Letters and Papers 1533. 07 Mar 1533. 7 March. Add. MS. 28,585, f. 229. B. M. 208. Mai to Cobos.

"Memorial de lo que pase con los Cardenales Franceses."

Visited the card. of Agramont (Grammont), who has been ill, and the cardinal of Tornon, who lodged near him. Was told by them that they were surprised to hear so much about war, and also at what was now newly published, that the kings of France and England would meet again (que se habian de ver otra vez los Reyes, &c.), for this was the greatest lie in the world. The Emperor should only believe what his Ambassador wrote. Assured them that the Emperor did not believe this, as he considered the French king as his good brother and ally, but there was cause for suspicion, which they could remedy. Referred to his former negotiation with the duke of Albany.

The Cardinals complained of their not having access to the Emperor, while his Ambassadors in France were always well treated. They complained also of Imperial influence in the election of Cardinals, and that the cardinal of Siguenca had said to them that the Emperor would not regard their wishes. They said they spoke in the matter of the Auditor of the Chamber, because they had orders from their King to treat the affairs of the king of England as his own.

Said they might have had a more honorable commission than that, supposing they meant the divorce. They replied they said nothing about that, and Francis did not wish to meddle in it, except that justice might be done; —that he had already endeavored to dissuade Henry, and would still dissuade him as far as possible, from marrying the Lady (age 32), which it is to be feared he will do in fact. Does not believe them.

Endd.: Al Comendador Mayor—de Micer Mai, vij. Março de 1533. Sp., pp. 6. Modern copy.

Letters 1536. 07 Mar 1536. Vienna Archives. 429. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

The Bishop of Llandaff, confessor of the late Queen, finding that he could not live here as a Catholic, or preserve his own soul in safety, fearing also that by refusing to swear to the new statutes he should be treated like the cardinal of Rochester and some others, determined, on the very day of my last letters, 25th ultimo, to escape from the kingdom to Flanders or to Arragon, where he was born, after first visiting your Majesty and the Pope; but he managed so badly that he was taken prisoner and put in the Tower. No one yet knows what will be the issue of his case, but I fear he will not be permitted to leave the kingdom lest he should stir up opposition to the King. For the same reason the King is afraid that the late Queen's physician wishes to remove hence, and he is trying to get him into his service, or at least keep him here for some time. For this purpose Cromwell sent to me this morning, requesting that I would send the said physician to him, whom he has been urgently soliciting to accept the King's service. The physician replied that to do so at once would arouse people's suspicions, and give occasion to scandal. Moreover, he did not know how your Majesty, whose subject he is, would take it. In reply to this last point Cromwell told him that there was no obstacle at all, for before three months there would be most perfect friendship between your Majesty and the King his master; to accomplish which he was holding the door wide open. The physician, however, declined to answer without taking my advice.

The two Gueldrois who arrived here, of whom one is burgomaster of Nimiguen, left four days ago. I am told they have had no other answer but that the King would respect the treaties between France and Gueldres. The two uncles of the Earl of Kildare, a brother, and some other kinsmen who have hitherto withstood strongly, have at last surrendered. Many think that the King was only awaiting this news to put Kildare to execution. It is said that they were assured that Kildare was well treated, that they might be entrapped. They are expected every day in this city, and it is said they will all wed the Tower, whatever has been promised them. Cromwell sent yesterday and the day before to tell me that he would come to me today or tomorrow. Perhaps he means to inform me that the King avows what he said to me lately; or perhaps he means to come to some particular overture on the subject of his proposals to the Queen's physician, who informs me that on speaking with him yesterday, when he named the Princess, Cromwell put his hand to his bonnet, which he did not often do, except sometimes when mention was made of your Majesty. London, 7 March 1535.French, from a modern copy, pp. 2.

Pepy's Diary. 07 Mar 1660. I spoke too with Mr. Pierce the surgeon, who gave me great encouragement to go to sea with my Lord. Thence going homewards, my Lord overtook me in his coach, and called me in, and so I went with him to St. James's, and G. Montagu (age 37) being gone to White Hall, we walked over the Park thither, all the way he discoursing of the times, and of the change of things since the last year, and wondering how he could bear with so great disappointment as he did. He did give me the best advice that he could what was best for me, whether to stay or go with him, and offered all the ways that could be, how he might do me good, with the greatest liberty and love that could be. I left him at Whitehall, and myself went to Westminster to my office, whither nothing to do, but I did discourse with Mr. Falconbridge about Le Squire's place, and had his consent to get it if I could. I afterwards in the Hall met with W. Simons, who put me in the best way how to get it done. Thence by appointment to the Angel in King Street, where Chetwind, Mr. Thomas and Doling were at oysters, and beginning Lent this day with a fish dinner. After dinner Mr. Thomas and I by water to London, where I went to Herring's and received the £50 of my Lord's upon Frank's bill from Worcester. I gave in the bill and set my hand to his bill. Thence I went to the Pope's Head Alley and called on Adam Chard, and bought a catcall there, it cost me two groats. Thence went and gave him a cup of ale. After that to the Sun behind the Exchange, where meeting my uncle Wight by the way, took him with me thither, and after drinking a health or two round at the Cock (Mr. Thomas being gone thither), we parted, he and I homewards, parted at Fleet Street [Map], where I found my father newly come home from Brampton very well. He left my uncle with his leg very dangerous, and do believe he cannot continue in that condition long. He tells me that my uncle did acquaint him very largely what he did intend to do with his estate, to make me his heir and give my brother Tom (age 26) something, and that my father and mother should have likewise something, to raise portions for John and Pall. I pray God he may be as good as his word. Here I staid and supped and so home, there being Joyce Norton there and Ch. Glascock. Going home I called at Wotton's and took home a piece of cheese. At home Mr. Sheply sat with me a little while, and so we all to bed. This news and my Lord's great kindness makes me very cheerful within. I pray God make me thankful. This day, according to order, Sir Arthur (age 59) appeared at the House; what was done I know not, but there was all the Rumpers almost come to the House to-day. My Lord did seem to wonder much why Lambert (age 40) was so willing to be put into the Tower, and thinks he has some design in it; but I think that he is so poor that he cannot use his liberty for debts, if he were at liberty; and so it is as good and better for him to be there, than any where else.

Pepy's Diary. 07 Mar 1669. So to my cozen Turner's, and there staid talking a little, and then back to Suffolk Street, where they not being yet come home I to White Hall, and there hear that there are letters come from Sir Thomas Allen (age 36), that he hath made some kind of peace with Algiers; upon which the King (age 38) and Duke of York (age 35), being to go out of town to-morrow, are met at my Lord Arlington's (age 51): so I there, and by Mr. Wren (age 40) was desired to stay to see if there were occasion for their speaking with me, which I did, walking without, with Charles Porter (age 37)¹, talking of a great many things: and I perceive all the world is against the Duke of Buckingham (age 41) his acting thus high, and do prophesy nothing but ruin from it: But he do well observe that the church lands cannot certainly come to much, if the King (age 38) shall [be] persuaded to take them; they being leased out for long leases.

Note 1. Charles Porter (age 37) "was the son of a prebend in Norwich, and a 'prentice boy in the city in the rebellious times. When the committee house was blown up, he was very active in that rising, and after the soldiers came and dispersed the rout, he, as a rat among joint stools, shifted to and fro among the shambles, and had forty pistols shot at him by the troopers that rode after him to kill him 24th April, 1648. In that distress he had the presence of mind to catch up a little child that, during the rout, was frighted, and stood crying in the streets, and, unobserved by the troopers, ran away with it. The people opened a way for him, saying, 'Make room for the poor child.' Thus he got off, and while search was made for him in the market-place, got into the Yarmouth [Map] ferry, and at Yarmouth [Map] took ship and went to Holland.... In Holland he trailed a pike, and was in several actions as a common soldier. At length he kept a cavalier eating-house; but, his customers being needy, he soon broke, and came for England, and being a genteel youth, was taken in among the chancery clerks, and got to be under a master.... His industry was great; and he had an acquired dexterity and skill in the forms of the court; and although he was a bon companion, and followed much the bottle, yet he made such dispatches as satisfied his clients, especially the clerks, who knew where to find him. His person was florid, and speech prompt and articulate. But his vices, in the way of women and the bottle, were so ungoverned, as brought him to a morsel.... When the Lord Keeper North had the Seal, who from an early acquaintance had a kindness for him which was well known, and also that he was well heard, as they call it, business flowed in to him very fast, and yet he could scarce keep himself at liberty to follow his business.... At the Revolution, when his interest fell from, and his debts began to fall upon him, he was at his wits' end.... His character for fidelity, loyalty, and facetious conversation was without exception"-Roger North's Lives of the Norths (Lord Keeper Guilford), ed. Jessopp, vol. i., pp. 381-2. He was originally made Chancellor (age 60) of Ireland in the reign of James II, during the viceroyalty of Lord Clarendon, 1686, when he was knighted. "He was", says Burnet, "a man of ready wit, and being poor was thought a person fit to be made a tool of. When Clarendon was recalled, Porter was also displaced, and Fitton was made Chancellor (age 60), a man who knew no other law than the King's pleasure" ("Own Time"). Sir Charles Porter (age 37) was again made Chancellor of Ireland in 1690, and in this same year he acted as one of the Lords Justices. This note of Lord Braybrooke's is retained and added to, but the reference may after all be to another Charles Porter. See vol. iii., p. 122, and vol. vi., p. 98.

Evelyn's Diary. 07 Mar 1685. Much I could enlarge on every peribd of this hasty account, but that I ease and discharge my overcoming passion for the present, so many things worthy an excellent Christian and dutifull child crowding upon me. Never can I say enough, oh deare, my deare child, whose memory is so precious to me! This deare child was born at Wotton [Map] in the same house and chamber in which I first drew my breath, my wife (age 50) having retir'd to my brother there in the great sicknesse that yeare upon the first of that moneth, and neere the ve'ry houre that I was borne, upon the last: viz. October. 16 March. She was interr'd in the South-east end of the Church at Deptford, neere her grandmother and severall of my younger children and relations. My desire was she should have ben carried and layed among my own parents and relations at Wotton, where I desire to be interr'd myselfe, when God shall call me out of this uncertaine transitory life, but some circumstances did not permit it. Our vicar Dr. Holden preach'd her funeral sermon on 1 Phil. 21. "For to me to live is Christ and to die is gaine", upon which he made an apposite discourse, as those who heard it assur'd me (for griefe suffer'd me not to be present), concluding with a modest recital of her many virtues and signal piety, so as to draw both teares and admiration from the hearers. I was not altogether unwilling that something of this sort should be spoken, for the edification and encouragement of other young people. Divers noble persons honour'd her funeral, some in person, others sending their coaches, of wch there were six or seven with six horses, viz. the Countesse of Sunderland (age 39), Earle of Clarendon, Lord Godolphin (age 39), Sr Stephen Fox (age 57), Sr Wm Godolphin, Viscount Falkland, and others. There were distributed amongst her friends about 60 rings. Thus liv'd, died, and was buried the joy of my life, and ornament of her sex and of my poore family ! God Almighty of his infinite mercy grant me the grace thankfully to resigne myselfe and all I have, or had, to his Divine pleasure, and in his good time, restoring health and comfort to my family: "teach me so to number my days that I may apply my heart to wisdom", be prepar'd for my dissolution, and that into the hands of my blessed Saviour I may recommend my spirit ! Amen !

Evelyn's Diary. 07 Mar 1685. At London she tooke this fatal disease, and the occasion of her being there was this; my Lord Viscount Falkland's (age 29) Lady having ben our neighbour (as he was Treasurer of the Navy), she tooke so greate an affection to my daughter, that when they went back in the autumn to the Citty, nothing would satisfie their incessant importunity but letting her accompany my Lady, and staying sometime with her; it was with yc greatest reluctance I complied. Whilst she was there, my Lord (age 29) being musical, when I saw my Lady would not part with her till Christmas, I was not unwilling she should improve the opportunity of learning of Signr Pietro, who had an admirable way both of composure and teaching. It was the end of February before I could prevail with my Lady to part with her; but my Lord going into Oxfordshire to stand for Knight of the Shire there, she express'd her wish to come home, being tir'd of ye vain and empty conversation of the towne, ye theatres, the court, and trifling visites wch consum'd so much precious time, and made her sometimes misse of that regular course of piety that gave her ye greatest satisfaction. She was weary of this life, and I think went not thrice to Court all this time, except when her mother or I carried her. She did not affect shewing herselfe, she knew ye Court well, and pass'd one summer in it at Windsor with Lady Tuke one of the Queene's women of the bed chamber (a most virtuous relation of hers); she was not fond of that glittering scene, now become abominably licentious, though there was a designe of Lady Rochester (age 39) and Lady Clarendon to have made her a maid of honour to the Queene as soon as there was a vacancy. But this she did not set her heart upon, nor in deede on any thing so much as the service of God, a quiet and regular life, and how she might improve herselfe in the most necessary accomplishments, and to wch she was ariv'd at so greate a measure. This is y° little history and imperfect character of my deare child, whose piety, virtue, and incomparable endowments deserve a. Monument more durable than brasse and marble. Precious is the memorial of the just.

Evelyn's Diary. 07 Mar 1690. I dined with Mr. Pepys (age 57), late Secretary to the Admiralty, where was that excellent shipwright and seaman (for so he had been, and also a Commission of the Navy), Sir Anthony Deane (age 56). Among other discourse, and deploring the sad condition of our navy, as now governed by inexperienced men since this Revolution, he mentioned what exceeding advantage we of this nation had by being the first who built frigates, the first of which ever built was that vessel which was afterward called "The Constant Warwick", and was the work of Pett of Chatham, for a trial of making a vessel that would sail swiftly; it was built with low decks, the guns lying near the water, and was so light and swift of sailing, that in a short time he told us she had, ere the Dutch war was ended, taken as much money from privateers as would have laden her; and that more such being built, did in a year or two scour the Channel from those of Dunkirk and others which had exceedingly infested it. He added that it would be the best and only infallible expedient to be masters of the sea, and able to destroy the greatest navy of any enemy if, instead of building huge great ships and second and third rates, they would leave off building such high decks, which were for nothing but to gratify gentlemen-commanders, who must have all their effeminate accommodations, and for pomp; that it would be the ruin of our fleets, if such persons were continued in command, they neither having experience nor being capable of learning, because they would not submit to the fatigue and inconvenience which those who were bred seamen would undergo, in those so otherwise useful swift frigates. These being to encounter the greatest ships would be able to protect, set on, and bring off, those who should manage the fire ships, and the Prince who should first store himself with numbers of such fire ships, would, through the help and countenance of such frigates, be able to ruin the greatest force of such vast ships as could be sent to sea, by the dexterity of working those light, swift ships to guard the fire ships. He concluded there would shortly be no other method of seafight; and that great ships and men-of-war, however stored with guns and men, must submit to those who should encounter them with far less number. He represented to us the dreadful effect of these fire ships; that he continually observed in our late maritime war with the Dutch that, when an enemy's fire ship approached, the most valiant commander and common sailors were in such consternation, that though then, of all times, there was most need of the guns, bombs, etc., to keep the mischief off, they grew pale and astonished, as if of a quite other mean soul, that they slunk about, forsook their guns and work as if in despair, every one looking about to see which way they might get out of their ship, though sure to be drowned if they did so. This he said was likely to prove hereafter the method of seafight, likely to be the misfortune of England if they continued to put gentlemen-commanders over experienced seamen, on account of their ignorance, effeminacy, and insolence.

Letters and Journals of Lord Byron 07 March 1814. 07 Mar 1814. Rose at seven-ready by half past eight-went to Mr. Hanson's, Berkeley-square-went to church with his eldest daughter, Mary Anne¹ (a good girl), and gave her away to the Earl of Portsmouth (age 46). Saw her fairly a countess-congratulated the family and groom (bride)-drank a bumper of wine (wholesome sherris) to their felicity, and all that,-and came home. Asked to stay to dinner, but could not. At three sat to Phillips for faces. Called on Lady M (age 62).-I like her so well, that I always stay too long. (Mem. to mend of that)

Passed the evening with Hobbouse (age 27), who has begun a Poem, which promises highly;-wish he would go on with it. Heard some curious extracts from a life of Morosini², the blundering Venetian, who blew up the Acropolis at Athens with a bomb, and be d-d to him! Waxed sleepy-just come home-must go to bed, and am engaged to meet Sheridan (age 62) to-morrow at Rogers's (age 50).

Queer ceremony that same of marriage-saw many abroad, Greek and Catholic-one, at home, many years ago. There be some strange phrases in the prologue (the exhortation), which made me turn away, not to laugh in the face of the surpliceman. Made one blunder, when I joined the hands of the happy-rammed their left hands, by mistake, into one another. Corrected it-bustled back to the altar-rail, and said 'Amen.' Portsmouth (age 46) responded as if he had got the whole by heart; and, if any thing, was rather before the priest. It is now midnight, and ******.

Note 1. Lord Portsmouth (see Letters, vol. i. p. 9, note 2 [Footnote 3 of Letter 3]), who had long known the Hansons, from whose house he married his first wife, married, March 7, 1814, Mary Anne, eldest daughter of John Hanson. A commission of lunacy was taken out by the brother and next heir, the Hon. Newton Fellowes; but Lord Chancellor Eldon decided that Lord Portsmouth was capable of entering into the marriage contract and managing his own affairs. The commission was, however, ultimately granted. Byron swore an affidavit on the first occasion.

Denman mentioned Lord Byron's affidavit about Lord Portsmouth as a proof of the influence of Hanson over him; Lord B. swearing that Lord P. had 'rather a superior mind than otherwise'" (Memoirs, etc., of Thomas Moore, vol. vi. p. 47).

The following is the note which Byron sent Hanson to embody in his affidavit:

I have been acquainted with Mr. Hanson and his family for many years. He is my solicitor. About the beginning of March last he sent to me to ask my opinion on the subject of Lord Portsmouth, who, as I understood from Mr. H., was paying great attention to his eldest daughter. He stated to me that Mr. Newton Fellowes (with whom I have no personal acquaintance) was particularly desirous that Lord Portsmouth should marry some 'elderly woman' of his (Mr. Fellowes's) selection-that the title and family estates might thereby devolve on Mr. F. or his children; but that Lord P. had expressed a dislike to old women, and a desire to choose for himself. I told Mr. Hanson that, if Miss Hanson's affections were not pre-engaged, and Lord Portsmouth appeared attached to her, there could be, in my opinion, no objection to the match. I think, but cannot be positive, that I saw Lord Portsmouth at Mr. Hanson's two or three times previous to the marriage; but I had no conversation with him upon it.

The night before the ceremony, I received an invitation from Mr. Hanson, requesting me, as a friend of the family, to be present at the marriage, which was to take place next morning. I went next morning to Bloomsbury Square, where I found the parties. Lady Portsmouth, with her brother and sister and another gentleman, went in the carriage to St. George's Church; Lord Portsmouth and myself walked, as the carriage was full, and the distance short. On my way Lord Portsmouth told me that he had been partial to Miss Hanson from her childhood, and that, since she grew up, and more particularly subsequent to the decease of the late Lady P., this partiality had become attachment, and that he thought her calculated to make him an excellent wife. I was present at the ceremony and gave away the bride. Lord Portsmouth's behaviour seemed to me perfectly calm and rational on the occasion. He seemed particularly attentive to the priest, and gave the responses audibly and very distinctly. I remarked this because, in ordinary conversation, his Lordship has a hesitation in his speech. After the ceremony, we returned to Mr. Hanson's, whence, I believe, they went into the country-where I did not accompany them. Since their return I have occasionally seen Lord and Lady Portsmouth in Bloomsbury Square. They appeared very happy. I have never been very intimate with his Lordship, and am therefore unqualified to give a decided opinion of his general conduct. But had I considered him insane, I should have advised Mr. Hanson, when he consulted me on the subject, not to permit the marriage. His preference of a young woman to an old one, and of his own wishes to those of a younger brother, seemed to me neither irrational nor extraordinary."

There is nothing in the note itself, or in the draft affidavit, to bear out Moore's report of Denman's statement.

Byron, according to the account given by Newton Hanson, is wrong in saying that Mrs. Hanson approved of the marriage. On the contrary, it was the cause of her death, a fortnight later. In 1828 the marriage was annulled, a jury having decided that Lord Portsmouth was non compos mentis when he contracted it.

Note 2. Francesco Morosini (1618-1694) occupied the Morea for Venice (1687), besieged Athens, and bombarded the Parthenon, which had been made a powder-magazine. He became Doge of Venice in 1688.