The Chronicle of Adam of Usk. 18 Sep 1397. On the Tuesday (18th September), sir John Bushy¹ was by the commons presented to the king their speaker in parliament, he making first due declaration; and the king accepted him.

Then straightway spake he thus before the king: "In that, my lord the king, we are bound by your dread command to make known to your royal highness who they be who transgressed against your majesty and royalty, we say that Thomas, duke of Gloucester, and Richard, earl of Arundel, did, in the tenth year of your reign, traitorously force you, by means of him who is now archbishop of Canterbury², and who was then chancellor, thereby doing you grievous wrongs, to grant to them a commission to govern your kingdom and to order its estate, to the prejudice of your majesty and royalty."

Also, the same day, that same commission was made of none effect, with all and every the acts thereon depending or thereby caused.

Also, a general pardon, granted after the great parliament by their means, and a special pardon granted to the earl of Arundel were recalled³. It was also prayed by the

Note 1. Bushy had been first elected speaker of the commons in 1394.

Note 2. Thomas Fitzalan, also called Arundel, was the third son of Richard, ninth earl of Arundel. He had been made bishop of Ely, in 1374, when in his twenty-second year, was translated to York in 1388, and to Canterbury in 1396. He was banished by the present parliament of 1397, and received from the pope translation to the see of St. Andrew’s in partibus infidelium, the same appointment which had been conferred upon Alexander Nevill, his predecessor at York. He was restored to Canterbury on Henry’s accession, and lived to the year 1413.

Note 3. This special pardon had been granted to the earl of Arundel on the 30th of April, 13894, and was the more binding on Richard as it was granted at a time when he was his own master and entirely free from coercion.

Letters and Papers 1529. 18 Sep 1529. 5945. Even if I had not the above occasion to ask for my recall, I should be obliged to press for it for another cause. Since my brother's departure the plague has broken out among my household; and, in spite of repeated changes of lodging, my principal servants being dead, I have been unable to refuse leave to the others to go home, so that I am now quite alone. Considering the intercourse I have already had with people, I am in no great fear, but you may consider yourselves as having no ambassador here at all. Besides, I was told yesterday by the Grand Esquire (Boleyn) (age 52), who is to leave in 15 days, with the dean of the chapel (Stokesley), to go to the Emperor, that he does not think the King his master will let me speak to him for two months. It would be well, therefore, to send over at once him whom I suppose you have already chosen, with an answer to the despatch of my brother, and that he may come in post, and find me here, letting his train come after him, so that I may put him in the way with the King, and perhaps introduce him to some of the Council, if there are matters to discuss; which, however, I do not imagine, considering the assurance Wolsey has again renewed to me. The new ambassador need be in no fear of the plague, for the danger has much diminished, except in this neighbourhood, and I expect in 15 days it will have altogether abated. I have been this morning with the Emperor's ambassador, who has given me as good a reception as I could have asked for. I had previously asked Wolsey's advice about it. If his master conducts himself towards Francis in as honorable a manner as the ambassador promises, it will be well. London, 18 Sept.

P.S.—Enclosed is a memorandum of the sums furnished by this King, which he wishes to have declared in the despatch which he asks for, through my brother; in addition to which there is the part touching the fleur de lis, which they would like put with the others.

Fr. Add.

Letters and Papers 1529. 18 Sep 1529. Le Grand, III. 354. 5945. Du Bellay (age 37) To Montmorency.

I write to prevent your being anxious, because I mentioned in my last that the Legate had desired me to come and see him. I did so next day, and found him and Campeggio determined to go to the King, for the despatch of the latter, who expects to leave within 10 or 12 days. I think they would like to treat him at his departure rather more graciously than they had intended to do, hoping that there may be some change at Rome, if the Emperor treat the Pope as badly as they expect he will; so that Campeggio might still be of use to them, or at least not do them injury, as he would if ill treated at his departure. Wolsey's object in sending for me was to have another conversation with me about the divorce, urging me most strongly, both on his own part and his master's, to help them to consult with the French divines. He begged I would find an opportunity to cross the sea on some other pretext, and consult with those who can help them, with the permission of Francis and Madame, using the same terms about it to me as he did to my brother. I said that, knowing their wishes, I had already asked leave to go and see my father, who was very ill, and wished my presence to make a division of his goods. He approved of this pretext, and begged I would petition for my congé, and arrange for some one to take my place, in whom I should have confidence. Incidentally, during two days that I was with him, he spoke of the practices of this court, not showing himself so much vexed with them as I am sure he is. I have less hope than before of his influence, from the conversation I have had with him, for I see he trusts in some of his own protégés (aulcuns faits de sa main), who, I am sure, have betrayed him (luy ont tourné la robe). I should never have believed that they would have been so wicked; and the worst is that he does not understand it.

Pepy's Diary. 18 Sep 1665. By break of day we come to within sight of the fleete, which was a very fine thing to behold, being above 100 ships, great and small; with the flag-ships of each squadron, distinguished by their several flags on their main, fore, or mizen masts. Among others, the Soveraigne, Charles, and Prince; in the last of which my Lord Sandwich (age 40) was. When we called by her side his Lordshipp was not stirring, so we come to anchor a little below his ship, thinking to have rowed on board him, but the wind and tide was so strong against us that we could not get up to him, no, though rowed by a boat of the Prince's that come to us to tow us up; at last however he brought us within a little way, and then they flung out a rope to us from the Prince and so come on board, but with great trouble and tune and patience, it being very cold; we find my Lord newly up in his night-gown very well. He received us kindly; telling us the state of the fleet, lacking provisions, having no beer at all, nor have had most of them these three weeks or month, and but few days' dry provisions. And indeed he tells us that he believes no fleete was ever set to sea in so ill condition of provision, as this was when it went out last. He did inform us in the business of Bergen¹, so as to let us see how the judgment of the world is not to be depended on in things they know not; it being a place just wide enough, and not so much hardly, for ships to go through to it, the yardarmes sticking in the very rocks. He do not, upon his best enquiry, find reason to except against any part of the management of the business by Teddiman; he having staid treating no longer than during the night, whiles he was fitting himself to fight, bringing his ship a-breast, and not a quarter of an hour longer (as is said); nor could more ships have been brought to play, as is thought. Nor could men be landed, there being 10,000 men effectively always in armes of the Danes; nor, says he, could we expect more from the Dane than he did, it being impossible to set fire on the ships but it must burn the towne. But that wherein the Dane did amisse is, that he did assist them, the Dutch, all the while, while he was treating with us, while he should have been neutrall to us both. But, however, he did demand but the treaty of us; which is, that we should not come with more than five ships. A flag of truce is said, and confessed by my Lord, that he believes it was hung out; but while they did hang it out, they did shoot at us; so that it was not either seen perhaps, or fit to cease upon sight of it, while they continued actually in action against us. But the main thing my Lord wonders at, and condemns the Dane for, is, that the blockhead (age 56), who is so much in debt to the Hollander, having now a treasure more by much than all his Crowne was worth, and that which would for ever have beggared the Hollanders, should not take this time to break with the Hollander, and, thereby paid his debt which must have been forgiven him, and got the greatest treasure into his hands that ever was together in the world.

Note 1. Lord Sandwich (age 40) was not so successful in convincing other people as to the propriety of his conduct at Bergen as he was with Pepys.

Evelyn's Diary. 18 Sep 1683. After dinner, I walked to survey the sad demolition of Clarendon House, that costly and only sumptuous palace of the late Lord Chancellor Hyde, where I have often been so cheerful with him, and sometimes so sad: happening to make him a visit but the day before he fled from the angry Parliament, accusing him of maladministration, and being envious at his grandeur, who from a private lawyer came to be father-in-law to the Duke of York (age 49), and as some would suggest, designing his Majesty's (age 53) marriage with the Infanta of Portugal (age 44), not apt to breed. To this they imputed much of our unhappiness; and that he, being sole minister and favorite at his Majesty's (age 53) restoration, neglected to gratify the King's (age 53) suffering party, preferring those who were the cause of our troubles. But perhaps as many of these things were injuriously laid to his charge, so he kept the government far steadier than it has proved since. I could name some who I think contributed greatly to his ruin,-the buffoons and the MISSIS, to whom he was an eye-sore. It is true he was of a jolly temper, after the old English fashion; but France had now the ascendant, and we were become quite another nation. The Chancellor gone, and dying in exile, the Earl his successor sold that which cost £50,000 building, to the young Duke of Albemarle (age 30) for £25,000, to pay debts which how contracted remains yet a mystery, his son (age 30) being no way a prodigal. Some imagine the Duchess his daughter (age 29) [Note. Daughter-in-law?] had been chargeable to him. However it were, this stately palace is decreed to ruin, to support the prodigious waste the Duke of Albemarle (age 30) had made of his estate, since the old man died. He sold it to the highest bidder, and it fell to certain rich bankers and mechanics, who gave for it and the ground about it, £35,000; they design a new town, as it were, and a most magnificent piazza [square]. It is said they have already materials toward it with what they sold of the house alone, more worth than what they paid for it. See the vicissitudes of earthly things! I was astonished at this demolition, nor less at the little army of laborers and artificers leveling the ground, laying foundations, and contriving great buildings at an expense of £200,000, if they perfect their design.

Greville Memoirs. Newark, September 18th, 1830.

Went back to Panshanger [Map] last Tuesday; found there Madame de Lieven, Melbourne, and the Hollands and Allen. Lord Holland was very agreeable, as he always is, and told many anecdotes of George Selwyn, Lafayette, and others. I saw them arrive in a coach-and-four and chaise-and-pair—two footmen, a page, and two maids. He said (what is true) that there is hardly such a thing in the world as a good house or a good epitaph, and yet mankind have been employed in building the former and writing the latter since the beginning almost. Came to town on Thursday, and in the afternoon heard the news of Huskisson's (deceased) horrible accident, and yesterday morning got a letter from Henry with the details, which are pretty correctly given in the 'Times' newspaper. It is a very odd thing, but I had for days before a strong presentiment that some terrible accident would occur at this ceremony, and I told Lady Cowper (age 43) so, and several other people. Nothing could exceed the horror of the few people in London at this event, or the despair of those who looked up to him politically. It seems to have happened in this way:—While the Duke's car was stopping to take in water, the people alighted and walked about the railroad; when suddenly another car, which was running on the adjoining level, came up. Everybody scrambled out of the way, and those who could got again into the first car. This Huskisson (deceased) attempted to do, but he was slow and awkward; as he was getting in some part of the machinery of the other car struck the door of his, by which he was knocked down. He was taken up, and conveyed by Wilton⁷ and Mrs. Huskisson (who must have seen the accident happen) to the house of Mr. Blackburne, eight miles from Heaton. Wilton saved his life for a few hours by knowing how to tie up the artery; amputation was not possible, and he expired at ten o'clock that night. Wilton, Lord Granville, and Littleton were with him to the last. Mrs. Huskisson behaved with great courage. The Duke of Wellington was deeply affected, and it was with the greatest difficulty he could be induced to proceed upon the progress to Manchester, and at last he only yielded to the most pressing solicitations of the directors and others, and to a strong remonstrance that the mob might be dangerous if he did not appear. It is impossible to figure to one's self any event which could produce a greater sensation or be more striking to the imagination than this, happening at such a time and under such circumstances: the eminence of the man, the sudden conversion of a scene of gaiety and splendour into one of horror and dismay; the countless multitudes present, and the effect upon them—crushed to death in sight of his wife and at the feet (as it was) of his great political rival—all calculated to produce a deep and awful impression. The death of Huskisson cannot fail to have an important effect upon political events; it puts an end to his party as a party, but it leaves the survivors at liberty to join either the Opposition or the Government, while during his life there were great difficulties to their doing either, in consequence of the antipathy which many of the Whigs had to him on one side and the Duke of Wellington on the other. There is no use, however, in speculating on what will happen, which a very short time will show.

Note 7. Thomas Grosvenor Egerton, second Earl of Wilton.

The London Gazette 29514. 18 Sep 1915. No. 12563-1, dated Simla, the 18th September, 1915.

From-The Chief of the General Staff,

To-The Secretary to the Government of India, Army Department.

I am directed to forward for the information of the Government of India short accounts of the action at Spina Khaisora in the Tochi Valley, 7th January, 1915, and of the action at Miramshah in the Tochi Valley on the 26th March, 1915.

In the action at Spina Khaisora, Major-General H. O'Donnell, C.B., D.S.O., was in command of the troops, and in the action at Miramshah, Brigadier-General V. B. Fane, C.B. (age 52), was in command.

2. His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief considers that Major-General O'Donnell and Brigadier-General Fane (age 52) carried out the respective operations in an able manner.

3. His Excellency recommends that these accounts be published in the Gazette of India.