Letters and Papers 1537. 03 Jul 1537. 206. Robert Southwell to Cromwell.

On his way towards Furness, found the Duke of Norfolk (age 64) at Sheriff Hutton in Yorkshire, and delivered Cromwell's letter, on reading which the Duke seemed glad of Southwell's coming. The Duke walked into the park with him to confer of divers matters, as of Gostwyk's, Pope's, and Freman's, whereof at his departure Cromwell commissioned him; and he, being desirous of amity between the Duke and Cromwell, took the occasion to recite many arguments he had perceived both before and since the Duke's going Northward of Cromwell's friendship to the same. The Duke answered, "Sowthwell," quoth he, "I confess all to be true that you have spoken and myself to be knowing of no less than you have said, for having the experiments that I have of his friendship towards me and mine for my sake, if I should have diffidence in him I were not worthy to be taken ay an honest man, and if there were any spark of mistrust in me toward him I would not disguise it to you, whom I take both to be my friend and an honest man." Assures Cromwell that wherever the Duke went, after reproving the people for their untruth to the King, he blamed most their inhumanity towards Cromwell. Heard this of the people themselves, who are very penitent, though the original default was not in them. Has heard many complaints as he passed through; if it is as they say, they are not well treated. The tenants of Wynterberne complain of my Lord of Cumberland: wherewith he would not meddle other than for the "vndevalue" (undervalue?) of the manor, which touches his office; for he has learnt, in the short while he has served the King, that it is best to be silent. Begs favour. Assures Cromwell the King's fee and all he has beside is not us much as the office in London he gave up on entering the King's service. Can get nothing more than his fee of £20 Truly, if he had sold the cattle, &c. there to the rich, leaving the poor unserved, he might have benefited himself more. Begs remembrance of the Bishop of St. Assez suit and his touching the priory of Rochester. Furneys, 3 July.

Hol., pp. 4 Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.

Letters and Papers 1537. 03 Jul 1537. Despatching the monks, their servants, and 12 poor men that bought their living of the house took much time. Have surveyed the demesnes by eye and measure, and not by credit, as the commissioners for the suppression did. The cattle are sold, as they could find no other means to rid their train, which was both chargeable and dangerous for stealing. People came from all parts of the South to buy cattle, but for the milch neat, in number six score, the inhabitants had the preference. The lead is all melted into sows: thanks Cromwell for teaching him how to melt the ashes. Wrote to Mr. Chancellor "to make his like letters to the receivers of the suppression." All the lands of Furness in Lancashire are surveyed, except some in the mountains in High Furness, whither they intend, when the church and steeple are "clear dissolved," to repair; and so forth to Egremont Castle and Cokermouth. Intends in next letters to show the values, and how this isle is peopled with men fit to serve the King; but of the parsonages they intend to make no value till they have received one year's profits. Otherwise they would only guess, and it is thus that the King who grants and the farmer who receives are deceived. Desires that the commissioners may have the ordering of the demesnes till next Michaelmas, and meanwhile he will advise Cromwell for a farmer to dwell in the capital house. Has left edifices standing for such a person. Divers parcels of the demesne should be distributed to four or five poor men who were headmen, and had wages of the house, and are now destitute. Their only want is of another house to be suppressed and divided into farms among the poor. Beamonde grange, for which there are many suitors, is in occupation of 72 tall fellows. Begs that these may not be expelled for any gentleman's pleasure. Will at leisure advertise Cromwell of the "gressomez" of which he has heard much there and in Yorkshire. The Earl of Cumberland pretends to be King's farmer of the manor of Wynterborne, in Craven, Yorksh., worth £50 a year, whereas the Earl would have it for £32 Sends a testimonial, by bearer, of the monks, concerning the Earl's pretended interest therein. Begs Cromwell will get the King to stay any grant there till he and the auditor have perused the lands there. The King commanded him to survey Salley, which Sir Arthur Darcy has. Spoke with Sir Arthur, who said it was worth 700 mks. whereas it was informed the King to be over 900 mks. Thinks Sir Arthur credible enough. If they peruse all the Earl of Northumberland's lands they must into Tynesdale and Rydisdale where, if not better accompanied, they "may happe to survey a pair of stocks in Scotland as did Sir Harry Wyatt; whereof I would be right loth, since in the auditor there resteth so little good fellowship as I fear we should not be merry. The Abbot of Westminster was so nice to let Copere come forth that I left, him behind me." The King shall have here the seniory of Furnes, the barony of Kendal, and the honour of Cokermouth, besides lands in Lancashire by the Duke of Richmond. The people are loyal. There is a haven and a "pyle" standing thereby very necessary for its defence. Refers it to Mr. Holcroft, who is expert in such things, to describe at his next repair to the Court. If there is a good fee annexed thereto, Holcroft will take it; he has been diligent, though only put in trust to pluck down the church. Sir James Laburne and Sir John Lampley, the one as commissioner, the other as assistant, by my lord Lieutenant's command, have done good service. Begs that letters may be sent to thank them, and ask their assistance of Sowthwell in Cumberland and Northumberland. Sir John a Lampley was a head officer to the old earl. Furneys, 3 July. Signed.

Pp. 11. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.

Letters and Papers 1537. 03 Jul 1537. 205. Robert Southwell to Cromwell.

R.O.

On his arrival at the late monastery of Furnes, 23 June, expected to find the monks ready to disperse on receiving their capacities and 20s. reward; as the Earl of Sussex at his last being there was thought to have concluded with them. Hoped then to have taken the survey and repaired to the survey of the late Earl of Northumberland's (deceased) lands, now the King's. But the monks all said with one voice they had agreed to no sum with the Earl of Sussex, but that the Earl promised to be a mean to the King to better their living, and so induced them to surrender. Thereof they put up a bill, signed, to Southwell and the commissioners, which he sends by bearer. The commissioners who were with the Earl confirmed it. As he heard the monks were murmuring that the gift of the monastery had been compulsory, he made the instrument in parchment sent by the bearer, and caused it to be read in the hall before 500 persons, and all, both monks and others, signed and sealed it. Had no other way to compass them but to deny them their capacities, alleging the King wished them sent to some religious houses unless they were unfit to persevere in religion. They were content to have infirmity to be their cause, but in no case would have it read in the hall before their neighbours. Wishes Cromwell had heard the whole process. "After I denied them their liberty and would assign them to religion I never heard written nor spoken of religion that was worst to be worse than they themselves were content to confess. I have not seen in my life such gentle companions; it were great pity if such goodly possessions should not be assigned out for the pasturing of such blessed carcases." They desired 20s. wages due at Midsummer last besides the reward; but Southwell gave each 40s. as the King's reward, which seemed the least he could give since the traitors of Whalley had no less. Their secular weed bought, without which he would not suffer them to pass out, little would remain. As there was a bill set upon Shappe door, a religious house 12 miles from Furness, that if the people would rise and come into Lancashire again they would find a captain with money ready to receive them, the commissioners used circumspection and wrote to the men of worship in the parts to which the monks went, to watch them. Where learning failed to admonish them, reminded them of "goodly experiments that hangeth on each side of York, some in rochetts, and some in cowls."

Pepy's Diary. 03 Jul 1666. At noon dined at home, Balty's (age 26) wife with us, and in very good humour I was and merry at dinner, and after dinner a song or two, and so I abroad to my Lord Treasurer's (age 59) (sending my sister home by the coach), while I staid there by appointment to have met my Lord Bellasses (age 52) and Commissioners of Excise, but they did not meet me, he being abroad. However Mr. Finch, one of the Commissioners, I met there, and he and I walked two houres together in the garden, talking of many things; sometimes of Mr. Povy (age 52), whose vanity, prodigality, neglect of his business, and committing it to unfit hands hath undone him and outed him of all his publique employments, and the thing set on foot by an accidental revivall of a business, wherein he had three or fours years ago, by surprize, got the Duke of Yorke (age 32) to sign to the having a sum of money paid out of the Excise, before some that was due to him, and now the money is fallen short, and the Duke never likely to be paid. This being revived hath undone Povy (age 52). Then we fell to discourse of the Parliament, and the great men there: and among others, Mr. Vaughan (age 62), whom he reports as a man of excellent judgement and learning, but most passionate and 'opiniastre'. He had done himself the most wrong (though he values it not), that is, the displeasure of the King (age 36) in his standing so long against the breaking of the Act for a trienniall parliament; but yet do believe him to be a most loyall gentleman. He told me Mr. Prin's (age 66) character; that he is a man of mighty labour and reading and memory, but the worst judge of matters, or layer together of what he hath read, in the world; which I do not, however, believe him in; that he believes him very true to the King (age 36) in his heart, but can never be reconciled to episcopacy; that the House do not lay much weight upon him, or any thing he says. He told me many fine things, and so we parted, and I home and hard to work a while at the office and then home and till midnight about settling my last month's accounts wherein I have been interrupted by public business, that I did not state them two or three days ago, but I do now to my great joy find myself worth above £5600, for which the Lord's name be praised!

Pepy's Diary. 03 Jul 1667. So home, and to enter my Journall of my late journey to this hour, and then to the office, where to do a little business, and then by water to White Hall (calling at Michell's in my way, but the rogue would not invite me in, I having a mind para voir his wife), and there to the Council-chamber, to deliver a letter to their Lordships about the state of the six merchantmen which we have been so long fitting out. When I come, the King (age 37) and the whole table full of Lords were hearing of a pitifull cause of a complaint of an old man, with a great grey beard, against his son, for not allowing him something to live on; and at last come to the ordering the son to allow his father £10 a year. This cause lasted them near two hours; which, methinks, at this time to be the work of the Council-board of England, is a scandalous thing, and methought Sir W. Coventry (age 39) to me did own as much. Here I find all the newes is the enemy's landing 3,000 men near Harwich, Essex [Map]¹, and attacking Landguard Fort, and being beat off thence with our great guns, killing some of their men, and they leaving their ladders behind them; but we had no Horse in the way on Suffolk side, otherwise we might have galled their Foot. The Duke of York (age 33) is gone down thither this day, while the General sat sleeping this afternoon at the Council-table. The news so much talked of this Exchange [Map], of a peace, I find by Sir Richard Browne (age 62) arises from a letter the Swedes' agent hath received from Bredah and shewed at Court to-day, that they are come very near it, but I do not find anybody here relying upon it. This cause being over, the Trinity House, Deptford [Map] men, whom I did not expect to meet, were called in, and there Sir W. Pen (age 46) made a formal speech in answer to a question of the King's, whether the lying of the sunk ships in the river would spoil the river. But, Lord! how gingerly he answered it, and with a deal of do that he did not know whether it would be safe as to the enemy to have them taken up, but that doubtless it would be better for the river to have them taken up. Methought the Council found them answer like fools, and it ended in bidding them think more of it, and bring their answer in writing.

Note 1. Richard Browne, writing to Williamson from Aldeburgh, on July 2nd, says: "The Dutch fleet of 80 sail has anchored in the bay; they were expected to land, but they tacked about, and stood first northward and then southward, close by Orford [Map] lighthouse, and have now passed the Ness towards Harwich, Essex [Map]; they have fired no guns, but made false fires" (Calendar of State Papers, 1667, p. 258).

Section I Tumuli 1843. The 30th of June 1843 was occupied in examining the middle part of a large barrow on Brassington Moor, usually called Galley Lowe [Map], but formerly written Callidge Lowe, which is probably more correct. About two feet from the surface were found a few human bones mixed with rats' bones and horses' teeth; amongst these bones (which had been disturbed by a labourer digging in search of treasure) the following highly interesting and valuable articles were discovered: several pieces of iron, some in the form of rivets, others quite shapeless, having been broken on the occasion above referred to, two arrow-heads of the same metal, a piece of coarse sandstone, which was rubbed into the form of a whetstone; an ivory pin or bodkin, of very neat execution; the fragments of a large urn of well-baked earthenware, which was glazed in the interior for about an inch above the bottom; two beads, one of green glass, the other of white enamel, with a coil of blue running through it, and fourteen beautiful pendant ornaments of pure, gold, eleven of which are encircled by settings of large and brilliantly coloured garnets, two are of gold without setting, and the remaining one is of gold wire twisted in a spiral manner, from the centre towards each extremity (a gold loop of identical pattern is affixed to a barbaric copy of a gold coin of Honorius in the writer's possession); they have evidently been intended to form one ornament only, most probably a necklace, for which use their form peculiarly adapts them. It will here not be out of place to borrow some quotations relative to a remarkable superstition connected with glass beads similar to those discovered in Galley Lowe, particularly the one having "two circular lines of opaque sky-blue and white," which seem to represent a serpent entwined round a centre, which is perforated. "This was certainly one of the Glain Neidyr of the Britons, derived from glain, which is pure and holy, and neidyr, a snake. Under the word glain, Mr. Owen, in his Welsh Dictionary, has given the following article: "The Nair Glain, transparent stones, or adder stones, were worn by the different orders of the Bards, each exhibiting its appropriate colour. There is no certainty that they were worn from superstition originally; perhaps that was the circumstance which gave rise to it. Whatever might have been the cause, the notion of their rare virtues was universal in all places where the Bardic religion was taught."

These beads are thus noticed by Bishop Gibson, in his improved edition of Camden's Britannia: "In most parts of Wales, and throughout all Scotland, and in Cornwall, we find it a common opinion of the vulgar, that about Midsummer-eve (though in the time they do not all agree) it is usual for snakes to meet in companies, and that by joining heads together and hissing, a kind of bubble is formed, like a ring, about the head of one of them, which the rest, by continual hissing, blow on, until it comes off at the tail, when it immediately hardens, and resembles a glass ring, which whoever finds shall prosper in all his undertakings: the rings they supposed to be thus generated are called gleinen nadroeth, namely, gemma anguinum. They are small glass annulets, commonly about half as wide as our finger-rings, but much thicker, of a green colour usually, though some of them are blue, and others curiously waved with blue, red, and white.'' There seems to be some connexion between the glain neidyr of the Britons and the ovum anguinnm, mentioned by Pliny as being held in veneration by the Druids of Gaul and to the formation of which he gives nearly the same origin. They were probably worn as a mark of distinction, and suspended round the neck as the perforations are not large enough to admit the finger. A large portion of this barrow still remaining untouched on the south-east side, which was but little elevated above the natural soil, yet extending farther from the centre, it offered a larger area, in which interments were more likely to be found than any other part of the tumulus, it was decided on resuming the search on the 3d of July, 1843, by digging from the outside until the former excavation in the centre was reached. In carrying out this design the following interments were discovered, all of which seem to pertain to a much more remote era than the interment whose discovery has been before recorded. First, the skeleton of a child, in a state of great decay; a little farther on a lengthy skeleton, the femur of which measures nineteen and a half inches, with a rudely ornamented urn of coarse clay deposited near the head; a small article of ivory, perforated with six holes, as though for the purpose of being sewn into some article of dress or ornament (a larger one of the same kind was found in a barrow at Gristhorpe, near Scarborough, in 1832); a small arrow-head of gray flint, a piece of iron-stone, and a piece of stag's horn, artificially pointed at the thicker end, were found in the immediate neighbourhood of the urn. Between this skeleton and the centre of the barrow four more skeletons were exhumed, two of which were of young persons; there was no mode of arrangement perceptible in the positions of the bodies, excepting that the heads seemed to lie nearest to the urn before mentioned. Amongst the bones of these four skeletons a small rude incense cup was found, which is of rather unusual form, being perforated with two holes on each side, opposite each other.