally; yet I will take care that it cannot be said this is an offer of being godfather after the child is baptised (que ce soit ouffre de comparaige apres lenfant baptiste).

The day before George's arrival the man of the French ambassador came, who had left the same day, and to take the same news as George to the Court of France; and as soon as he had dismounted, he went in great haste with letters to Cromwell. Next day the two French ambassadors were with Cromwell, and were at Court the day before Whitsun eve.

06 Jun 1536On Whitsun eve, in the morning, Cromwell came to see me at my lodging, although I had sent to request him to wait for me at his own, and first told me, pour joyeuse entrée, that the King and the new Queen (age 27) were wonderfully well pleased with the wise and prudent letters the Princess (age 20) had written (in which, nevertheless, there was nothing corresponding to the draft abovementioned, nor anything that could prejudice her), and that the King was resolved to make her his heir, which he supposed to be one of the principal articles of my charge on which the rest depended. Now, it is true that I had perceived some indications that there was a proposal to declare the Princess (age 20) heir without giving her the title of Princess, and she will remain excluded in case of a son or daughter being born. If this be so, and I see an opportunity to remedy it, I will speak about the subject. If not, I will not stick at it much, hoping that by the establishment of peace and augmentation of amity, with the great prudence and virtue the King will perceive in her, that she will be declared true and just princess,—although, according to the opinion of many, there is no fear of the occurrence of any issue of either sex. Coming to the principal subject, Cromwell said that he had repeated to the King his master the communications we had had together, and the King had given him patient audience, well noting and considering everything, and that he had since heard the French ambassadors, to whom he had made a brusque reply, first as to the marriage of the Dauphin with the Princess, that he knew not why they urged it, as at the meeting at Calais he had resolutely replied about it to the king of France, his brother, and as to the duke of Angoulême he was too young for the said Princess, who was of marriageable age. As to declaring himself against your Majesty, he saw no ground for it, and though they said that your Majesty had been and was his enemy, he did not see it; he had much greater occasion to complain of several who had called themselves his friends, and he could very well testify what they had done about the "privation" and other things; and as to the danger which they alleged to him, which was the sole motive they made use of, that your Majesty aspired to universal monarchy, and that you were revengeful of injuries—that the English, after feasting France, would have their St. Martin—there was not the slightest fear, for they knew the nature of your Majesty, and for other good reasons besides. As to assisting them with a contribution for the war, he also declined it for the same reason. As to the suggestion that he should take this affair in hand in order to bring to agreement your Majesty and the King their master, and that he would write to your Majesty to procure an abstinence of war while they were treating of peace, he replied that it was not reasonable that he should write such letters, for several reasons, especially as the amity between your Majesty and him was not well consolidated, but he would request me to write with diligence to your Majesty to consent, notwithstanding past matters, to an honorable peace, and used such arguments with me as he thought fit. But, considering everything, he had very little occasion to meddle with such matters, seeing that they had turned about on all sides in their negociations, even to his disadvantage, employing therein his principal enemy, the Pope, and without informing him of anything important, except at the end when the matter came to be broken off. For a compliment, they had asked him how he would be comprehended in the peace, in which matter your Majesty had acted more honorably and cordially, having told him by me that it was in his power to be the principal contrahent, and to comprehend those whom he pleased. At which words Cromwell said the King showed great delight, saying further, that the French, after so much trifling and making a thousand offers, which he repeated to the ambassadors, especially those that the cardinal of Lorraine had made to your Majesty, and seeing themselves deserted by everybody and in great danger of being completely baffled, now came to him and tried to make him stumble with them in the ditch into which they had blindly precipitated themselves, and that it was no wonder their affairs went so badly, considering the envy and dissension between the Grand Master and the Admiral, who were chief of the Council, and that they need not have made so much boast hitherto to lower their ears immediately after, and that your Majesty managed your affairs more honorably without so much fuss, and yet showed clearly that you were not in such need and poverty as the French had pretended. And here the King inveighed strongly against the cruel enterprise of the French against the duke of Savoy. Such was, as Cromwell affirmed, the King's reply to the French ambassadors, which he ended by telling them that if their master wished him to promote this peace, they must put aside passion and cupidity and submit to reason; which, in his opinion, suggested that a king of France should be satisfied with such a wealthy kingdom, without irritating the flies by which he might be provoked. And he desired that the ambassadors should write with diligence to learn the will of the King their master upon this matter, and have it set forth in articles.

06 Jun 1536. After relating this to me, Cromwell began to show me the inconveniences that war would entail, and the good that would ensue from a peace, during which an expedition might be got up against the Infidels, these two Kings joining their forces with those of your Majesty; and the King his master would take care that it was all without prejudice to your Majesty; adding that the King requested that I would write about it without loss of time, since I did not know particularly your intention about this renewal of peace, and perhaps I was not perfectly informed of all the articles in which your Majesty considered the French to have infringed the treaties, and that if the French king would not consent to more reasonable conditions than he had done hitherto, the King his master would have the more occasion to declare himself, and it could not be imputed to rashness on his part, as it might be if he did so suddenly. Afterwards Cromwell said to me, without my proposing the subject, that, as to the Council, it must not be supposed that his master wanted to have a god apart, and separate himself from the union of Christians; he desired the Council as much as anyone else, provided it was called by Your Majesty as chief of Christendom. On this I replied that for this time it was right to leave the power of summoning it in the Pope's hands, and if it was otherwise determined at the said Council use would be made of it accordingly. I begged him, however, to consider and put in writing how your Majesty could effectually call the said Council; which he promised to do, and therewith I got rid of the matter for my part as far as possible, in order not to spoil the principal matter, considering that there is time enough to treat about the Council. After Cromwell had finished his discourse I warmly thanked the King for his goodwill to your Majesty, and Cromwell for the trouble he had taken in so meritorious a work. Therewith I began to praise the wise and prudent answers the King had given to the French ambassadors, especially the excuse he had made for not writing the letter they wanted him to write, because the King, not being informed of the disposition of affairs there, might have requested something of your Majesty, which you could not grant without serious damage, and you would have been in great perplexity, not wishing to refuse the King anything that was in your power. I said that, having spoken with the King, I would willingly write to your Majesty as above, and although I have no charge to discuss the said matters of the peace, yet, considering the desire you had always shown to have peace, [even] accepting unjust and injurious conditions, I would dare promise that your Majesty would not refuse the said peace if it could be assured with true regard to the right and wrong of everyone. The said King had seen how the French had observed preceding treaties, and it might be regarded as rashness to trust them again. They were now very low, and had no refuge except the Turk, with whom they wished to negociate, and they wanted the King to mediate, which the Emperor would have been very glad of if the King had been made arbiter from the first. It must also be observed that the French, seeing your Majesty had spent a vast sum of money on the expedition to Africa, and in guarding yourself against them, would seek means to make that expense unavailing; for one of the things they seek is to wear out your Majesty's money, and make you vacillate in your promises to the Italian princes; and I did not know how the Germans would be satisfied, especially some who had come at their own expense to serve you; and that it was necessary to maintain such men for the need one might any day have of them, especially against the said French, who keep no faith; and I thought your Majesty ought to consent to no peace till Burgundy was restored, which so justly belongs to you, with the arrears and expenses you had incurred for this army, and an indemnity paid to the duke of Savoy. He said his master would assuredly have good regard to everything as reason would.

06 Jun 1536. As to what he had before said, that I had no particular information of the infringements of treaties by the king of France, which is the ground the King takes for [not] making the declaration which I demanded, I observed lightly that I had, and related to him what you had been pleased to write to me, telling him, besides what I had said to him last time, that even if there were no other pretext but the stoppage of payment of their pension, that was quite as fair a cause for declaring war against them as when the Cardinal had declared it against your Majesty. Cromwell said that was true, but these princes were marvellously scrupulous not to wound their honors, and it was necessary in this matter to yield to the King, begging that I would therein do a good office. I said it was not necessary to wait for other news from your Majesty to know what you would demand in case we came to negociate for the establishment of peace between you and his master.

He said he thought so too, but the King wished not to know it in order to pay this compliment to the French. Thereupon I requested him as earnestly as possible, by his duty to God and the King, and for the benefit of the realm, that he would urge the King without further delay to declare for your Majesty. He said that the short delay till an answer came from you would not matter, and that I might be assured everything would come about as your Majesty desired, requesting me, for the honor of God, at once to use every effort to have the matter of peace referred to the King's arbitration, and assuring me that in that case the French would have nothing in Milan, and that the King would have due regard to Burgundy and the other matters I had put forward. This he repeated to me several times.

The French ambassadors, who expected to go to Court to day, have been put off till tomorrow to give place to me, and this morning before the King rose I was at Court. The King sent immediately to excuse himself by Cromwell that he was not so early out. I replied that he did me wrong to treat me with such ceremony, for he might count all your Majesty's servants as his own. At which words Cromwell showed himself very much pleased, and immediately reported them to the King. On coming from mass the King repeated his excuses to me, and thanked me for the answer I had made to Cromwell. He asked where your Majesty was. I said my man, who had just returned, had left you at a day's journey from Alessandria. He also reported that on telling your Majesty the news of the arrest of her whom the King had justly executed, and declaring the cause to have been a conspiracy against his person, your Majesty appeared astonished and troubled, and asked if it was possible that she could have shown such malice against such a good, humane, and virtuous prince, who could not have done more for any person than he had done for her; and that afterwards your Majesty began to praise God that the King had escaped such danger, and that the matter had been discovered before any mischief was done. On hearing which the King was very glad, saying he was much bound to your Majesty. He then asked if it was possible that the man who had carried those news had already returned. I said, Yes, and that, besides the duplicate of the last dispatch, he had brought letters from your Majesty in which you charged me, besides recommendations, to speak of the offers (partiz) mentioned therein. He thanked your Majesty many times for your goodwill, saying that the said offers were very honorable, but even if he had not been married he could not have chosen either of the two by reason of the proximity of blood. Still he was none the less bound to you.

06 Jun 1536. On his return from mass I accompanied the King to the chamber of the Queen (age 27), whom, for the King's satisfaction, I kissed, and congratulated her on her marriage, and said that her predecessor had borne the device La plus heureuse, but that she would bear the reality, and that I was sure your Majesty would be immeasurably pleased that the King had found so good and virtuous a wife, especially as her brother had been in your Majesty's service, and the satisfaction of this people with the marriage was incredible, especially at the restoration of the Princess to the King's favor and to her former condition; and, among other congratulations, I told the Queen (age 27) that it was not her least happiness that, without having had the labour of giving birth to her, she had such a daughter as the Princess, of whom she would receive more joy and consolation than of all those she could have herself; and I begged her to favor her interests; which she said she would do, and especially that she would labour to obtain that honorable name I wished for her of "pacific," i.e., of author and conservatrix of the peace. After speaking to the Queen (age 27), the King, who had been talking to the other ladies, approached, and wished to excuse her, saying I was the first ambassador to whom she had spoken, and she was not accustomed to it, that he quite believed she desired to obtain the name of "pacific," for, besides that her nature was gentle and inclined to peace, she would not for the world that he were engaged in war, that she might not be separated from him. After dinner I went to speak with the King in his chamber, and protesting "pour non lui altérer son cerveaul," [so as not to alter his brain] that I would not for the present object to the answers made by Cromwell, I begged him to take in good part that which I should say about the conversations Cromwell and I had had together. He desired that I would speak boldly. And I began to make part of the remonstrances I had made to Cromwell. He replied that it was true that the leagues and confederacies between your Majesty and him are far more ancient and better grounded than those with France; and, that notwithstanding it was true that the cause for which they had been made with France had ceased, he could not on that account fail in the promise he had made, for he was bound to both parties to defend the party attacked, and the French pretended that they were entitled to do what they had done against the duke of Savoy, because he had refused to restore Nice, which was only a surety, without violating the peace, and it was quite another thing to invade one of those comprehended in the peace from what it was to invade the subjects and dominions of a principal con trahent. And he begged your Majesty would look to this, lest by attacking France you might be called the aggressor, and he should be compelled by treaty to defend the party attacked, which would be disagreeable for him. On my showing him the articles in which the French had infringed the peace, he replied, as to Gueldres he was not informed, but he knew that a French gentleman who had been conveying money to Gueldres on the part of Francis had been taken at Brussels, and he did not think your Majesty would pretend a rupture on that account, seeing that you had made no mention of it in your statement at Rome. As to Wirtemberg, he tried to excuse the French, saying the Duke had gone to seek them, and the money the French had delivered was for the purchase of certain lands, and that the Duke was only subject to your Majesty much in the same way as the duke of Savoy. He attaches more importance to what the French have done "en lendroit de loccupateur de Mirandula;" but in the end he gave up almost every point, although he wished somehow to excuse an incursion lately made by the French on the frontiers of Artois, saying it was done by peasants of their own accord. After much talk the King notified to me that it would be necessary, in order to soften both parties, to tell them their wrong and show some "braverie," begging your Majesty to consider the good that would come of a new peace; and instead of commanding, he begged me to do my duty in this matter, not once but at least ten times, saying to me "Monsieur, je vous supplie, considerez, faictez, ecrivez, &c.," [Sir, I beg you, consider, do, write] which was quite extravagant courtesy. At last, seeing that it was no use pressing him to declare himself, I asked him what, in conclusion, I was to write to your Majesty. He replied that I ought to know better than he; but since I asked him he thought I should write that if you were willing that he should mediate this peace he would do it willingly, and would take care to allow no article that was not honorable to your Majesty. I said he ought to bid me write another article, viz., that in case he found the French to be violators of the peace or aggressors, or that they would not agree to a reasonable peace, he should declare himself for your Majesty. He replied cheerfully and distinctly that I might boldly assure your Majesty of it. He did not repeat what he had said before, that it was necessary also that he should use such "braverie" towards your Majesty in case you were wrong, nor that it must be considered if new conditions more unreasonable than the previous were put forward he should consider himself mocked by the parties unless it was owing to expenses since incurred, or a change in the situation. The King having explained to me as above I told him he might hold it certain that he would find all the fault was on the side of the French, as he would see clearly if he would weigh a little what I had said to him. Moreover, the French would never consent to honorable conditions. I therefore begged him to consider from this time about making a new treaty with your Majesty, and that he would declare to me what he would demand on his part in like case. He said to me he had certainly not considered about it, and for the haste of this despatch, as he had not all his council, he could not at present determine, but I might write to your Majesty that I would inform you of everything by the first despatch.

06 Jun 1536. The King had said to me before with great protestations that it was not by way of reproach, and he begged me not to inform you about it if I did not think it for the benefit of affairs; that, because the promise formerly made to him to continue the war against the king of France, even to the privation of the Crown, had not been kept, he feared that when they came to treat it would be the same thing again. But I satisfied him on this point by several reasons.

On my leaving the King he called several of his Council who were there in the chamber, and repeated to them our communications. Meanwhile I went to talk with this Queen's brother [Edward Seymour (age 36)], whom I left very well informed of the great good it would be, not only to the Queen his sister and all their kin, but also to the realm and all Christendom likewise, if the Princess were restored to her rights; and I am sure he will use his good offices therein. The Duke of Norfolk (age 63) afterwards, leaving, told me that I should see without being told that the King his master had no need of Chancellor or Council to make his replies and take his determinations, for he did all his business himself. I afterwards spoke to Cromwell, reporting the brusque words the King had used to me, but excusing him because he had already taken upon himself the office of an arbiter, who to bring the parties to an agreement imputes blame to both. Cromwell replied that I had spoken truly, and he thought it a great advantage that I understood the nature and artifice of the King his master, and that he could assure me all would go well; and he prayed God that during these interludes your Majesty's army might make notable progress, and that if the Princess were restored, which he hoped would be by Saturday next, all the rest could be easily settled; and that the Queen, after leaving me, had spoken to the King as warmly as possible in favor of the Princess, putting before him the greatness and goodness of all her kindred. Cromwell would advise your Majesty to write a rather long letter to the King about the injuries done you by the king of France, your efforts for peace, the expences you have incurred, and offering still to accept a sure and honorable peace, especially for the King's sake; and that you might send me the conditions apart if you did not think proper to write them to the King, among which conditions Cromwell presupposes would be the demand for Burgundy.

06 Jun 1536. R. O. 1074. J. Husee to Lord Lisle (age 72).

I have received your letters of the 2nd and 3rd June. In answer to the first, touching Sir Richard Whethill, Mr. Prysley this night delivered him your letter, and declared your pleasure, to which he only hummed and hawed, but at last said he had made many friends; so that apparently he means to persevere in his malicious suit. Mr. Prisley, however, still hopes he will take further advisement. The negligence about your Lordship's hosen was owing to my bedfellow Fyssher, who would not suffer me to send them by any other than himself. He deserves to sit three days in the stocks for it, but it rests with your Lordship to qualify the punishment. As for the parson of St. Martin's, I stayed 40s. in my hands for the tenth, before your Lordship's letter came to hand. As to your other letter I shall deliver Mr. Hennage your Lordship's letter, and motion him of my lady's daughter. As to the nomination of an abbey, I wrote by Petley, and will make further search. When I have set these matters in frame I will follow your affairs in Hampshire. The proxy I shall deliver the second day of the Parliament, as the custom is. Snowden is a diligent waiter, but Mr. Treasurer (age 46) has not yet motioned the King in his cause. I hope he will be earnest when he begins. As for the Marsh, though the matter has been taken by Water's information not after the true meaning, Mr. Secretary says the letter I send with this is wholly the King's pleasure, and will satisfy you. Wriothesley had this letter five days, and never told me till today at Court, but delivered it to me this night at Stepney. Mr. Secretary was not a little displeased at this, but in truth Wriothesley favored the party, or he would not have kept it. If you send lord Dawbny a piece of wine it would do no harm. As to my check, your Lordship's letter to Mr. Treasurer (age 46) will ease it. I will certify Mrs. Medcalff of your pleasure touching Lyssle: You will receive a letter of the King's for Peretrey's pardon along with this other letter of the King's sent herewith. Remember Mr. Secretary's wine. I cannot yet know what answer the King made him touching your suit. The Queen's (age 27) brother (age 36) is today created Viscount Beauchamp. London, 6 June.

Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.

08 Jun 1536. Statute Roll. 1087. Parliament.

Begun at Westminster 8 June 28 Henry VIII., Acts concerning:—

1. The attainder of Thomas Fitzgerald and his five uncles [c. 18].

2. Assurance of the manor of Southwark to the King [c. 19].

3. Jointure of Dame Grace, wife of Sir Henry Parker, son and heir to Henry lord Morley [c. 20].

4. Exchange between the King and the prior of St. Johns [c. 21].

5. Lands belonging to the earldom of Warwick [c. 22].

6. Pension to Robert Shurborn late Bishop of Chichester [c. 23].

7. Attainder of lord Thomas Howard [c. 24].

8. Assurance of lands to Viscount Beauchamp (age 36) [c. 25].

9. Assurance of lands in Kew to Viscount Beauchamp (age 36) and lady Anne (age 39) his wife [c. 26].

10. Church of Elsingspittle to be the parish church of St. Alphes, Cripplegate [c. 27].

11. Moiety of Ricard's Castle assured to John Onley [c. 28].

12. Exchange with the Abbot of Westminster for Covent Garden [c. 29].

13. Purchase of Stanton Barry from Thomas Pope [c. 30].

14. Enlargement of St. Margaret's churchyard, Southwark [c. 31].

15. Lands at Westminster conveyed to the King by the churchwardens of St. Martin's and St. Margaret's [c. 32].

16. Durham Place conveyed to the King by exchange [c. 33].

17. Baynard's Castle assured to the Duke of Richmond (age 16) [c. 34].

18. Exchange with lord Sandes [c. 35].

19. Award between Sir Adrian Fortescue and Sir Walter Stoner [c. 36].

20. Jointure of Dorothy, daughter to the Earl of Huntingdon, to be married to Richard Devereux, son of lord Ferrers [c. 37].

20a. Assurance of Paris Garden, &c. to the Queen [c. 38].

21. Earldom of March [c. 39].

22. Lands assured to Edward North [c. 40].

23. Manor of Birmingham assured to the King [c. 41].

24. Exchange with the Abbot of Abingdon [c. 42].

25. Lands assured to Thomas Jermyn [c. 43].

26. Manor of Haselyngfeld assured to the Charter House [c. 44].

27. The Queen's (age 27) jointure [c. 45].

28. Lands assured to Thomas Hatclyff, clerk of the Green Cloth [c. 46].

29. Lands assured to John Gostwyke [c. 47].

30. Concerning a marriage to be had between Lord Bulbeke (age 20), son and heir apparent to the Earl of Oxford (age 65), and Dorothy, eldest daughter of the Earl of Westmoreland (age 38) [c. 48].

31. Exchange of Covent Garden with the abbot and convent of Westmoreland [c. 49].

32. Exchange between the King, the archbishop of Canterbury, and Cromwell (Wimbledon, Mortlake, &c.) [c. 50].

33. Jointure of Catharine Duchess of Suffolk (age 17) [c. 51].

34. Lands of Lord Rochford (deceased), Norris (deceased), and others [c. 52].

35. Benefit of clergy restricted [c. 1].

36. Against servants embezzling [c. 2].

37. Power to allot townships in Wales [c. 3].

38. Repeal of statute for dowlas and lokerams [c. 4].

39. For prentices [c. 5].

40. For continuing the Statute of Beggars and other Acts [c. 6].

41. The Succession [c. 7].

42. For continuing statutes against exportation of copper, &c. [c. 8].

43. For continuing statutes against perjury and others [c. 9].

44. For extinguishing the authority of the Bishop of Rome [c. 10].

45. For restitution of first-fruits during vacancies to next incumbent [c. 11].

46. Declaring the limits of the King's palace of Westminster [c. 12].

47. Against non-residence of spiritual persons [c. 13].

48. Prices of wines [c. 14].

49. Punishment of pirates [c. 15].

50. Dispensations from Rome [c. 16].

51. The King's successors when 24 years of age to have power to annul Acts of Parliament made during their minority [c. 51].

17 Jun 1536. Vienna Archives. 1161. Charles V. to [Chapuys].

Since our last written from this place we received letters by one of the servants of Viscount Hannaert, in which he writes that Francis has declared to him that he would no longer have an ambassador there from us, and intended immediately to recall his own resident with us. In this, as in other things, he shows the perverse inclination he always had for war, which he has re-commenced, and that it was against us. Today we will give his own ambassador congé as soon as he asks for it. Our ambassador has also informed us that he had lately had some communication with the English ambassador in France, who intimated that if we invaded France the king of England would be bound by treaty to assist in its defence. As this may have been said by information which he had from the King his master, and in any case the French will probably put it forward, you will endeavour to find out on this point from Cromwell and others the inclination of the king of England, and when you find it advisable point out that the King cannot aid the king of France, but is expressly bound to declare himself on our side against France by the reasons which we have already written to you, especially in our letters from Gaeta of 18 March, to which we can only add what has since taken place,—Francis having re-commenced open war, not only against the duke of Savoy, a vassal of the empire and our ally comprehended in the treaties of Madrid and Cambray, but directly against ourselves, as he has plainly declared and written almost everywhere in Christendom, and has expressly told Hannaert and others that he meant to have Milan either by consent or by force. He still holds all that he has taken from the duke of Savoy, and as abovesaid has dismissed my ambassador Hannaert, declaring expressly thereby that he is at war with us, although we have never till now made any attempt against his kingdom, and we cannot think that the king of England, with his great wisdom and virtue, does not see clearly that we have been provoked and compelled to this war, and that we have the right of those who defend themselves to pursue an enemy as far as they can, and that the king of England is fully bound to assist us against him. We desire you to put these points forward, either that the King may declare himself on our side if you think good, or if not, at least that he remain neutral, although in this latter case he will do us manifest wrong. As we know not whether what we have written to you since the death of Anne Boleyn will have rendered the King better disposed to the re-establishment of our friendship, we cannot write more except to leave this to your discretion; and if the King has married Mrs. Semel [Queen Jane Seymour (age 27)], as you wrote last to Granvelle, which is confirmed from France, you will not forbear to see if the said renewal of amity can be arrived at, and you will conduct yourself towards the said Semel as you think most conducive to this object and to the weal of our cousin the Princess. Asti, 17 June 1536. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.

24 Jun 1536. R. O. 1193. John Husee to Lady Lisle (age 42).

Has this day received her letter by Corbet, and with it £4, which he has delivered to Basset, "who is now, lauded be God, merry and in good health at Lincoln's Inn." This will pay all his debts and what he has borrowed for his commons. "And it is not to be doubted but he will be husband good enough, for he is both discreet, sober, and wise, and not too liberal in spending." Can keep nothing secret from her ladyship. Finds that Basset has not been half so well treated as he was at Mr. Danastre's, "but hath been grontyd and grudgid at, and laid in a worse lodging than he was wont to be." Finds he has no mind to return thither "by reason of a dunne cowe that is in the house, by whom he hath had five or six calves, so that she thought all too much that was set before him, and would have Mr. Danastre spare for to bring up her calves. God send them good weaning! But I had little thought Mr. Danastre had been a man of so vile and dissimuling a nature," else he should not have been so fat fed. Hopes to get "him" (Basset) an honest lodging within seven miles of London against the vacation, but Mr. Skerne and his wife have shown themselves at all times to be one manner of people. Will learn of my lady Sarum the Queen's (age 27) pleasure about your coming over to the coronation. Will do all he can about Hide for my lord and my lady's profit. As to your ladyship's daughter, you will receive herewith my lord Montague's letter showing both my lady's and his meaning. My lord said the Queen had appointed all her maidens already, and that on the next vacancy he would get my lady to do her best for your daughter's preferment. This was all his answer. Mentioned the matter to Lady Rutland (age 41), Mrs. Margery, and Mrs. Arundell, but is sure no one moved it except lady Sarum and Mr. Hennage. Did not press Lord Beauchamp (age 36), who would scarce give him a hearing. Will show Mr. Hennage that Mrs. Catharine is of sufficient age. Will work by Mrs. Margery's counsel and Mrs. Goldyng's if he find her friendly. Is sorry Skutt has disappointed her about her gown. He promised repeatedly it should be made like the Queen's gowns. Is sure the "velot" (velvet) will be found satisfactory. God have mercy on Mr. Norres's (deceased) soul! for my lord may say he lost a friend. Hopes, however, his new friends will be good at length. Begs that William Sendy, Lady Lisle (age 42)'s man, may have the profits of making the passports. Has delivered the hogshead for lord Daubeney to Thomas Seller, who has cellared it till he know my lord's pleasure. Has written to lord Daubeney about it, and about the quails sent by my lady, which were given to his friends as he was so far off. Seller said he would undertake to redeem Bekonholt Wood for £40, or that if you would write to Mr. Hatche that my lord Dawbny should do his pleasure with Waram Wood, Bekonholt might be allowed to stand without money. Geofford is in town. Will speak with him in the morning. London, 24 June.

If her ladyship would send the Queen her bird and her dog, thinks they would be well received. Hol., pp. 4. Add.

26 Jun 1536. Vatican Archives. 1212. Bishop of Faenza (age 36) to [M. Ambrogio?].

Is informed by the English ambassadors that the Parliament was to end this month, in which it was expected that the true daughter (age 20) would be declared Princess, because the King was much softened, besides that she had powerful friends in Norfolk, Cromwell and others, and that she herself is universally loved; and it was hoped that after this would follow the King's return to the Church, though they have some fear of his avarice. The French are doing their best to bring him back, and their ambassador there gives me to understand he has good hope for it. This last wife [Queen Jane Seymour (age 27)] is said to be much loved by the subjects, both because she is very gentle and good, and because she has five times thrown herself publicly at the King's feet, requesting him to send for his daughter and declare her Princess (age 20), a thing which has greatly moved the people. The ambassador Valo (Wallop) informs me that Reginald Pole at Padua, having been several times requested by his King to return, and having always replied that he would not come till the King had returned to the obedience of the Church, the King at last, eight months ago, desired him to write what he thought on such matters, especially de potestate Pontificis, and he has now sent him a book so much in favor of the Holy See, "che beato quel Re se lo gustara." The King now shows great tokens of kindness to his daughter. On the return of her governess to Court (who, they say, is Pole's mother), it being supposed that the Princess (age 20) was in her company, a crowd with 4,000 or 5,000 horses ran to meet her. The King, not knowing the cause, asked, "Why so many people?" and being told it was to see the Princess (age 20), answered that she was not there, but would soon come and they might see her.

Marseilles is strongly fortified; 25 well appointed galleys were in the port. They say the Emperor will not come into Provence. The Imperial ambassador, who was here, has intimated that if some one were sent to the Emperor for a forty days truce, matters might be accommodated; but here they will not trust the Emperor. It is clear they are sanguine of success. The English are beginning to make their meaning understood, and as to keeping the agreement say that they will not fail to do so, that King promising to go in person against the Emperor if the latter attack France. The Grand Master says it would have been worth 500,000 scudi to them if that King had not shown himself so dissatisfied with their adhesion to the Holy See. He expressed great devotion and respect for His Holiness, as also did the cardinal of Lorraine, who has lately returned from Rome.

The marriage of the king of Scots, which was considered as accomplished, is not yet so, but is very near it. The Admiral is in disgrace with the King, speaks little to him, and never comes when called to important business, but only Lorraine and the Grand Master. Every morning the Queen of Navarre proposes to go to Burgundy, but everyone opposes it. She is never likely to have again a third of her former influence.

Ital. Three modern extracts, pp. 5. Headed: Di Mons. di Faenza (age 36) de 26 di Giugno 1536 da Leon.

Add. MS. 8,715, f. 261. B. M. 2. Modern copy of the preceding letter. Pp. 8.

30 Jun 1536. Vienna Archives. 1227. Charles V. to Chapuys.

Has received his letters of the 6th by his man George. Is much pleased with his conduct to the king of England, his ministers, and the new Queen (age 27), and with his good advice to the Princess [Mary].

As to the principal point, the persistence of the King and Cromwell that he should persuade the Emperor to make peace, nothing could justify the Emperor's conduct better than his answer, to show the French king's obstinacy in refusing his offers, especially that of Milan for the duke of Angoulême, which, in the answer he has sent to Rome, he insists upon having for the duke of Orleans. He also refuses to restore what he has taken from the duke of Savoy, and has gone on from bad to worse, even to a war against the Emperor, whose ambassador he has dismissed, while he has invaded the Low Countries. Does not think the mediation of the king of England, or of any one else, is any good, nor does he see how he can now listen to the proposals. Is pleased with the ambassador's telling Henry that the only method to bring Francis to reason is for him to declare himself openly on the Emperor's side. Gives him arguments to use to the King and Cromwell for this purpose, referring to his letters from Gaeta and Asti. Sends a copy of a letter which he writes to the King, and a new power. His letters from Gaeta will serve for instructions.

If the King insists on no peace being made with France unless he gets his claim, according to previous agreement between him and the Emperor, the ambassador must first find out Henry's intention about the declaration and the assistance which he will give, and whether there is any appearance of his procuring any money for the enterprise. If he really intends to give good aid, the ambassador may promise that the Emperor will not make peace without his intervention and without regard to his honor and the weal of his kingdom. If he wants more security he may take time to consult the Emperor, or, if the King will not wait, he may treat on the lines of the old treaties, binding the Emperor as little as possible. If there is no hope of his assisting, the ambassador must procure his neutrality.

Nothing must be treated or promised which is directly or indirectly against the Pope or his authority, or to the prejudice of the Council. If he cannot induce the King to return to his obedience to the Holy See, or remit his differences with the Pope to the Emperor and to the Council, no treaty must be entered into, but the matter must be discussed in a friendly way to gain time and see how our enterprise succeeds.

The ambassador has done well in telling the king of England and his ministers what the Emperor wrote about the marriage of the said King with the infanta of Portugal, daughter of the Queen of France our sister, though there is no chance of it taking effect, as the King will have seen the Emperor's good will by it.

Is desirous of the marriage between Don Luys of Portugal and the Princess. It would be a means to reduce the King to obedience to the Church and the Emperor's friendship. In this case it would be important for the Princess to be declared heiress, at least in case of no male heirs. Has some hopes of this from the demonstration lately made by the King, the Queen's goodwill to her, and the words of Cromwell. In any case the King cannot prejudice her rights. If he will not make this declaration, the ambassador must find out what portion he will give her in ready money and in the future, and promise that the Emperor will do the best he can for the good of both parties and to content the King.

Finally, he is to do his best to get the King of England to declare himself against France and assist the Emperor with money, for it is too late to get men from him, and would do no good, and also to treat the said marriage if it can be accomplished. If not, or if the King demands exorbitant terms, he must negociate at least to prevent his aiding France.

Thinks it unnecessary to send any other personage to England; he has so much confidence in Chapuys, and it is so important in the first place to know how far the King's friendship is to be depended upon. If there were sufficient grounds to treat, would send some one either from here or Flanders. Desires to know what chances there are of the match with Portugal. Approves of his visiting the new Queen and commending to her the interests of the Princess. He may further declare the Emperor's pleasure on hearing of her marriage and of her goodwill to the Princess. Savillan in Piedmont, 30 June 1536.

Fr. From a modern copy, pp. 6.

30 Jun 1536. 1231. Cromwell's Administration. R. O. Things done by the King's highness sythyn I came to his service.

He purchased Hampton Court, the More, St. James in the Fields, and all the ground whereof the new park of Westminster is now made; all the old tenements in Westminster, where now is builded the new garden, the tennis plays, and cockfight; the manor of Pyssowe of lord Scrope; the manor of Weston Baldoc; the manor and park of Coppydhall; certain lands from Thos. Robertts, the auditor, lying beside Waltham: lands to a great value from the Earl of Northumberland (age 34); the manors of Llanamovery and Kendys in Wales from lord Audeleye; the manor and other lands in Chombham, whereof a park is made, of the abbot of Chertsey; the manor of Alderbroke in the forest of Waltham, of Gyles Heron, the manor of Chigwell Hall in the forest of Waltham, of Manoke; the manor of Edmonton, Middx. [of Edward North and William Brown]. He has repaired the tower of London; new made the Mary Rosse, the Peter Powngarnerd, the Lyon, the Katheryn Galye, the Barke, the Mynyon, the Swepestake. The manor of Coggeshall and Esterforde purchased of Mr. Sowthwell. He has purchased woods beside Portsmouth in Hampshire sufficient for the new making of the Henry Grace a Dew and the Gret Galye; lands in Lee beside Eltham Park, purchased of Barett; 1,000 new bows bought and made within the Tower. He, with a great and chargeable train, passed the seas in person to Calais and Boulogne. He has newly builded Hampton Court; the place at Westminster with the tennis plays and cockfight, and walled the park with a sumptuous wall; and St. James in the Fields, a magnificent and goodly house. He has purchased the manors of Donnyngton, Ewelme, Hoknorton, and other, of the Duke of Suffolk (age 52). He has made a great deal of new ordnance of brass here in England. He has newly edified a great part of the walls of Calais. He has newly made a quantity of new ordnance in Calais. He has most costly wars in Scotland, and has had great wars in Ireland. He has borne most costly charge at the coronation of queen Anne. He has maintained the great and sumptuous house of the lady Catharine Dowager. [He has also maintained a great and sumptuous house of the lady Mary ]¹

In Cromwell's hand, pp. 4.

Note 1. This sentence is struck out.

Jun 1536. June. Grants.

4. Sir Edward Sainctmayr (age 36) (Seymour). Patent of creation as Viscount Beauchamp, with 20 marks a year. —S.B. Del. Terling, 5 June 28 Henry VIII. Pat. p. 3, m. 26.

5. Sir Edward Seymour (age 36), Viscount Beauchamp. Grant of the manors of Brodeton, Sherston, and Ambresburye, Wilts, and the hundreds of Ambresburye, Wynterbourne, and Alleworthbury, Wilts, and all lands, &c. in those places belonging to the said manors and hundreds; to hold to the said Edward and the heirs male of his body by dame Anne his wife, with remainder. Westm., 6 June 28 Henry VIII. Del. 7 June. —P.S. Pat. p. 3, m. 9.

6. Sir Edward Seymer (age 36), Viscount Beauchamp. Grant in tail male of the site, ground, &c. of the late priory of Holy Trinity, Eston, Wilts, dissolved by parliament; and all messuages, &c., within the circuit; the manors of Eston, Froxfeld, and Grafton, Wilts, the rectories of the parish churches of Estonne, Froxfeld, Stapleford, and Tydcombe, and the advowsons of the churches and vicarages thereof, the manors, messuages, &c. in the vills, parishes, and hamlets of Eston, Froxfelde, Stapleford, Tydcombe, and Grafton, Milton, Wyke, and Puttale, and elsewhere in said co., lately belonging to the said priory, as enjoyed by Henry Bryan, late prior, in right of the said priory on the 4 Feb. last, which came into the King's hands by virtue of the Act 27 Henry VIII. Also the manor of Corseley, Wilts, parcel of the lands of the late priory of Studley, Oxon, dissolved by parliament; and all messuages, &c. thereto belonging in Corseley; in the same manner as Mary Baynbrig, the late prioress, held the same. Also the manor of Monketon, Wilts, parcel of the lands of the late priory of Farleygh, Wilts, dissolved by parliament; and all messuages, lands, &c. of the said late priory in Monketon, in the same manner as Lewis Breknok alias Millen, prior, held the same on the 4 Feb. last. Also all messuages, lands, &c. in Tudworth, Wilts, parcel of the lands of the late priory of Mayden Bardley, Wilts, now dissolved by the said Act, in the same manner as Richard Jenyns the prior held the same on the 4 Feb. last; with all court leets, views of frankpledge, &c. in the above possessions.

2. Also grant in tail male to the said Edward and dame Anne his wife, of the manors of Barwyk, Basset, Richardston, Langden, Mydgehall, Studley, and Costowe, Wilts; parcel of the lands late of the abbey of Stanley, Wilts; and all messuages, lands, &c. in those places, as fully as Th. Calne alias Morley the abbot held the same on the 4 Feb. last; the site, ground, &c. of the late priory of Farlegh, Wilts; the church, bell tower, and churchyard of the same priory; all messuages, &c. within and without the enclosure and circuit of the said late priory; and the manors of Farlegh, Chippenham, Thornehill, and Brome, Wilts; and the advowson of the parish church of Farlegh, and all messuages, lands, &c. of the said late priory in Farlegh, Chippenham Thornehill, and Brome, as fully as the said Lewis Breknok enjoyed the same on the 4 Feb. last. Also the manors of Erchefounte and Alcanings, Wilts; parcel of the lands of the late abbey of St. Mary, Winchester, likewise dissolved; the rectory of the parish church of Erchefounte and the advowson of the parish church of Alcanings, and the advowsons of the churches of Erchefount and Alcanings, and all messuages, lands, &c., in those places, parcel of the said late abbey, as fully as Eliz. Shelley the abbess held the same on the 4 Feb. last; with all views of frankpledge, court leets, &c. in the above possessions.

To hold the possessions in the 1st paragraph to the said Edward (age 36) and the heirs male of his body by the said dame Anne (age 39); with remainder to the heirs male of his body by future wife, at the rent of £7 16s. 2d.; and those in the second paragraph to the said Edward and Anne and heirs male of the body of the said Edward by the said Anne; with remainder in default of such issue to the heirs male of the body of the said Edward (age 36) by any future wife; with remainder in default of such issue to the heirs female of the said Edward, at rent £34 16d. Westm., 6 June 28 Henry VIII. Del. 7 June.—P.S. Pat. p. 3, m. 5.

Jun 1536R. O. 1257. Debts to the King.

i. Money due to the King by obligations in the hands of John Gostwyk "by way of forren receipt." The debtors are the abbot of St. Alban's, Thos. Alen of Rayley, Sir Edward Baynton (age 44), the bishop of Bangor, William Byrryton of Stoke Lacy, Heref., the prior of Barnewell; Sir James Bollen (age 71) and William Shelton of London for the lord Rocheford's debts, £100; the archbishop of Dublin, for the lord Rocheford's debts, £300; lord Barnes, the abbot of Combermere, John Cooke of Twiforde, the bishop of Chester, the archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, the abbot of Valla Crucis, abbot of Crowland, earl of Worcester, earl of Rutland, George Frith of Kelledon, Nic. Fytton of Little Hereforde, Roland Goodman of London; James Griffith Appowell and Walter Bowles of Westfelde, John Goodryk and Robt. Cheseman, abbot of Leicester, William Leigh, gentleman usher, bishop of Lincoln, Thomas Marshall, clk., and William Marshall of London, Richard ap Morres Gough, John Norton of Norton, Ralph Pexsall, Thomas Parker, president of Hereford; Thomas Patter and William Patmer, William Pawne, the prior of Royston; John Rastell and Martin Pirry, Sir William Skevington, Richard Suthwell, William Standish of Kendal, Sir Thos. Tempest, John West of Ringwod, clk., Sir Thomas Wharton, the abbot of Waverley, John Wyse of Sydenham; John Williams and Edward Walwyn, the senate of Lubeck, £3,333 6s. 8d.

Sums (except the last) varying from £4 to £700, the latter being the amount owed by lord Barnes.

ii. Due from the late bishop of Norwich's debts:—

Edm. Knevet of Shelton, Thos. Picarell and Thomas Necton, aldermen of Norwich, Thos. Barbour and Robt. Bray of Ipswich, Thos. Wodhous and Augustine Stewarde of Norwich, Leonard Spencer and Robt. Palmer of Bloffelde, William Raynebalde of Ipswich and Augustine Stewarde of Norwich, Sir Ant. Wingfield and Sir Thos. Russhe, the abbot of Langley and prior of Beeston, &c., William Crane of the King's chapel, Ric. Bisshop of Yarmouth, Gilb. Grise of Yarmouth, Alice Coll of Norwich, the prior of the Trinity in Ipswich, Philip Bedingfelde of Dichingham, Ant. Grise of Brodisshe, Sir Humph. Wyngfelde, Robt. Garrarde of Norwich, Ric. Catlyn, Ric. Lacy of Hoxon, John Aylegood of Weybrode, John Pryour of Wanforde, Thos. Smythe of Aye, Sir James Bolleyne (age 71), Thos. Reve of Molton, Thos. Felton of Playforde, Philip Barnarde of Yarmouth, William Blomefelde of Norwich, Thos. Sherle and Edmund Boner parson of East Deram, Thos. Maunde parson of Hokkering, William Hogeson of Hardingham, George Graves parson of Banham, John Scott of Grablesham, Robt. Bosshall of Titeshale, Robt. Thorneham of Routon, William Cutler of Knapton, William Birde of Fulmodeston, Walter Westcote of North Beresham, Ric. Bailly of South Creke, William Percy of Southrey, John Reder of Bekkiswell, Henry Cadybut of Cranewise, John Chapman of Cressingham Parva, William Bollein (age 45) of Holt St. Andrew, Simon Riseley of Stokesby, William Whyte of Rollesby, Arnold Whitton of Wytton, Robt. Childe of Styneley, Andrew Dey of Dunham, Thos. Aspall of Fraunceham, John Haryson of Marton, Robt. Jakler of Asshell, Augustine Firkyll of Worlington, Ant. Emery of Horam, John Askewe of Trymley, Ric. Stanyngborough of Kyrton, Thos. Bedingfelde of Alderton, Hugh Tilleney of Cambridge, Ric. Humer of Barston, William Stevens of Olton.

07 Jul 1536. R. O. St. P. vii 565. Instructions to my Lord of Rochford, whom the King now sends to the French king.

1. Rochford is to repair to the French king with all speed, and in passing by Paris to make the King's and Queen's hearty recommendations to the Queen of Navarre, if she be there, and say that the Queen his mistress much rejoices in the deeply-rooted amity of the two kings, but wishes her to get the interview deferred, as the time would be very inconvenient to her, and the King is so anxious to see his good brother that he will not put it off on her account. Her reasons are, that being so far gone with child, she could not cross the sea with the King, and she would be deprived of his Highness's presence when it was most necessary, unless the interview can be deferred till April next. Rochford is to press this matter very earnestly, and say that the King having at this time appointed another personage to go to his good brother, the Queen, with much suit, got leave for Rochford to go in his place, principally on this account.

2. That there was nothing she regretted at the last interview so much as not having an interview with the said Queen of Navarre; and she hopes she may be able to come to Calais with her brother in April next, if the interview be deferred till then.

3. He is then to proceed to the French Court, and after delivery of the King's letters, mention the overture made by the embassy lately arrived from Lubeck and Hamburg, soliciting a contribution of 100,000 cr., that they may elect a king of Denmark wholly at their devotion. Considering how this would thwart the Emperor's purposes, the King suggests that Francis should contribute the moiety of that sum "like as his Highness hath with him contributed into Germany."

4. The King is informed that though the duke of Wyttenbergh is now lately restored by his and his good brother's means, yet he now seeks peace with the Emperor and Ferdinand. It is important that the truth about this should be ascertained.

5. He is to desire the liberation of an Italian White Friar named Palvisinus, who has been imprisoned at Paris only for writing a letter to the King, which his Grace thinks strange.

6. He is then to begin the Queen's suit for the prorogation of the interview, using such ways and means as the Queen of Navarre approves, and adding, as of himself, that he thinks it would be advisable to agree to it, "as the time will shortly be here." He shall also say, as of himself, that the King refused to write to the French king on the subject, notwithstanding the urgent suit of many of the nobles on the Queen's behalf, who are now mostly assembled at London on account of certain treasons conspired against his Grace, "the said Lord Rochford even so tempering his communication with the French king in this matter as he small not the King's highness to be overmuch desirous of it, but all in the Queen's name."