Baynard's Castle
Baynard's Castle is in Castle Baynard [Map].
On 06 Mar 1468 Eleanor Beauchamp Duchess Somerset (age 59) died at Baynard's Castle [Map].
Wriothesley's Chronicle 1485-1509. 1501. This yeare the Kinge (age 43) buylded new his manner at Sheene,d and chaunged the name and named it Richmonde [Map];e and buylded new his place, called the Baynards Castle [Map], in London; and repayred his place in Greenewich [Map], with muche new buyldinge.f
Note d. Stow has placed this paragraph under the year 1507, being the twenty-second year of Henry's reign.
Note e. After his own title.
Note f. Greenwich [Map] has much favoured by Henry VII (age 43) and here his son, afterwards Henry VIII (age 9) was born.
Henry Machyn's Diary. 02 Nov 1551. The ij day of November cam to Londun from Hamton courtte [Map] and landyd at Benard castyll [Map] the old Qwyne of Schottes (age 35), and cam rydyng to the bysshope('s) palles at Powlles with many lordes, the duke of Suffoke (age 34), my lord marqwes of Northamptun (age 39), my lord of Warwyke (age 24), the lord Welebe (age 34), my lord Haward (age 41), my lord Rosselle (age 66), lord Bray, and dyvers mo lords and knyghtes and gentyllmen, and then cam the Qwyne of Schottes and alle owre lades and her gentyll women and owre gentyll women to the nomber of a C. and ther was sent her mony grett gyftes by the mayre and aldermen, as beyffes, mottuns, velles, swines, bred, wylld ffulle, wyne, bere, spysys, and alle thyngs, and qwaylles, sturgeon, wod and colles, and samons, by dyver men.
Note. Visit of the old queen of Scots. The queen dowager of Scotland (Mary of Guise) embarked at Edinburgh to visit her daughter in France, Sept. 7, 1550. On her return she landed at Portsmouth on the 2d Nov. 1551. (Lettres de Marie Stuart, edited by the Prince Alexandre Labanoff, 8vo. 1844, vol. i. 5.) The privy council addressed, "25 Sept. 1551. A Letter to the lord chauncelor requiring him to passe under the greate seal a saulf-conduct graunted by the kinges majestie to the dowager of Scotlande, and to retayne with him for a record the originall thereof sent him signed by his highnes." The saulf-conduct itself is printed in Rymer's Collection, xv. 290: it bears an earlier date, viz. 17 Sept. Some subsequent minutes of the Privy Council relating to preparations for this visit are given by Strype. There are many particulars of it in king Edward's Diary, and a narrative of the queen's reception is in MS. Harl. 290, art. 2.
Note. Funeral of sir Michael Lyster. The name of the lord chief justice of the king's bench was sir Richard Lyster, but that of his eldest son, here recorded, was sir Michael. See the memoir on the monument of sir Richard Lyster at St. Michael's church, Southampton, by Sir F. Madden, in the Winchester volume of the Archæological Institute. There is a portrait of a lady Lyster among the Holbein Heads: it may be doubtful to which lady of the name it belongs (see the pedigree given by Sir F. Madden); but Mr. Lodge, in his accompanying memoir, supposed it to be that of lady Mary, daughter of the earl of Southampton, wife of sir Richard, grandson of the chief justice. (See her funeral afterwards, p. 273.)
On 20 Feb 1552 Anne Parr Countess Pembroke (age 36) died at Baynard's Castle [Map]. She was buried at St Paul's Cathedral [Map].
Henry Machyn's Diary. 28 Feb 1552. The xxviij day of Feybruarii was bered the nobull [lady the] contes of Penbroke (deceased), and syster to the late qwyne and wyffe [to the] nobull Kyng Henry the viij. late kyng, and the good lade [the] contes of Penbroke the wyche she ded at Benard Castle [Map], and so cared unto Powlls. Ther was a C. [Note. 100] powre men and women had mantylle fryse gownes, then cam the haroldes, [then] the corse, and a-bowt her viij baners rolls of armes, and then cam the mornars boyth lordes and knyghts and gentyll men, and then cam the lades mornars and gentyll women mornars ij C. [then the] gentyll men and gentyll women, and after cam in cotts ij C. servandes and odur servandes, and she was bered by the tombe of [the duke] of Lankaster [Note. At St Paul's Cathedral [Map]], and after her banars wher sett up over her [and her] armes sett on dyvers pelers,-the vj King Edward vjth.
Note. Funeral of the countess of Pembroke. King Edward in his Diary records the death of the countess of Pembroke on the 20th Feb. 1551–2. As sister to queen Katharine Parr, she was a person of high consideration. A magnificent canopied monument to William Herbert, earl of Pembroke, and his countess Anne, with their recumbent effigies, and kneeling effigies of their three children, Henry earl of Pembroke, sir Edward Herbert knt. and Anne lady Talbot, was erected in St. Paul's cathedral, next the monument of John of Ghent, duke of Lancaster, and is represented in a plate of Dugdale's History of St. Paul's.
Henry Machyn's Diary. 17 Feb 1553. The xvij day of Feybruary th'erle of Penbroke (age 52) cam rydyng in to London with iij C. horsse, and a-ffor hym a C. gentyllmen with chenes of gold, alle in bluw cloth, playne, with a bage on ther slewe a dragon, and so to Benard Castyll [Map], and ther he leyff.
Henry Machyn's Diary. 02 Dec 1554. The ij day of Desember dyd com to Powlles all prestes and clarkes with ther copes and crosses, and all the craftes in ther leverey, and my lorde mayre and the althermen, agaynst my lord cardenall('s) (age 54) commyng; and at the bysshopes of London plase my lord chansseler and alle the bysshopes tarehyng for my lord cardenall (age 54) commyng, that was at ix of the cloke, for he landyd at Beynard Castell [Map]; and ther my lord mayre reseyvyd hym, and browgth ym to the Powllse, and so my lord chanseler (age 71) and my lord cardenall (age 54) and all the byshopes whent up in-to the[choir] ]with ther meyturs; and at x of the cloke the Kyng('s) (age 27) grace cam to Powlles to her mase with iiij C. of gaard, on C. Englys, on C. HeAlmen, on C. Spaneards, on C. of Swechenars [Switzers], and mony lords and knyghtes, and hard masse. Boyth the quen('s) chapell and the kynges and Powlles qwer [choir] song.
Note. P. 77. The cardinal's coming to St. Paul's. A fuller account of this solemnity will be found in Stowe, p. 625. Like his predecessor Wolsey, Pole went in procession "with a cross, two pillars, and two poleaxes of silver borne before him."
Henry Machyn's Diary. 25 Apr 1559. The xxv day of April, was sant Markes day, the Quen('s) (age 25) grace supt at Beynard castyll [Map] at my lord of Penproke('s) (age 58) P[lace,] and after supper the Quen('s) grace rowed up and downe Temes, and [a] C [100] bottes [boats] at bowte here grace, with trumpettes and drumes and flutes and gones, and sqwybes horlyng on he [high] to and fro, tyll x at nyght, or her grace depertyd, and all the water-syd st ... with a M [1000] pepull lokyng one here grace.
On 10 Apr 1630 William Herbert 3rd Earl Pembroke (age 50) died at Baynard's Castle [Map]. His brother Philip Herbert 4th Earl Pembroke 1st Earl Montgomery (age 45) succeeded 4th Earl Pembroke. Anne Clifford Countess Dorset and Pembroke (age 40) by marriage Countess Pembroke.
Evelyn's Diary. 03 Sep 1666. The fire having continued all this night (if I may call that night which was light as day for ten miles round about, after a dreadful manner), when conspiring with a fierce eastern wind in a very dry season, I went on foot to the same place; and saw the whole south part of the city burning from Cheapside [Map] to the Thames, and all along Cornhill [Map] (for it likewise kindled back against the wind as well as forward), Tower street, Fenchurch Street [Map], Gracious street, and so along to Baynard's Castle [Map], and was now taking hold of St. Paul's church [Map], to which the scaffolds contributed exceedingly. The conflagration was so universal, and the people so astonished, that, from the beginning, I know not by what despondency, or fate, they hardly stirred to quench it; so that there was nothing heard, or seen, but crying out and lamentation, running about like distracted creatures, without at all attempting to save even their goods; such a strange consternation there was upon them, so as it burned both in breadth and length, the churches, public halls, Exchange, hospitals. Monuments, and ornaments; leaping after a prodigious manner, from house to house, and street to street, at great distances one from the other. For the heat, with a long set of fair and warm weather, had even ignited the air, and prepared the materials to conceive the fire, which devoured, after an incredible manner, houses, furniture, and every thing. Here, we saw the Thames covered with goods floating, all the barges and boats laden with what some had time and courage to save, as, on the other side, the carts, etc., carrying out to the fields, which for many miles were strewn with movables of all sorts, and tents erecting to shelter both people and what goods they could get away. Oh, the miserable and calamitous spectacle! such as haply the world had not seen since the foundation of it, nor can be outdone till the universal conflagration thereof. All the sky was of a fiery aspect, like the top of a burning oven, and the light seen above forty miles round about for many nights. God grant mine eyes may never behold the like, who now saw above 10,000 houses all in one flame! The noise and cracking and thunder of the impetuous flames, the shrieking of women and children, the hurry of people, the fall of towers, houses, and churches, was like a hideous storm; and the air all about so hot and inflamed, that at the last one was not able to approach it, so that they were forced to stand still, and let the flames burn on, which they did, for near two miles in length and one in breadth. The clouds also of smoke were dismal, and reached, upon computation, near fifty miles in length. Thus, I left it this afternoon burning, a resemblance of Sodom, or the last day. It forcibly called to my mind that passage-"non enim hic habemus stabilem civitatem"; the ruins resembling the picture of Troy. London was, but is no more! Thus, I returned.
The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. Then on the morrow after, the Mayor with all the Aldermen and chief commoners of the city, in their best manner appareled, assembling themselves together, resorted unto Baynard's Castle [Map] where the Protector lay. To which place repaired also, according to their appointment, the Duke of Buckingham with diverse noble men with him, besides many knights and other gentlemen. And thereupon, the Duke sent word unto the Lord Protector of there being a great and honorable company to move a great matter unto his Grace.
Whereupon the Protector made difficulty to come out unto them unless he first knew some part of their errand, as though he doubted and partly distrusted the coming of such number unto him so suddenly without any warning or knowledge, whether they came for good or harm. Then the Duke, when he had showed this unto the Mayor and others, that they might thereby see how little the Protector expected this matter, they sent unto him by messenger such loving message again, and therewith so humbly besought him to graciously condescend so that they might come into his presence and propose their intent, of which they would unto none other person any part disclose, that at the last he came forth from his chamber, and yet not down unto them, but stood above in a gallery over them, where they might see him and speak to him, as though he would not yet come too near them till he knew what they meant.
And thereupon the Duke of Buckingham first made humble petition unto him, on behalf of them all, that his Grace would pardon them and give them permission to present unto his Grace the intent of their coming without his displeasure, without which pardon obtained, they dared not be bold to move him of that matter. In which, although they meant as much honor to his Grace as wealth to all the realm beside, yet were they not sure how his Grace would take it, whom they would in no way offend.
Then the Protector, as if he was very gentle himself and also longed sore to know what they meant, gave him leave to propose what he liked, verily trusting, because of the good mind that he bore them all, none of them would intend anything toward him wherewith he ought to be grieved.
When the Duke had this leave and pardon to speak, then grew he bold to show him their intent and purpose, with all the causes moving them thereto, as you before have heard, and finally to beseech his Grace that it would like him of his accustomed goodness and zeal unto the realm, now with his eye of pity, to behold the long continued distress and decay of the same, and to set his gracious hands to the redress and amendment thereof by taking upon him the crown and governance of this realm, according to his right and title lawfully descended unto him, and to the praise of God, profit of the land, and unto his Grace so much the more honor and less pain, in that never a prince reigned upon any people that were so glad to live under his rule as the people of this realm under his.
When the Protector had heard the proposition, he looked very strangely thereat and answered that although he partly knew the things by them alleged to be true, yet such entire love he bore unto King Edward and his children, that he so much more regarded his honor in other realms than the crown of any one, of which he was never desirous, that he could not find in his heart in this point to incline to their desire. For in all other nations, where the truth was not well known, it should perhaps be thought it were his own ambitious mind and device to depose the Prince and take for himself the crown. With such infamy he would not have his honor stained for any crown-a crown that he had ever perceived held much more labor and pain than pleasure to him that so would so use it, and he who would not use it were not worthy to have it. Not withstanding, he not only pardoned them the motion that they made him, but also thanked them for the love and hearty favor they bore him, praying them, for his sake, to give and bear the same to the Prince, under whom he was and would be content to live; and with his labor and counsel, as far as should the King like to use him, he would do his uttermost duty to set the realm in good state, which was already in this little while of his protectorship (the praise given to God) well begun, in that the malice of such as were before occasion of the contrary-and of new intended to be-were now, partly by good policy, partly more by God's special providence than man's provision, repressed.
Upon this answer given, the Duke, by the Protector's permission, a little whispered as well with other noble men about him, as with the Mayor and Recorder of London. And after that, upon like pardon desired and obtained, he showed aloud unto the Protector, for a final conclusion, that the realm was resolved King Edward's line should not any longer reign upon them, both because they had gone so far that there was now no safety to retreat, and because they thought it for the common good to take that way, although they had not yet begun it. Wherefore, if it would please his Grace to take the crown upon him, they would humbly beseech him thereunto. If he would give them a resolute answer to the contrary, which they would be loath to hear, then they must needs seek, and should not fail to find, some other noble man that would.
These words much moved the Protector, who else, as every man may know, would never of likelihood have inclined thereunto. But when he saw there was none other way, but either he must take it or else he and his both must go from it, he said unto the lords and commons: "Since we perceive well that all the realm is so set-whereof we be very sorry they will not suffer in any way King Edward's line to govern them, whom no earthly man can govern against their wills-and because we also perceive well that no man is there to whom the crown can by so just title appertain as to ourself as very right heir, lawfully begotten of the body of our most dear father, Richard, late Duke of York-to which title is now joined your election, the nobles and commons of this realm, which we of all titles possible take for most effectual-we be content and agree favorably to incline to your petition and request, and according to the same, here we take upon us the royal estate, preeminence, and kingdom of the two noble realms, England and France: the one from this day forward by us and our heirs to rule, govern and defend; the other, by God's grace and your good help, to get again and subdue and establish forever in due obedience unto this realm of England-the advancement-whereof we never ask of God longer to live than we intend to procure."
With this there was a great shout, crying, "Richard! King Richard!" And then the lords went up to the King (for so was he from that time called) and the people departed, talking diversely of the matter, every man as his fancy gave him.
But much they talked and marveled of the manner of this dealing, that the matter was on both parts made so strange, as though neither had ever communed thereof with the other before, when that they themselves well knew there was no man so dull who heard them, but he perceived well enough that all the matter was made between them. However, some excused that again and said all must be done in good order. And men must sometimes for the sake of manner not acknowledge what they know. For at the consecration of a bishop, every man knows well by the paying for his bulls that he purposes to be one, even though he pay for nothing else. And yet must he be twice asked whether he will be bishop or not, and he must twice say nay, and at the third time take it as compelled thereunto by his own will. And in a stage play all the people know right well that he who plays the sultan is perchance a shoemaker. Yet if one should be so foolish as to show out of turn what acquaintance he really has with him, and call him by his own name while he acts as his majesty, one of his tormentors might, by chance, break his head, and do so rightly for marring of the play. And so they said that these matters be kings' games, as it were, stage plays, and for the most part played upon scaffolds, in which poor men be but the on-lookers. And they that wise be, will meddle no further. For they who sometimes step up and play with them, when they cannot play their parts, they disorder the play and do themselves no good.
