Chronicle of Gregory 1432. 14 Feb 1432. And yn Syn Volantynys day he come unto London; and he was worthely fette in to the cytte whythe the mayre and his aldyrmen whythe alle the worthy comyns of the cytte and every crafte in her devys.

And whenne the King (age 10) come to Londyn Brygge [Map] there was made a towre, and there yn stondynge a gy aunte welle arayde and welle be-sene, whythe a swerde holdynge uppe on hye, sayynge this reson in Latyn, Inimicos ejus induam confusione. And on every syde of him stode an antiloppe, that one holdynge the armys of Ingelond and that othyr the armys of Fraunce. Ande at the drawe brygge there was a nothyr ryalle toure, there yn stondynge iij empryssys ryally arayde, whythe crownys on her heddys, the whyche namys folowyn here: first, Nature; the secunde, Grace; the thyrde, Fortune, presentyng him whythe gyftys of grace. The first gaffe him Scyence an Cunnynge, and the secunde gaffe him Prosperyte and Eyches. And on the ryght syde of the emperyssys stode vij fayre maydyns clothide alle in whyte, i-powderyde whythe sonnys of golde, presentynge the kyng whythe vij gyftys of the Holy Goste in the lykenys of vij whyte dovys by fygure owtwarde, whythe this resonys: Impleat te Dominus spiritu¹ sapiencie et intellectus, spiritu consitij etfortitudinis, sciencie et pietatys, spiritu timorys Domini. And on the lyfte syde of thes emperysse stode vi j othyr fay re maydyns in why the, powdery de why the sterrys of golde, presentyng the kyng whythe vij gyftys of worschyppe. The first was a crowne of glorye, the seconde with a cepter of clennysse, the iij whythe a swyrde of ryght and vyctorye, the iiij whythe a mantelle of prudence, the v whythe a schylde of fay the, the vj an helme of helme, the vij a gyrdylle of love and of parfyte pes. And this maydens song an hevynly songe unto the King of praysynge and of his vyctorye and welle comynge home. And whenne he come unto Cornehylle, there yn the vij scyence, and every scyence schewynge his propyr corny ng wondyrly i-wroughte.

Note 1. spiritu. spiritus, MS.

Hudibras Part 1 Canto 1. When civil fury first grew high¹,

And men fell out, they knew not why;²

When hard words, jealousies, and fears

Set folks together by the ears³,.

And made them fight, like mad or drunk, (5)

For dame Religion as for Punk⁴;

Whose honesty they all durst swear for,

Tho' not a man of them knew wherefore:

When Gospel-Trumpeter, surrounded

With long-ear'd rout, to battle sounded⁵, (10)

And pulpit, drum ecclesiastick,

Was beat with fist, instead of a stick⁵;

Then did Sir Knight abandon dwelling,

And out he rode a Colonelling⁶.

Note 1. When civil fury first grew high. In the first edition of the first part of this poem, printed separately, we read dudgeon. Bat on the publication of the second part, when the first was re-printed with several additions and alterations, the word dndgeon was changed to fury; as appears in a copy corrected by the author's own hand. The publisher in 1704 and the subsequent ones, have taken the liberty of correcting the author's copy, restored the word dudgeon, and many other readings: changing them, I think I may say, for the worse, in several passages. Indeed, while the Editor of 1704 replaces this word, and contends for it, he seems to shew its impropriety. "To take in dudgeon," says he, "is inwardly to resent, a sort of grumbling in the gizzard, and what was previous to actual fury." Yet in the next lines we have men falling out, set together by the ears, and fighting. I doubt not but the inconsistency of these expressions occurred to the author, and induced him to change the word, that his sense might be clear, and the sera of his poem certain and uniform. - Dudgeon, in its primitive sense, signifies a dagger; and figuratively, such hatred and sullenness as occasion men to employ short concealed weapons. Some readers may be fond of the word dudgeon, as a burlesque terih, and suitable, as they think, to the nature of the poem: but the judicious critic will observe, that the poet is not always in a drolling humour, and might not think fit to fall into it in the first line: he chooses his words not by the oddness or uncouthness of the sound, but by the propriety of their signification. Besides, the word dudgeon, in the figfurative sense, though not in its primitive one is generally taken for a monoptote in the ablative case, to take in dudgeon which might be another reason why the poet changed it into fury. See line 379.

Note 2. "And men fell out, they knew not why". Dr. Perrincheif 's Life of Charles I. says, "There will never be wanting, in any country, some" discontented spirits, and some designing craftsmen; but when "these confusions began, the more part knew not wherefore they were come together."

Note 3. "When hard words, jealousies, and fears. Set folks together by the ears, Hard words. - Probably the jargon and cant-words used by the Presbyterians, and other sectaries. They called themselves the elect, the saints, tlie predestinated: and their opponents they called Papists, Prelatists, ill-designing, reprobate, profligate, &c. &c.

In the body politic, when the spiritual and windy power moveth the members of a commonwealth, and by strange and hard words suffocates their understanding, it must needs thereby distract the people, and either overwhelm the commonwealth with oppression, "or cast it into the fire of a civil war." Hobbes.

Jealousies. Bishop Burnet, in the house of lords, on the first article of the impeachment of Sacheverel, says, "The true occasion of the war was a jesJousy, that a conduct of fifteen years had given too much ground for; and that was still kept up by a fatal train of errors in every step." See also the king's speech Dec. 2, 1641.

And fears, - Of superstition and Popery in the church, and of arbitrary power and tyranny in the state: and so prepossessed were many persons with these fears, that, like the hero of this poem, they would imagine a bear-baiting to be a deep design against the religion and liberty of the country. Lord Clarendon tells us, that the English were the happiest people under the sun, while the king was undisturbed in the administration of justice; but a top much felicity had made them unmanageable by moderate government; a long peace having softened almost all the noblesse into court pleasures, and made the commoners insolent by great plenty.

King Charles, in the fourth year of his reign, tells the lords, "We have been willing so far to descend to the desires of our good subjects, as fully to satisfie all moderate minds, and free them from all just fears and jealousies." The words jealousies and fears, were bandied between the king and parliament in all their papers, before the absolute breaking put of the war. They, were used by the parliament to the king, in their petition for the militia March 1, 1641-2; and by the king in his answer, "You speak of jealousies and fears, lay your hands to your hearts and ask yourselves, whether I may not be disturbed with jealousies and fears." And the parliament, in their declaration to the king at Newmarket, March 9, say, "Those fears and jealousies of ours which your majesty" thinks to be causeless, and without just ground, do necessarily and clearly arise from those dangers and distempers into which your evil councils have brought us: but those other fears and jealousies of yours, have no foundation or subsistance in any "action, intention, or miscarriage of ours, but are merely grounded on falsehood and malice."

The terms had been used before by the Earl of Carlisle to James I. 14 Feb. 1623. "Nothing will more dishearten the envious maligners of your majesty's felicity, and encourage your true hearted friends and servants, than the removing those false fears and jealousies, which are mere imaginary phantasms, and bodies of air easily dissipated, whensoever it shall please the sun of your majesty to shew itself clearly in its native brightness, lustre, and goodness."

Note 4. Far dame Religion as for Punk; From the Anglo-Saxon pung, it signifies a bawd. Anus instar corii ad ignem siccati. (Skinner.) Sometimes scortum, scortillum. Sir John Suckling says.

Religion now is a young mistress here.

For which each man will fight and die at least:

Let it alone awhile, and 'twill become

A kind of married wife; people will be

Content to live with it in quietness.

Note 5. When Gospel-Trumpeter, surrounded

With long-ear'd rout, to battle sounded; Mr. Butler told Thomas Veal esquire, of Simons-hall, Gloucestershire, that the Puritans had a custom of putting their hands behind their ears at sermons, and bending them forward, under pretence of hearing the better. He had seen five hundred or a thousand large ears pricked up as soon as the text was named. Besides, they wore their hair very short, which shewed their ears the more. See Godwin's notes in Bodley library. Dr. Bulwer in his Anthropometamorphosis, or Artificial Changeling, tells us wonderful stories of the size of men's ears in some countries. - Pliny lib. 7. c. 2. speaks of a people on the borders of India, who covered themselves with their ears. And Purchas, in his Pilgrim, saith, that in the island Arucetto, there are men and women having ears of such bigness, that they lie upon one as a bed, and cover themselves with the other.

I here mention the idle tales of these authors, because their works, together vnth Brown's Vulgar Errors, are the frequent object of our poet's satire.

Note 5. And pulpit, drum ecclesiastick, Was beat with fist, instead of a stick; It is sufficiently known from the history of those times, that the seeds of rebellion were first sown, and afterwards cultivated, by the factious preachers in conventicles, and the seditious and schismatical lecturers, who had crept into many churches, especially about London. "These men," says Lord Clarendon, "had, from the beginning of the parliament, infused seditious inclinations into the hearts of all men, against the government in church and state: but after the raising an army, and rejecting the king's overtures for peace, they contained themselves within no bounds, but filled all the pulpits with alarms of ruin and destruction, if a peace were ofiered or accepted." These preachers used violent action, and made the pulpit an instrument of sedition, as the drum was of war. Dr. South, in one of his sermons, says, "The pulpit supplied the field with sword-men, and the parliament-house with incendiaries."

Note 6. And out he rode a Colonelling. Some have imagined from hence, that by Hudibras, was intended Sir Samuel Luke of Bedfordshire (age 38). Sir Samuel (age 38) was an active justice of the peace, chairman of the quarter sessions, colonel of a regiment of foot in the parliament army and a committee-man of that county: but the poet's satire is general, not personal.

Continues.

Pepy's Diary. 14 Feb 1667. Thence away by coach to Sir H. Cholmly (age 34) and Fitzgerald and Creed, setting down the two latter at the New Exchange. And Sir H. Cholmly (age 34) and I to the Temple [Map], and there walked in the dark in the walks talking of newes; and he surprises me with the certain newes that the King (age 36) did last night in Council declare his being in treaty with the Dutch: that they had sent him a very civil letter, declaring that, if nobody but themselves were concerned, they would not dispute the place of treaty, but leave it to his choice; but that, being obliged to satisfy therein a Prince of equal quality with himself, they must except any place in England or Spayne. And so the King (age 36) hath chosen the Hague, and thither hath chose my Lord Hollis (age 67) and Harry Coventry (age 48) to go Embassadors to treat; which is so mean a thing, as all the world will believe, that we do go to beg a peace of them, whatever we pretend. And it seems all our Court are mightily for a peace, taking this to be the time to make one, while the King (age 36) hath money, that he may save something of what the Parliament hath given him to put him out of debt, so as he may need the help of no more Parliaments, as to the point of money: but our debt is so great, and expence daily so encreased, that I believe little of the money will be saved between this and the making of the peace up. But that which troubles me most is, that we have chosen a son (age 27) of Secretary (age 64) Morris, a boy never used to any business, to go Embassador [Secretary] to the Embassy, which shows how, little we are sensible of the weight of the business upon us. God therefore give a good end to it, for I doubt it, and yet do much more doubt the issue of our continuing the war, for we are in no wise fit for it, and yet it troubles me to think what Sir H. Cholmly (age 34) says, that he believes they will not give us any reparation for what we have suffered by the war, nor put us into any better condition than what we were in before the war, for that will be shamefull for us.

Pepy's Diary. 14 Feb 1668. Thence I attended the King (age 37) and Council, and some of the rest of us, in a business to be heard about the value of a ship of one Dorrington's:-and it was pretty to observe how Sir W. Pen (age 46) making use of this argument against the validity of an oath, against the King (age 37), being made by the master's mate of the ship, who was but a fellow of about 23 years of age-the master of the ship, against whom we pleaded, did say that he did think himself at that age capable of being master's mate of any ship; and do know that he, himself, Sir W. Pen (age 46), was so himself, and in no better degree at that age himself: which word did strike Sir W. Pen (age 46) dumb, and made him open his mouth no more; and I saw the King (age 37) and Duke of York (age 34) wink at one another at it. This done, we into the gallery; and there I walked with several people, and among others my Lord Brouncker (age 48), who I do find under much trouble still about the business of the tickets, his very case being brought in; as is said, this day in the Report of the Miscarriages. And he seems to lay much of it on me, which I did clear and satisfy him in; and would be glad with all my heart to serve him in, and have done it more than he hath done for himself, he not deserving the least blame, but commendations, for this. I met with my cozen Roger Pepys (age 50) and Creed; and from them understand that the Report was read to-day of the Miscarriages, wherein my Lord Sandwich (age 42) is [named] about the business I mentioned this morning; but I will be at rest, for it can do him no hurt. Our business of tickets is soundly up, and many others: so they went over them again, and spent all the morning on the first, which is the dividing of the fleete; wherein hot work was, and that among great men, Privy-Councillors, and, they say, Sir W. Coventry (age 40); but I do not much fear it, but do hope that it will shew a little, of the Duke of Albemarle (age 59) and the Prince to have been advisers in it: but whereas they ordered that the King's Speech should be considered today, they took no notice of it at all, but are really come to despise the King (age 37) in all possible ways of chewing it. And it was the other day a strange saying, as I am told by my cozen Roger Pepys (age 50), in the House, when it was moved that the King's speech should be considered, that though the first part of the Speech, meaning the league that is there talked of, be the only good publick thing that hath been done since the King (age 37) come into England, yet it might bear with being put off to consider, till Friday next, which was this day. Secretary Morrice (age 65) did this day in the House, when they talked of intelligence, say that he was allowed but £70 a-year for intelligence, [Secret service money] whereas, in Cromwell's time, he [Cromwell] did allow £70,000 a-year for it; and was confirmed therein by Colonel Birch (age 52), who said that thereby Cromwell carried the secrets of all the Princes of Europe at his girdle. The House is in a most broken condition; nobody adhering to any thing, but reviling and finding fault: and now quite mad at the Undertakers, as they are commonly called, Littleton (age 47), Lord Vaughan (age 28), Sir R. Howard (age 42), and others that are brought over to the Court, and did undertake to get the King (age 37) money; but they despise, and would not hear them in the House; and the Court do do as much, seeing that they cannot be useful to them, as was expected. In short, it is plain that the King (age 37) will never be able to do any thing with this Parliament; and that the only likely way to do better, for it cannot do worse, is to break this and call another Parliament; and some do think that it is intended. I was told to-night that my Baroness Castlemayne (age 27) is so great a gamester as to have won £5000 in one night, and lost £25,000 in another night, at play, and hath played £1000 and £1500 at a cast.

Pepy's Diary. 14 Feb 1669. At noon home, and pleased mightily with my morning's work, and coming home, I do find a letter from Mr. Wren (age 40), to call me to the Duke of York (age 35) after dinner. So dined in all haste, and then W. Hewer (age 27) and my wife and I out, we set her at my cozen Turner's while we to White Hall, where the Duke of York (age 35) expected me; and in his closet Wren and I He did tell me how the King (age 38) hath been acquainted with the Treasurers' discourse at the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, the other day, and is dissatisfied with our running him in debt, which I removed; and he did, carry me to the King (age 38), and I did satisfy him also; but his satisfaction is nothing worth, it being easily got, and easily removed; but I do purpose to put in writing that which shall make the Treasurers ashamed. But the Duke of York (age 35) is horrid angry against them; and he hath cause, for they do all they can to bring dishonour upon his management, as do vainly appear in all they do. Having done with the Duke of York (age 35), who do repose all in me, I with Mr. Wren (age 40) to his, chamber, to talk; where he observed, that these people are all of them a broken sort of people, that have not much to lose, and therefore will venture all to make their fortunes better: that Sir Thomas Osborne is a beggar, having 11 of £1200 a-year, but owes above £10,000. The Duke of Buckingham's (age 41) condition is shortly this: that he hath about £19,600 a-year, of which he pays away about £7,000 a-year in interest, about £2000 in fee-farm rents to the King (age 38), about £6000 wages and pensions, and the rest to live upon, and pay taxes for the whole. Wren says, that for the Duke of York (age 35) to stir in this matter, as his quality might justify, would but make all things worse, and that therefore he must bend, and suffer all, till time works it out: that he fears they will sacrifice the Church, and that the King (age 38) will take anything, and so he will hold up his head a little longer, and then break in pieces. But Sir W. Coventry (age 41) did today mightily magnify my late Lord Treasurer, for a wise and solid, though infirm man: and, among other things, that when he hath said it was impossible in nature to find this or that sum of money, and my Chancellor (age 59) hath made sport of it, and tell the King (age 38) that when my Lord hath said it (was) impossible, yet he hath made shift to find it, and that was by Sir G. Carteret's (age 59) getting credit, my Lord did once in his hearing say thus, which he magnifies as a great saying-that impossible would be found impossible at last; meaning that the King (age 38) would run himself out, beyond all his credit and funds, and then we should too late find it impossible; which is, he says, now come to pass. For that Sir W. Coventry (age 41) says they could borrow what money they would, if they had assignments, and funds to secure it with, which before they had enough of, and then must spend it as if it would never have an end. From White Hall to my cozen Turner's, and there took up my wife; and so to my uncle Wight's (age 67), and there sat and supped, and talked pretty merry, and then walked home, and to bed.

Greville Memoirs. 14 Feb 1832. In the evening I got a message from Palmerston to beg I would call on him, which I did at the Foreign Office yesterday. He is infinitely more alert than Melbourne, and more satisfactory to talk to, because he enters with more warmth and more detail into the subject. He began by referring to the list of Peers likely to vote for the second reading, which I showed to him. At the same time I told him that though he might make use of the information generally as far as expressing his own belief that Lord Harrowby would have a sufficient following, he must not produce the list or quote the names, for, in fact, not one of them had given any authority to be so counted; that he must be aware there were persons who would be glad to mar our projects, and they could not more effectually do so than by conveying to these Peers the use that had been made of their names. To all this he agreed entirely. He then talked of the expediency of a declaration from Lord Harrowby, and how desirable it was that it should be made soon, and be supported by as many as could be induced to come forward; that Lord Grey had said to him very lately that he really believed he should be obliged to create Peers. I said that my persuasion was that it would be quite unnecessary to do so to carry the second reading; that nothing was required but confidence in Lord Harrowby, and that his character and his conduct on this occasion entitled him to expect it from them; that if they were sincere in their desire to avoid this measure they would trust to his exertions; that I knew very well the efforts that were made to force this measure on Lord Grey; that it was in furtherance of this that Duncombe's³ ridiculous affair in the House of Commons had been got up, which had been such a complete failure; but that I could not believe Lord Grey would suffer himself to be bullied into it by such despicable means, and by the clamour of such men as Duncombe and O'Connell, urged on by friends of his own. He said this was very true, but the fact was they could not risk the rejection of the Bill again; that he knew from a variety of communications that an explosion would inevitably follow its being thrown out on the second reading; that he had had letters from Scotland and other places, and had no doubt that such would be the case. I said that he would find it very difficult to persuade our friends of this, and it appeared to me as clear as possible that the feeling for the Bill and the excitement had subsided; that they might be to a certain degree renewed by its rejection, but no man could doubt that modifications in it, which would have been impossible a few months ago, would now be easy; that if it was not for that unfortunate declaration of Lord Grey, by which he might consider himself bound, he might safely consent to such changes as would make the adjustment of the question no difficult matter; that with regard to the rejection of the Bill, whatever excitement it might produce, it was evident the Government had an immediate remedy; they had only to prorogue Parliament for a week and make their Peers, and they would then have an excellent pretext—indeed, so good a one that it was inconceivable to me that they should hesitate for a moment in adopting that course. This he did not deny. I then told him of the several conversations between Lord Harrowby and Lords Grey and Lansdowne, and mine with Lord Grey; that Lord Harrowby protested against Lord Grey's availing himself of any disunion among the Opposition (produced by his support of the second reading) to carry those points, to resist which would be the sole object of Lord Harrowby in seceding from his party; and that Lord Grey had said he could not make a sham resistance. Palmerston said, 'We have brought in a Bill which we have made as good as we can; it is for you to propose any alterations you wish to make in it, and if you can beat us, well and good. There are indeed certain things which, if carried against us, would be so fatal to the principle of the Bill that Lord Grey would not consider it worth carrying if so amended; but on other details he is ready to submit, if they should be carried against him.' I said that would not do, that I must refer him to the early negotiations and the disposition which was then expressed to act upon a principle of mutual concession; that when Lord Harrowby and his friends were prepared to concede to its fullest extent the principle of disfranchisement (though they might propose alterations in a few particulars), they had a right to expect that the Government should surrender without fighting some of those equivalents or compensations which they should look for in the alterations or additions they might propose. He said that 'while Lord Harrowby was afraid that Ministers might avail themselves of his weakness to carry their details, they were afraid lest Lord Harrowby and his friends should unite with the ultra-Tories to beat them in Committee on some of the essential clauses of the Bill.' I replied, then it was fear for fear, and under the circumstances the best thing was an understanding that each party should act towards the other in a spirit of good faith, and without taking any accidental advantage that might accrue either way. We then discussed the possibility of an agreement upon the details, and he enquired what they would require. I told him that they would require an alteration of Schedule B to exclude the town voters from county representation, perhaps to vary the franchise, and some other things, with regard to which I could not speak positively at the moment. He said he thought some alteration might be made in Schedule B, particularly in giving all the towns double members, by cutting off the lower ones that had one; that it was intended no man should have a vote for town and county on the same qualification, and he believed there were very few who would possess the double right. That I said would make it more easy to give up, and it was a thing the others laid great stress upon. He seemed to think it might be done. As to the £10, he said he had at first been disposed to consider it too low, but he had changed his mind, and now doubted if it would not turn out to be too high. We then talked of the metropolitan members, to which I said undoubtedly they wished to strike them off, but they knew very well the Government desired it equally. We agreed that I should get from Lord Harrowby specifically what he would require, and he would give me in return what concessions the Government would probably be disposed to make; that these should be communicated merely as the private opinions of individuals, and not as formal proposals; and we should try and blend them together into some feasible compromise.

Note 3. Duncombe brought forward a petition from six men at Barnet complaining that they had been entrapped into signing Lord Verulam's (age 56) and Lord Salisbury's address to the King. The object was to produce a discussion about the Peers. It totally failed, but it was got up with an openness that was indecent by Durham and that crew, who were all (Durham, Sefton, Mulgrave, Dover) under the gallery to hear it. The thing was ridiculed by Peel, fell flat upon the House, and excited disgust and contempt out of it.

Kenslow Barrow. February 4th. - The grave was very carefully cleared out, but yielded nothing further except a few burnt bones. In other parts of the mound we met with a seventh bone crescent, a bone javelin point, and some more flints. A comparison of the various relics found in this barrow in 1821 and 1848, with others brought to light in the course of these researches, demonstrates not only their varied antiquity, but also the order in which the successive interments had occupied the central grave. The first would be by cremation, the incinerated bones being placed in a coarse sepulchral urn, the fragments of which are before alluded to. The second would evidently consist of an unburnt skeleton, accompanied by a highly ornamented drinking cup, a decoration formed by a combination of the bone crescents, the bone lance heads, and the most carefully wrought instruments of flint; some of the latter would, however, be equally likely to pertain to the oldest interment.

The next occupants of the grave had not been disturbed until he former opening of the barrow in 1821, they were then described as being two in number, though sufficient care was not taken to discriminate the relics found with each: it is quite clear that the lowest (some of whose bones we found unremoved) had possessed the stone axe and the polished stone implement found in 1821, in addition to the bronze dagger found in 1848.

The other which lay higher up in the grave was of much later date, being the owner of the kiln-baked vessel, the iron knife, and the small copper fibula or ring-pin, found in 1821. The vessel appears, from the fragments remaining, to have had a narrow neck, and to have resembled that found at Brun-Cliff [Map] in 1847, (see Vestiges, page 101) in form, colour, and paste. It is the skull of this latest, and perhaps Romano-British skeleton, that is described in the former work.

Keiller Collection Letters 14 Feb 1939. Nursling, Southampton,

14th February, 1939.

Dear Sir,

In your February number (p.10) Mr. Keiller (age 49), in his admirable article, quotes a statement that, when megalithic monuments like Stonehenge were built, the level of the Baltic and of the North Sea was 400 feet higher than now! (I need hardly say that Mr. Keiller (age 49) himself is far too sane to attach any importance to such a statement). But it seems at first glance to raise certain difficulties about the construction of Stonehenge. the level of the ground on which Stonehenge stands is about 340 feet above the present level of the sea. A simple calculation shows that it must have then been about 60 feet below the sea!

The explanation of this remarkable fact was mystically revealed to me by no less a person than the chief architect himself, the patriarch Noah. With characteristic frankness he told me of a difficulty that has escaped the notice of all the Biblical critics, and of the ingenious method by which he solved it. The heavy precipitation which resulted in the well-known Flood, consisted, of course, entirely of fresh water; and the fishes who for generations had been born and bred, so to speak, in salt water came to him in great distress, asking his advice. Not being a water expert himself, Noah consulted the Authorities and was told that only strenuous work could save the fish from becoming fossilized. He accordingly devised a scheme by which they should swim across the drowned continent of Eurasia and construct a temple to Jehovah upon the submerged uplands that are now called Salisbury Plain. In order to increase their labour and save them from extinction they were to use only the largest stones, and were to fetch some of them from distant Wales. They were supplied with blue prints by a well-known firm of Sumerian architects, specially drawn on waterproof paper by highly skilled crabs, with ink provided free of charge by cuttle-fish or squids. (It is interesting to note that precisely similar paper is still used by the Ordnance Survey for its small-scale maps). The task was duly carried out, and shortly after 4000 B. C. the temple was formally declared open by a bottle-nosed whale.

In every community, however, there are some recalcitrant individuals who refuse to take good advice, and so there were amongst the fishes. A little group of passive resisters was formed, and they occupied their time swimming round the ark cursing the Authorities. They said they would be fossilized before they would consent to do such menial work, and fossilized they were. When at length the Flood receded, the slopes of Ararat and all the land of Armenia was strewn with huge stone fish. They remain there to this day and may be seen by any who care to visit that country. There is a photograph of one in the Museum at Erivan. They are called VISHAPS and a fully illustrated account of them was recently published (Les Vishaps, by N. Y. Marr & J. I. Smirnov, Leningrad, 1931, reviewed in ANTIQUITY XI, 1937, 122-3).

This explanation is a Revelation in the strict sense of the word. It entirely supersedes the old theory that Stonehenge was built by the Apalachian Indians of North America and dedicated to Apollo¹; and of course puts out of court the fantastic conclusions of archaeologists which are invariably built upon the insecure basis of ascertained fact. I might add that Noah informed me that he was always at the disposal of genuine seekers after knowledge, and that his best inspiration came from Chambery No. 5 served with pigs’ trotters, preferably at the Escargot d’Or.

Yours faithfully,

(signed) OGSC (age 52)

The Editor Modern Mystic 6 Bear Street, Leicester Square, W.C.2

Note 1. W. S. Blacket, Researches into the Lost Histories. of America, 1883, p. 193.