Biography of Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England 1485-1536

Paternal Family Tree: Ivrea

Maternal Family Tree: Leonor de Alvim

1474 Death of King Henry IV of Castile

1485 Birth of Catherine of Aragon

1486 Birth and Christening of Arthur Prince of Wales

1490 Arthur Tudor created Prince of Wales

1491 Birth and Christening of Henry VIII

1499 Proxy Marriage of Prince Arthur and Catherine of Aragon

1499 Trial and Execution of Perkin Warbreck and Edward Earl of Warwick

1501 Arrival of Catherine of Aragon

1501 Marriage of Arthur Tudor and Catherine of Aragon

1502 Death of Prince Arthur

1504 Henry Tudor created Prince of Wales

1509 Death of Henry VII

1509 Funeral of Henry VII

1509 Marriage of King Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon

1509 Coronation of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon

1511 Birth and Death of Prince Henry

1513 New Years Day Gift Giving

1513 Battle of Flodden

1516 Ferdinand II King Aragon Dies Joanna Queen Castile Succeeds

1516 Birth of Princess Mary

1527 Visit of the French Ambassadors

1528 Sweating Sickness Outbreak

1529 Marriage of Henry VII and Elizabeth York

1533 Marriage of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn

1533 Catherine Aragon Demoted to Princess

1533 Cranmer declares Henry and Catherine's Marriage Invalid

1535 Sweating Sickness Outbreak

1536 Death of Catherine of Aragon

1536 Henry VIII Tournament Accident

1536 Anne Boleyn's Miscarriage

1536 Funeral of Catherine of Aragon

1536 Marriage of Henry VIII and Jane Seymour

1540 Marriage of Henry VIII and Anne of Cleves

1540 Marriage of Henry VIII and Catherine Howard

1543 Marriage of Henry VIII and Catherine Parr

1547 Death of Henry VIII Accession of Edward VI

On 19 Oct 1469 [her father] Ferdinand II King Aragon (age 17) and [her mother] Isabella Queen Castile (age 18) were married. She by marriage Queen Consort Aragon. She the daughter of John II King Castile and Isabella Aviz Queen Consort Castile (age 41). He the son of John II King Aragon (age 71) and Juana Enríquez Queen Consort Aragon. They were second cousins. She a great x 2 granddaughter of King Edward III of England.

Death of King Henry IV of Castile

On 11 Dec 1474 [her uncle] Henry IV King Castile (age 49) died. His half sister [her mother] Isabella Queen Castile (age 23) succeeded Queen Castile.

On 20 Jan 1479 [her grandfather] John II King Aragon (age 80) died. His son [her father] Ferdinand II King Aragon (age 26) succeeded II King Aragon.

Birth of Catherine of Aragon

On 16 Dec 1485 Catherine of Aragon was born to Ferdinand II King Aragon (age 33) and Isabella Queen Castile (age 34). She was possibly named after her Great Grandmother Catherine of Lancaster Queen Consort Castile daughter of John of Gaunt 1st Duke Lancaster and Constance of Castile Duchess of Lancaster. She a great x 3 granddaughter of King Edward III of England. Coefficient of inbreeding 3.23%.

Birth and Christening of Arthur Prince of Wales

On 20 Sep 1486, nine months exactly after his parents married, [her future husband] Prince Arthur Tudor was born to [her future father-in-law] King Henry VII of England and Ireland (age 29) and [her future mother-in-law] Elizabeth York Queen Consort England (age 20) at Winchester Priory [Map]. he was created Duke Cornwall at birth.

On 29 Nov 1489 [her future husband] Prince Arthur Tudor (age 3) was created 1st Earl Chester.

Arthur Tudor created Prince of Wales

On 27 Feb 1490 [her future husband] Prince Arthur Tudor (age 3) was created Prince of Wales at Westminster Palace [Map].

Thomas West 8th Baron De La Warr 5th Baron West (age 33) was appointed Knight of the Bath.

Birth and Christening of Henry VIII

On 28 Jun 1491 [her future husband] Henry VIII was born to [her future father-in-law] King Henry VII of England and Ireland (age 34) and [her future mother-in-law] Elizabeth York Queen Consort England (age 25) at the Palace of Placentia, Greenwich [Map]. He was created Duke Cornwall.

In 1494 [her future husband] Henry VIII (age 2) was created 1st Duke York.

Around 1497. Juan de Flandes (age 37). Portrait of Catherine of Aragon (age 11) or [her sister] Joanna "The Mad" Trastámara Queen Castile (age 18).

Proxy Marriage of Prince Arthur and Catherine of Aragon

On 19 May 1499 [her future husband] Arthur Prince of Wales (age 12) and Catherine of Aragon (age 13) were married by proxy at Tickenhill Manor, Bewdley [Map]. Roderigo de Puebla stood in for Catherine. The service was performed by John Arundel Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry.

Trial and Execution of Perkin Warbreck and Edward Earl of Warwick

On 28 Nov 1499 Edward "Last Plantagenet" York 17th Earl Warwick (age 24) was executed at Tower Hill [Map].

Earl Warwick, Baron Montagu forfeit.

Documentation held in Spain apparently describes Catherine of Aragon's (age 13) parents [her father] Ferdinand II King Aragon (age 47) and [her mother] Isabella Queen Castile (age 48) expressing concern that Edward "Last Plantagenet" York 17th Earl Warwick (age 24) was a potential claimant to throne, and being reluctant for their daughter to marry [her future husband] Arthur Prince of Wales (age 13) whilst there was a threat to his (age 13) accession causing [her future father-in-law] King Henry VII of England and Ireland (age 42) to use Perkin Warbreck's (deceased) attempted escape with Edward "Last Plantagenet" York 17th Earl Warwick (age 24) as a means to an end.

In 1501 Bishop Richard Mayew (age 61) travelled with Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England (age 15) on her journey from Spain to England.

On 02 Oct 1501 Catherine of Aragon (age 15) landed at Plymouth, Devon [Map].

On 09 Nov 1501 Catherine of Aragon (age 15) arrived at London.

Arrival of Catherine of Aragon

On 12 Nov 1501 Catherine of Aragon (age 15) processed from St George's Field over London Bridge. She was warmly welcomed by the people of London. The streets were hung with tapestries and she was greeted along the way by pageants.

George Manners 11th Baron Ros Helmsley (age 31) attended on her.

Marriage of Arthur Tudor and Catherine of Aragon

Wriothesley's Chronicle. 14 Nov 1501. This yeare, the 14th day of November, [her husband] Prince Arthure (age 15) was marriedg at Paules Churche [Map], in London, to the Kinge of Spaynes (age 49) third daughter, named Katheryne (age 15).a

Note g. At the age of fifteen, his bride (age 15) being seventeen. The commission and marriage articles may be seen in MS. Harleian. Cod. 6, 220, Art. 1.

On 14 Nov 1501 Arthur Prince of Wales (age 15) and Catherine of Aragon (age 15) were married at St Paul's Cathedral [Map] by Archbishop Henry Deane assisted by William Warham Bishop of London (age 51) and a further eighteen bishops. She wore a white satin dress with a farthingale and over her head wore a veil of fine silk trimmed with gold and pearls. She would, eight years later, marry his younger brother King Henry VIII of England and Ireland (age 10) - see Marriage of King Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon. She the daughter of Ferdinand II King Aragon (age 49) and Isabella Queen Castile (age 50). He the son of King Henry VII of England and Ireland (age 44) and Elizabeth York Queen Consort England (age 35). They were half third cousin once removed. She a great x 3 granddaughter of King Edward III of England.

Prince Henry (age 10) who escorted her up the aisle and gave her away.

Cecily York Viscountess Welles (age 32) bore the train, Thomas Grey 2nd Marquess Dorset (age 24) was Chief Answerer.

Robert Radclyffe 1st Earl of Sussex (age 18) and Edward Stafford 3rd Duke of Buckingham (age 23) attended.

Thomas Englefield was appointed Knight of the Bath.

Immediately after their marriage Arthur Prince of Wales (age 15) and Catherine of Aragon (age 15) resided at Tickenhill Manor, Bewdley [Map] for a month. Thereafter they travelled to Ludlow, Shropshire [Map].

Death of Prince Arthur

On 02 Apr 1502 [her husband] Prince Arthur Tudor (age 15) died at Ludlow Castle [Map]. Earl Chester extinct. The cause of death unknown other than being reported as "a malign vapour which proceeded from the air". Catherine of Aragon (age 16) had recovered.

Henry Tudor created Prince of Wales

On 18 Feb 1504 [her future husband] Henry VIII (age 12) was created Prince of Wales and 1st Earl Chester. John Mordaunt 1st Baron Mordaunt (age 24) was created Knight of the Bath. Richard Empson (age 54) was knighted.

On 26 Nov 1504 [her mother] Isabella Queen Castile (age 53) died. Her daughter [her sister] Joanna "The Mad" Trastámara Queen Castile (age 25) succeeded Queen Castile. Philip "Handsome Fair" King Castile (age 26) by marriage King Castile.

On 19 Oct 1505 [her father] Ferdinand II King Aragon (age 53) and [her step-mother] Germaine Foix Queen Consort Aragon (age 17) were married. She by marriage Queen Consort Aragon. The difference in their ages was 35 years. She the daughter of Jean Foix Count Étampes and Marie Valois Viscountess Narbonne. He the son of John II King Aragon and Juana Enríquez Queen Consort Aragon. They were great uncle and niece.

Death of Henry VII

On 21 Apr 1509 [her former father-in-law] King Henry VII of England and Ireland (age 52) died of tuberculosis at Richmond Palace [Map]. His son [her future husband] Henry VIII  (age 17) succeeded VIII King England. Duke York and Earl Chester merged with the Crown.

Funeral of Henry VII

On 11 May 1509 [her former father-in-law] King Henry VII of England and Ireland (deceased) was buried in the King Henry VII Chapel, Westminster Abbey [Map]. Henry Willoughby (age 58) and Anthony Wingfield (age 22) attended. The ladies given mantelets and kerchiefs were as follows:

Household of Mary Tudor:

Mary Tudor Queen Consort France (age 13).

Catherine York Countess Devon (age 29).

Elizabeth Stafford Countess Sussex (age 30). Possibly Margaret Whetehill.

Anne Percy (age 65) or Anne Percy Countess Arundel (age 23).

Elizabeth Hussey Countess Kent.

Eleanor Pole (age 47).

Mary Brandon.

Elizabeth Empson.

Mary Scrope (age 33).

Jane Popincourt.

Alice Vaux.

Household of the Princess of Wales Catherine of Aragon:

Catherine of Aragon (age 23).

Agnes or Inez Vanegas.

Maria de Salinas Baroness Willoughby (age 19).

Household of Margaret Beaufort the King's Mother:

Margaret Beaufort Countess Richmond (age 65).

Joan Vaux "Mother Guildford" (age 46).

Mary Hussey Baroness Willoughby Eresby (age 25).

Marriage of King Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon

On 11 Jun 1509, one month after the death of his father, Henry VIII (age 17) and Catherine of Aragon (age 23) were married at the Church of the Observant Friars, Greenwich [Map]. She had, eight years before, married his older brother Prince Arthur Tudor - see Marriage of Arthur Tudor and Catherine of Aragon. She the daughter of Ferdinand II King Aragon (age 57) and Isabella Queen Castile. He the son of King Henry VII of England and Ireland and Elizabeth York Queen Consort England. They were half third cousin once removed. She a great x 3 granddaughter of King Edward III of England.

Letters and Papers 1509. 11 Jun 1509. 41. Catharine of Aragon. Acknowledgment by [her husband] Henry VIII (age 17). of receipt from Gutierre Gomez de Fuen Salida, comendator of La Membrilla, ambassador of Ferdinand King of Aragon, &c., of 50,000 crowns of gold, in part payment of 100,000 crowns for dowry of Catharine Queen of England (age 23). S.B. Undated (now filed with 11 June). [162.]

Wriothesley's Chronicle. 03 Jun 1509. And in June followinge the [her former husband] King was married to Queene Katherin, late wife of his brotherh Prince Arthure,

Note h. At Greenwich, on Trinity Sunday, June the 3rd.[Note. Other sources say at 11 Jun 1509?]

Coronation of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon

Wriothesley's Chronicle. 24 Jun 1509... and were both [[her husband] King Henry VIII of England and Ireland (age 17) and Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England (age 23)] crowned on Midsommer day.i

Note i. For the account of Henry's coronation with his queen, Kadiarine, see MS. Harleian. 169, Art 7.

On 24 Jun 1509 [her husband] Henry VIII (age 17) was crowned VIII King England at Westminster Abbey [Map]. Catherine of Aragon (age 23) was crowned Queen Consort England.

Edward Stafford 3rd Duke of Buckingham (age 31), Thomas Boleyn 1st Earl Wiltshire and Ormonde (age 32) and Thomas Howard 2nd Duke of Norfolk (age 66) attended. Henry Clifford 1st Earl of Cumberland (age 16) was knighted. Robert Dymoke (age 48) attended as the Kings's Champion. Robert Radclyffe 1st Earl of Sussex (age 26) was created Knight of the Bath and served as Lord Sewer.

Birth and Death of Prince Henry

On 01 Jan 1511 [her son] Prince Henry Duke Cornwall was born to [her husband] Henry VIII (age 19) and Catherine of Aragon (age 25) at Richmond Palace [Map]. He was appointed Duke Cornwall at birth.

On 22 Feb 1511 Prince Henry Duke Cornwall died. He was buried at Westminster Abbey [Map].

Around 1513 Elizabeth "Bessie" Blount Baroness Clinton and Tailboys (age 15) came to court as a Maid of Honour to Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England (age 27).

1513 New Years Day Gift Giving

Letters. 01 Jan 1513. The following pieces of plate received from William Holland of London, goldsmith, 1 Jan. 4 Henry VIII.

[Given in three columns (1) name of a person (to whom the article has been presented); (2), description of the article; and (3), its weight.]

Bishop of Canterbury (age 63), a cup with a gilt cover, 34 oz.

Lady Hastings (age 30), the same, 30¾ oz.

Sir H. Marney (age 66), the same, 23 oz.

Mr. Lupton (age 57), the same, 23 oz.

Sir E. Ponyngs (age 54), the same, 22¼ oz.

The Abbot of Abingdon, the same, 23¾ oz.

Sir Edward Haward, the same, 24 oz.

The old Lady Guylford (age 50), a little pot gilt, 17 7/8 oz.

Lady Lucy, the same, 16 7/8 oz. [Possibly Catherine Hastings (age 35) who married John Melton of Aston Yorkshire 10th Baron Lucy (age 37) before 1506]

Lady Mountjoy, the same, 16 7/8 oz.

Lady Bulleyn (age 33), the same, 16½ oz.

Lord Audeley (age 30), a salt with a gilt cover, 15¾ oz.

The Queen's grace (age 27), a pair of great pots gilt, 575 oz.

Mrs. Catesby, a proper bottle for rose water, 4 oz.

Mrs. Briget, the same, 3 7/8 oz.

Mrs. Lacy, the same, 4 oz. Which, at 5s. the oz., is £212 11s 10½d.

James Worsley, a proper pot, parcel gilt, 10 oz. Copynger, 8 spoons, part gilt, 9¾ oz., Amadas. Which is, at 4s. the oz., 76s. 6d.

In part payment, old plate to the value of £194 16s. 8d. has been delivered to him. The remainder paid by J. Heron (age 43).

On the dorse [reverse]:-Holland beseeches the King to reward him for the workmanship of the Queen's great pots, "for he cannot live to make such curious work at the price within written"; and £6 13s. 4d. is added in another hand, making a total due of £28 5s. Signed by the King.

Battle of Flodden

Ellis' Letters S1 V1 Letter XXXII. 16 Sep 1513. Queen Catherine (age 27) to King Henry VIII (age 22)th, after the Battle of Flodden Field. A. D. 1513.

[MS. COTTON. VESP. F. in. fol. 15. Orig.]


MY Lord Howard (age 70) hath sent me a Lettre open to your Grace, within oon of myn, by the whiche ye shal see at length the grete Victorye that our Lord hath sent your subgetts in your absence; and for this cause it is noo nede herin to trouble your Grace with long writing, but, to my thinking, this batell hath bee to your Grace and al your reame the grettest honor that coude bee, and more than ye shuld wyn al the crown of Fraunce; thankend bee God of it: and I am suer your Grace forgetteth not to doo this, which shal be cause to send you many moo suche grete victoryes, as I trust he shal doo. My husband, for hastynesse, wt Rogecrosse I coude not sende your Grace the pece of the King of Scotts (deceased) cote [coat] whiche John Glyn now bringeth. In this your grace shal see how I can kepe my premys, sending you for your baners a Kings cote. I thought to sende hymself (deceased) unto you, but our Englishemens herts wold not suffre it. It shuld have been better for hym to have been in peax than have this rewards. Al that God sendeth is for the best.

My Lord of Surrey (age 40), my Henry, wold fayne knowe your pleasur in the buryeng of the King of Scotts (deceased) body, for he hath writen to me soo. With the next messanger your grace pleasur may bee herin knowen. And with this I make an ende: prayng God to sende you home shortly, for without this noo joye here can bee accomplisshed; and for the same I pray, and now goo to our Lady at Walsyngham [Map] that I promised soo long agoo to see. At Woborne [Map] the xvj. day of Septembre.

I sende your grace herin a bille founde in a Scottisshemans purse of suche things as the Frenshe King sent to the said King of Scotts to make warre against you, beseching your a to sende Mathewe hider assone this messanger commeth to bringe me tydings from your Grace.

Your humble wif and true servant

KATHERINE (age 27).

Ferdinand II King Aragon Dies Joanna Queen Castile Succeeds

On 23 Jan 1516 [her father] Ferdinand II King Aragon (age 63) died. His daughter [her sister] Joanna "The Mad" Trastámara Queen Castile (age 37) succeeded Queen Aragon.

Birth of Princess Mary

On 18 Feb 1516 [her daughter] Queen Mary I of England and Ireland was born to [her husband] Henry VIII (age 24) and Catherine of Aragon (age 30) at Palace of Placentia, Greenwich [Map]. Margaret Bourchier 1st Baroness Bryan (age 48) was created 1st Baron Bryan and appointed the child's governess. Catherine York Countess Devon (age 36) was her godmother.

Around 1520 Unknown Painter. Portrait of Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England (age 34).

Hall's Chronicle 1522. 01 Jun 1522. The morrow after, these princes removed to Sytingborne [Map], and the next day to Rochester [Map], where the Bishop (age 52) received them with the whole Covent, and on Monday they came to Gravesende [Map] by one of the clock, where they took their barges, and there were thirty barges appointed, for the strangers, and so by six of the clock they landed at Grenewiche [Map], the same Monday, the second day of June, where the Emperor (age 22) was of the King newly welcomed, and al his nobility, and at the hall door the Queen (age 36) and the [her daughter] Prynces (age 6), and all the Ladies received and welcomed him: and he asked the Queen (age 36) blessing (for that is the fashion of Spain, between the aunt and the nephew) the Emperor (age 22) had great joy to see the Queen his aunt, and in especially his young cousin German [first-cousin] the lady Mary (age 6). The Emperor was lodged in the King’s lodging, which was so richly hanged, that the Spaniards wondered at it, and specially at the rich cloth of estate: nothing lacked that might be gotten, to cheer the Emperor and his lords, and all that came in his company, were highly feasted.

Hall's Chronicle 1522. 03 Jun 1522. The Wednesday, the more to do the Emperor pleasure, was prepared a Jousts Royal. On the one part was the King, the Earl of Devonshire (age 26) and ten more companions, all mounted on horseback, their apparel and bards, were of rich Cloth of gold, embroidered with silver letters, very rich, with great plumes on their heads. This company took the field, and rode about the tilt: then entered the Duke of Suffolk (age 38), and the Marquess of Dorset (age 44), and ten with them barded, and their apparel was russet velvet, embroidered with sundry knots, and culpins [?] of gold. The Emperor and the Queen (age 36), with all the nobles stood in the gallery, to behold the doing. The [her husband] King (age 30) ran at the Duke of Suffolk (age 38) eight courses, and at every course brake his spere. Then every man ran his courses and that done, all ran together violent, as fast as they could discharge, and when the spears appointed were broken, then they disarmed and went to supper. After supper, the Emperor beheld the ladies dances, and suddenly came to the chamber, six noble men, apparelled in crimson velvet and cloth of gold, and a mantel of taffeta, rolled about their bodies, and hoods and bonnets of cloth of gold, on their heads, and velvet buskins on their legs. These maskers entered and danced a great while with the ladies, and suddenly entered six other maskers with drumslades [drums], apparelled in long gowns, and hoods of cloth of gold, of which number was the King, the Duke of Suffolk (age 38), the Prince of Orange, the Count of Nassau, the Count of Naveray, and Monsieur Egmont. When these maskers were entered, the other avoided, and then they took ladies and danced, so that the strangers much praised them and when the time came, every person departed to their lodging.

Visit of the French Ambassadors

Calendars. May 7. [1527] Sanuto Diaries, v. xlv. pp. 194–198.

105. Gasparo Spinelli, Venetian Secretary in London, to his brother Lodovico Spinelli, in Venice.

On the 4th instant all the ambassadors, with the exception of the Emperor's, were summoned to Greenwich, where, in the presence of the King and the chief personages of the Court, the French ambassador, the Bishop of Tarbes, delivered an oration, which was answered by the Bishop of London, who, on the morrow, Cardinal Wolsey being unable to officiate from indisposition, sang mass with the usual ceremonies; after which at the high altar, where the missal was opened by the Cardinal, the French ambassadors swore in his hands (“in mano dil R~mo Cardinal”) to observe the perpetual peace now concluded with the King of England, he on his part swearing in like manner.

Two of the ambassadors, namely the prelate and the soldier, dined with the King, the others dining together apart.

On rising from table they went to the Queen's apartment, where the [her daughter] Princess (age 11) danced with the French ambassador, the Viscount of Turenne, who considered her very handsome (“molto bella”), and admirable by reason of her great and uncommon mental endowments; but so thin, spare, and small (“cosi magreta et scarma et picola”) as to render it impossible for her to be married for the next three years.

Then yesterday1 there was a joust, the challengers at the tilt (“al campo”) being four2, the competitors (“concorrenti”) sixteen, each of whom ran six courses; a very delectable sight, by reason of the prowess of the knights. The joust ended with the day, not without rain, which rather impeded the jousting.

The King and the Queens3, with some 200 damsels (“damigelle”), then went to the apartments which I informed you in a former letter were being prepared [on one side of the list-yard at Greenwich] for the reception of the French ambassadors, the rest of the company following them. The site adjoined the other chambers from whence the King and the nobility view the jousts. They were but two halls, about thirty paces in length, and of proportional height and breadth. The centre of the ceiling of the first hall was entirely covered with brocatel of no great value, but producing a good effect; the walls were hung with the most costly tapestry in England, representing the history of David; and there was a row of torches closely set, illuminating the place very brilliantly, being ranged below the windows, which were at no great distance from the roof. The royal table was prepared in front of the hall, with a large canopy of tissue (“soprarizo”), beneath which was the King, with the Queens, his wife and sister, at the sides. Then came two long tables, at one of which, on the right-hand side, were seated the French ambassadors and the Princes, each pairing with some great lady. At the other table, to the left, the Venetian ambassador and the one from Milan placed themselves, with the rest of the lords and ladies. At no great distance from the two tables were two cupboards, reaching from the floor to the roof, forming a semicircle, on which was a large and varied assortment of vases, all of massive gold, the value of which it would be difficult to estimate, nor were any of them touched; silver gilt dishes of another sort being used for the viands of meat and fish, which were in such variety and abundance that the banquet lasted a long while.

The door of this hall was in the form of a very lofty triumphal arch, fashioned after the antique, beneath which were three vaulted entrances; through one passed the dishes for the table, through the other they were removed, and on each side of the centre one, which was the largest, stood two enormous cupboards bearing the wine to be served at table. Over the triumphal arch was a spacious balcony for the musicians, bearing the arms of the King and Queen, with sundry busts of Emperors, and the King's motto, “Dieu et mon droit” and other Greek (sic) words. Could never conceive anything so costly and well designed (“ben ordinata”) as what was witnessed on that night at Greenwich.

On rising from table all were marshalled, according to their rank, along a corridor of no great length to the other hall, which was of rather less size than the first. The floor was covered with cloth of silk embroidered with gold lilies. The ceiling, which was well nigh flat, was all painted, representing a map of the world (“mapamondo in Alpa forma”), the names of the principal provinces being legible; there were also the signs of the zodiac and their properties (“le loro proprietà”), these paintings being supported by giants. Along the sides of the hall were three tiers of seats, each of which had a beam placed lengthwise, for the spectators to lean on, nor did one tier interfere with the other. Above these tiers were in like manner three rows of torches, so well disposed and contrived as not to impede the view.

Within the space for the spectators, on the right-hand side, in the first tier, the ambassadors were placed, in the second the Princes, in the third those to whom admission was granted, they being few. On the opposite side, in the same order, were the ladies, whose various styles of beauty and apparel, enhanced by the brilliancy of the lights, caused me to think I was contemplating the choirs of angels; they, in like manner, being placed one above the other. Two-thirds of the distance down the hall, an arch of a single span had been erected, its depth being five feet and a half [English measure], all gilt with fine gold, the inside of the arch being decorated with a number of beautiful figures in low relief. The magnificence of this arch was such that it was difficult to comprehend how so grand a structure could have been raised in so short a space of time. In the centre, to the front (“nel fronte nel mezo”), stood the royal throne (“soglio”), on which the King sat, the two Queens being seated below at his feet.

All the spectators being thus methodically placed, without the least noise or confusion, and precisely as pre-arranged, the entertainment commenced. One thing above all others surprised me most, never having witnessed the like any where, it being impossible to represent or credit with how much order, regularity, and silence such public entertainments proceed and are conducted in England. First of all, there entered the hall eight singers, forming two wings, and singing certain English songs; in their centre was a very handsome youth alone, clad in skyblue tatfety, a number of eyes being scattered over his gown; and having presented themselves before the King, the singers then withdrew in the same order, there remaining by himself the youth, who, in the guise of Mercury, sent to the King by Jupiter, delivered a learned Latin oration in praise of his Majesty; which panegyric being ended, he announced that Jupiter, having frequently listened to disputes between Love and Riches concerning their relative authority, and that being unable to decide the controversy, he appointed his Majesty as judge, and requested him to pronounce and pass sentence on both of them. Thereupon Mercury departed, and next came eight young choristers of the chapel, four on each side; those to the right were all clad in cloth of gold, much ornamented, and the first of them was Cupid (“Amor”); the others to the left were variously arrayed, and their chief was Plutus (“la Richesa”); in the centre walked one alone, in the guise of Justice, who sang.

In this order they presented themselves to the King, before whom Justice commenced narrating the dispute between the parties, in English, and desired Cupid (“Amor”) to begin with his defence, to which Plutus (“la Richeza”) replied, each of the choristers on either side defending their leaders, by reciting a number of verses. The altercation being ended, Cupid and Plutus determined that judgment should go by battle, and thus, having departed, three men-at-arms in white armour, with three naked swords in their hands, entered from the end of the hall, and having drawn up under the triumphal arch, an opening was made in its centre by some unseen means, and out of the arch fell down a bar, in front of which there appeared three well-armed knights. The combat then commenced valiantly, man to man, some of them dealing such blows that their swords broke. After they had fought some while, a second bar was let down, which separated them, the first three having vanquished the others, fighting with great courage; and the duel (“duello”) being thus ended, the combatants quitted the hall in like manner as they had entered it. Thereupon there fell to the ground at the extremity of the hall a painted canvas [curtain], from an aperture in which was seen a most verdant cave (“antro”) approachable by four steps, each side being guarded by four of the chief gentlemen of the Court, clad in tissue doublets and tall plumes, each of whom carried a torch. Well grouped within the cave were eight damsels of such rare beauty as to be supposed goddesses rather than human beings. They were arrayed in cloth of gold, their hair gathered into a net, with a very richly jewelled garland, surmounted by a velvet cap, the hanging sleeves of their surcoats (“camisa”) being so long that they well nigh touched the ground, and so well and richly wrought as to be no slight ornament to their beauty. They descended gracefully from their seats to the sound of trumpets, the first of them being the Princess, hand in hand with the Marchioness of Exeter (age 24). Her beauty in this array produced such effect on everybody that all the other marvellous sights previously witnessed were forgotten, and they gave themselves up solely to contemplation of so fair an angel. On her person were so many precious stones that their splendour and radiance dazzled the sight, in such wise as to make one believe that she was decked with all the gems of the eighth sphere. Dancing thus they presented themselves to the King, their dance being very delightful by reason of its variety, as they formed certain groups and figures most pleasing to the sight. Their dance being finished, they ranged themselves on one side, and in like order the eight youths, leaving their torches, came down from the cave, and after performing their dance, each of them took by the hand one of those beautiful nymphs, and having led a courant together (“menata una chorea”) for a while, returned to their places.

Six masks then entered. To detail their costume would be but to repeat the words “cloth of gold,” cloth of silver,” &c. They chose such ladies as they pleased for their partners, and commenced various dances, which being ended, the King appeared. The French ambassador, the Marquis of Turrene, was at his side, and behind him four couple of noblemen (“signori”), all masked, and all wearing black velvet slippers on their feet, this being done, lest the King should be distinguished from the others, as from the hurt which he received lately on his left foot when playing at tennis (“allo palla”) he wears a black velvet slipper. They were all clad in tissue doublets, over which was a very long and ample gown of black satin, with hoods of the same material, and on their heads caps of tawney velvet. They then took by the hand an equal number of ladies, dancing with great glee, and at the end of the dance unmasked; whereupon the Princess with her companions again descended, and came to the King, who in the presence of the French ambassadors took off her cap, and the net being displaced, a profusion of silver tresses as beautiful as ever seen on human head fell over her shoulders, forming a most agreeable sight. The aforesaid ambassadors then took leave of her; and all departing from that beautiful place returned to the supper hall, where the tables were spread with every sort of confection and choice wines for all who chose to cheer themselves with them. The sun, I believe, greatly hastened his course, having perhaps had a hint from Mercury of so rare a sight; so showing himself already on the horizon, warning being thus given of his presence, everybody thought it time to quit the royal chambers, returning to their own with such sleepy eyes that the daylight could not keep them open.

As the Bishop of Tarbes is departing tomorrow morning in haste, I will not be more diffuse. He will be accompanied by Master Poyntz [Sir Francis Poyntz] and Clarencieux, king-of-arms, to do what I wrote in a former letter. On their departure each of the ambassadors received a gold cup from his Majesty.

London, 7th May 1527. Registered by Sanuto, 3rd June.


Note 1. 6th May, according to the date of Spinelli's letter. In Hall's Chronicle (pp. 721, 722, ed. London, 1809), mention is made of the mass at Greenwich on Sunday, 5 May, and of the jousts, but of these last he does not state the precise date, giving, however, the names of the challengers, and adding that whilst they tilted “yt rained apace.”

Note 2. Namely. Sir Nicholas Carew (age 31), Sir Robert Jernyngham, Sir Anthony Browne (age 27), and Nicholas Harvy. (See Hall, as above.)

Note 3. Catharine (age 41), and Mary Queen Dowager of France (age 31).

1528 Sweating Sickness Outbreak

Letters and Papers 1528. 21 Jul 1528. Le Grand, III. 150. 4542. Du Bellay To Montmorency.

Has informed Wolsey, by long letters directed to Vannes, of the contents of Francis's letters of the 9th and 13th. He is very glad of the news from Naples, and from Italy generally. The point of all my letters, Sir, is the contribution. The first time I sent to him he determined that it should commence in the middle of June. I applied to him again, and I think if I can speak to him tomorrow I shall gain my purpose, for he has consented that I shall go to the village of Hampton Court, when he will consider whether I shall speak by trumpet or by myself. I will do what I can about the advance of money, for I have not had a word yet in answer; but you must know the Angelots are worth here 69 sous, and I think they will deliver them to you for the weight, for they have no other money except these escus à la couronne, which are still worse. Let me know how to remit, or send a man to receive them. If you desire it I will try and get Wolsey to send the money to Calais free of cost.

The danger in this country begins to diminish hereabouts, and to increase elsewhere. In Kent it is very great. Mademoiselle de Boulan (age 27) and her father (age 51) have sweated, but have got over it. The day I sweated at my lord of Canterbury's there died 18 persons in four hours, and hardly anybody escaped but myself, who am not yet quite strong again. The King has gone further off than he was, uses great precautions, confesses himself every day, and receives Our Lord at every Feast. So also the Queen (age 42), who is with him, and Wolsey for his part. The notaries have had a fine time of it. I think 100,000 wills have been made off-hand, for those who were dying became quite foolish the moment they fell ill. The astrologers say this will not turn into a plague, but I think they dream. Has no doubt the King and Wolsey will be gratified with Francis's condolences on this visitation.

I have determined to send off this despatch, not to keep you in suspense till I have seen the Legate; but till next voyage I do not mean to put hand to pen (n'ay voulu mectre la main à la plume), that I may not cause suspicion to any one; for this is a regular pestilence (n'est que belle peste), and the moment a man is dead "il en devient tout couvert sur le corps1."

Thanks for remittances, &c. I am quite content to stay here, or even in Turkey, if the interests of Francis require it, and to spend all my goods if need be. All I have is but 4,000 livres of rent, and the expence being here so great, you will have to provide for the excess after I and my friends have done what we can. If I were as rich as some other bishops, or were I at a place of small expence like Venice, you should hear no complaint from me. London, 21 July.

Fr. Add.

Note 1. he becomes all covered on his body.

Marriage of Henry VII and Elizabeth York

Letters and Papers 1529. After 28 Jun 1529. Vit. B. XII. 70. B. M. 5774. Catharine of Arragon.

A set of depositions as to Catharine's marriage with Prince Arthur.

1. of George Earl of Shrewsbury (age 61), seneschal of the King's household, at the Coldherbar, on Monday, 28 June 1529. Is 59 years of age. Was present at the marriage of [her former father-in-law] Henry VII. at Westminster, and at the creation of Arthur prince of Wales and Henry [her husband] Duke of York (age 38). They were always considered as brothers, and he never heard it contradicted. Was present at the marriage of Prince Arthur with Catharine, now Queen, at St. Paul's, in Nov. 17 Henry VII. 1521 (sic). Believes that Arthur was then 14 or more. Saw the Queen [her former mother-in-law] Elizabeth and him a month after his birth, at Winchester [Map], in 2 Henry VII. Believes that Catharine was more than 14. Thinks that Arthur must have been nearer 15 than 14. At night, with the Lord of Oxford (age 58) and others, conducted Prince Arthur to the lady Catharine's (age 43) bedchamber, and left him there. Supposes that the Prince consummated the marriage,as he did so, being only 15 years when he was married. They were always considered lawfully married during the life of Prince Arthur. Saw the funeral of Prince Arthur at Worcester, and the marriage of the King and Queen at Greenwich. Cannot answer the 6th and 7th articles, but leaves them to the laws. Never heard what is contained in the 8th article. As to the 9th, knows that the King and Queen cohabited and treated each other as husband and wife, but cannot say whether lawfully or not. Can say nothing from his own knowledge as to the 10th, 11th, and 12th articles. Has made this deposition without being instructed or corrupted in any way, only for the sake of truth.

Vit. B. XII. 80. B. M.

2. of Thomas marquis of Dorset (age 52). Is 52 years of age. The 1st and 2nd articles contain the truth. Was present at the baptism of Arthur and Henry, the former at Winchester, and the latter at Greenwich. Was present at the marriage of Prince Arthur with Catharine, now Queen, at St Paul's, on a Sunday in Nov. 1501, 17 Henry VII. Believes Arthur was about 15, for he has seen in the book in which are written the births of the King's children that he was born 20 Sept. 1486. Was present when Prince Arthur went to bed after his marriage, where the lady Catharine (age 43) lay under the coverlet, "as the manner is of Queens in that behalf." Thinks that he used the princess as his wife, for he was of a good and sanguine complexion, and they were commonly reputed as man and wife during Prince Arthur's life. As to the 5th article, he can depose nothing to the first part, as he was then prisoner at Calais; but the remainder, touching cohabitation and reputation, is true. Can say nothing to the 6th, 7th, and 8th. The 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th contain the truth, as he believes.

Vit. B. XII. 85. B. M.

3. of Sir Antony Willoughby. Has lived 15 years in Hampshire, for 12 years previously in Wiltshire. Was five years in the service of Prince Arthur, for five years before that in the service of the Bishop of Durham, and before that time in his father's household. Believes the 1st and 2nd articles to be true. To the 3rd and 4th, was present at the marriage of Prince Arthur and lady Catharine. By favor of his father, Lord Broke, steward of the King's household, was present when Prince Arthur went to bed on his marriage night in the palace of the Bishop of London. In the morning the prince, in the presence of Mores St. John, Mr. Cromer, Mr. William Woddall, Mr. Griffith Rice, and others, said to him, "Willoughby, bring me a cup of ale, for I have been this night in the midst of Spain;" and afterward said openly, "Masters, it is good pastime to have a wife." He, therefore, supposes that the marriage was consummated; and he heard that they lay together the Shrovetide following at Ludlow.

Knows that they lived together as man and wife during the remainder of the Prince's life.

Believes the 5th article to be true. Can depose nothing to the 6th, 7th and 8th. Believes the 9th, 10th and 11th to be true. The 12th contains law; to which he is not bound to reply. To the second additional interrogatory he replies, that it contains the truth, for he has been present twenty times at the solemnization of marriage, and the said form of words is always used.

Letters and Papers 1529. 16 Jul 1529. 5778. The Divorce. i. Deposition of Mary (age 31) wife of Henry Bourchier Earl of Essex, taken at Stanstede, on Thursday, 15 July 1529, in the presence of Robert Johnson, notary public (of Norwich diocese). Her age is 44 years and over. She says that prince [her former husband] Arthur and Catharine (age 43) lived as man and wife together; that the two occupied the same bed after the wedding, at London House, and were generally reputed as man and wife.

ii. Deposition of Agnes (age 52) widow of Thomas late Duke of Norfolk, taken on Friday, 16 July 1529, in the church of St. Mary [Map], of the Cluniac priory of Thetford, by Sampson Mychell, canon, in the presence of John [Fletcher] and [William] Molyneux, M.A., her chaplain. Her age is 52 years and over. She knew Henry VII. and his Queen Elizabeth from the time she was 15, and remembers Catharine coming from Spain, and the marriage of Arthur and Catharine in St. Paul's. "He was then about the stature that the young [earl of] Derby is now at, but not fully so high as the same Earl is." Also, that the said Prince Arthur and [princess Ka]theryne (age 43), now being Queen, were brought to bed the next night after the said marriage; for this deponent did see them lie... me in one bed the same night, in a chamber within the said palace being prepared for them, and that this deponent left them so [lying to]gether there the said night.

In 1533 Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England (age 47) was imprisoned at Bishop of Lincoln's Palace, Buckden [Map].

Marriage of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn

On 25 Jan 1533 [her husband] Henry VIII (age 41) and Queen Anne Boleyn of England (age 32) were married by Rowland Leigh Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield (age 46) at Whitehall Palace [Map]. Anne Savage Baroness Berkeley (age 37), Thomas Heneage (age 53) and Henry Norreys (age 51) witnessed. She the daughter of Thomas Boleyn 1st Earl Wiltshire and Ormonde (age 56) and Elizabeth Howard Countess of Wiltshire and Ormonde (age 53). He the son of King Henry VII of England and Ireland and Elizabeth York Queen Consort England.

Sometime after the marriage Eleanor Paston Countess Rutland (age 38) was appointed Lady in Waiting to Queen Anne Boleyn of England (age 32). She would go to serve Henry's next three wives.

Letters and Papers 1533. 08 Mar 1533. 212. On St. Matthias' Day the Lady (age 32) received the King at dinner in her chamber richly ornamented with tapestry, and the most beautiful sideboard of gold that ever was seen. The Lady (age 32) sat close on the right of the King, and the old duchess of Norfolk (age 56) on his left. At the lower end of the table, where there was another contiguous and transverse table, sat the Chancellor, Suffolk and many other lords and ladies. During dinner the King was so much occupied with mirth and talk that he said little which could be understood; but he said to the duchess of Norfolk, "Has not the Marchioness (age 32) got a "grand dote and a rich marriage, as all that we see, and the rest of the plate" (with which they had been delighted), "belongs to the Lady (age 32)?" Your Majesty will perceive the King's obstinacy, who, since the execution of the brief, goes on worse than before, as well in this matter as in that of the Queen (age 47), whom he has lately banished 40 miles from here in very great haste, notwithstanding her great entreaty for a delay of eight days, that she might give order for her necessities; and there is no hope that he will do otherwise until he sees sentence given, for the reasons I have already written to you.

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

After this, coming to the principal object of my visit, I told [her husband] him plainly that, although for several days past I had heard of the attempt made both at the convocation of the prelates and in Parliament to impugn the Queen's (age 47) rights, and greatly injure her just cause, I had taken no notice of the facts, inasmuch as I could not be persuaded that so wise, virtuous, and Catholic a prince could possibly authorize or sanction such things, and also because I thought and believed that such practices (menees) could in no wise impair the Queen's (age 47) right or cause her harm. Yet that having lately been apprized from various quarters that such an attempt was really being made, I considered that I could not acquit myself of my duty towards God, towards Your Imperial Majesty, and towards himself if I did not remonstrate at once against such behaviour, and entreat him by his virtue, wisdom, and humanity patiently to listen to my observations as proceeding from my desire for his service, for that though he might disregard and despise man, he would at least respect God. To which the King (age 41) answered that so he had done, and that God and his conscience were perfectly agreed on that point.

Hearing the King (age 41) express himself in this manner and wishing to bring him back to the subject as gently as possible, I observed that my colleague and I could not but be very much flattered at the familiar way in which he had expressed his sentiments, as if we were his own servants, which sentiments, I added, proceeded no doubt from his heart not from his mouth. He assured me, however, that such was not the case, and that what he had just said had been said without dissimulation. Upon which I again said to him that I could not believe that Christianity, being so agitated and troubled by heresies, he could possibly set so bad an example and contravene the treaties of peace and amity which, as he himself, who had been the principal promoter and mediator in them ought to know best, had cost so much time and trouble to make. He ought to know that even supposing no inconvenience arose therefrom in his lifetime there would be most serious ones after his death with regard to the succession. There had never been such a case, I continued, nor did we read of it in history, as for a prince to divorce his legitimate wife after five and twenty years, and marry another woman. Not knowing what to answer to my observations, the King (age 41) gladly seized the opportunity which I gave him by this last statement to contradict me, and said: "Not so long, if you please; and if the world finds this new marriage of mine strange, I find it still more so that the Pope [Julius] should have granted a dispensation for the former." I then mentioned to him five popes who had dispensed in similar cases, and declared that I was unwilling to dispute that matter with him, but that there was no doctor in his kingdom, who after such a debate would not confess that pope Julius was authorized to dispense in the case. After this, coming to speak about the manner in which his solicitors had procured the votes of the university of Paris, on which he founds his principal argument, I offered to produce the letters I had received relating the whole affair, as well as the names of those who had held for the Queen (age 47), but he said there was no necessity at all for that. I, moreover, told him that neither in Spain, nor in Naples, nor in any other country could one single prelate or doctor be found to assert the contrary, and that even in his own kingdom every canonist and lawyer was of the same opinion, with the exception of the few who had been gained over to the other side, and I proposed, in confirmation of my statement, to exhibit other letters, which he likewise refused to see.

At last, wishing to turn the conversation, the King (age 41) said that he wished to ensure the succession to his kingdom by having children, which he had not at present, and upon my remarking to him that he had one daughter, the most virtuous and accomplished that could be thought of, just of suitable age to be married and get children, and that it seemed as if Nature had decided that the succession to the English throne should be through the female line, as he himself had obtained it, and therefore, that he could by marrying the Princess to some one secure the succession he was so anxious for, he replied that he knew better than that; and would marry again in order to have children himself. And upon my observing to him that he could not be sure of that he asked me three times running: "Am I not a man like others?" and he afterwards added: "I need not give proofs of the contrary, or let you into my secrets," no doubt implying thereby that his beloved Lady (age 32) is already in the family way.

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

After this we came to speak about the Queen (age 47) and to argue whether she had or had not been known by Prince Arthur, and after responding victoriously to the suppositions and conjectures which he alleged in support of his opinion, I produced such arguments in proof of the contrary that he really knew not what to answer. Which arguments having been brought forward on more than one occasion I will not trouble Your Majesty with a reproduction of them, and will only say "que venant a reprendre le dit seigneur roy ce que plusieurs fois il auoit confesse, que la royne demeura pucelle du dit prince Arthus, et voyant quil ne le pouvoit nyer, il dit quil lauoit plusieurs fois dit mais que ce nauoit este que en ieu, et que lhome en iouant et banquetant dit souvent pluseures (sic) choses que ne sont veritables." Having said as much as if he had obtained a great success, or found some subtle point towards the gaining of his cause, he began to recover his self-possession and said confidently to me: "Now I think I have given you full satisfaction on all points; what else do you want?" Whatever the [her husband] King (age 41) might say the satisfaction was not all-sufficing, but it served me admirably, much more than he himself could imagine, to dispute certain premises he had laid down. I told him that I flattered myself that I was the ambassador of the prince who desired most his welfare, profit, and honour, as well as the tranquillity of his kingdom. I had brought with me Master Hesdin, there present, who was, and acknowledged himself to be, his affectionate servant- as did also all Your Majesty's officers-that he might be present at the conference and hear what his answer was; but I would promise most solemnly that nothing that might be said at that audience should be reported to you unless he himself wished, for I consented to the said Hesdin giving me the lie if I ever attempted to write to Your Majesty anything he (the King) did dislike. This I said to the King (age 41) that I might inspire greater confidence and make him open his heart more fully (lui fere deslier le sac). The better to gain his confidence I told him how happy I had once considered myself at being chosen by Your Majesty to represent your person near so great and magnanimous a king, hoping that his Privy Council, taking due cognizance of the affairs pending between the two crowns, everything should go on smoothly. Now, on the contrary, affairs had taken such a disorderly turn, and were in such confusion that I considered myself unhappy in having to represent Your Majesty, inasmuch as I had continually assured you in my despatches that whatever countenance the King (age 41) put on, and whatever he did his heart and the affection he bore Your Majesty were not affected, and that he would never think of doing anything that might give occasion to suspect that he intended living otherwise than in peace and amity with Your Imperial Majesty. At these words, and without waiting to hear the rest, as if he wished to avoid alt further conversation on this delicate subject, the King (age 41) frowned, and moving his head to and fro, said rather abruptly: "Before I listen to such representations, I must know from whom they proceed, whether from the Emperor, your master, or from yourself; for if they be private remarks of your own I shall know how to answer them." And upon my answering that it was superfluous to ask whether I could have received commission to complain of facts and things which had only taken place a week ago, the intelligence of which would require a full month to be transmitted, and perhaps, too, four successive despatches of mine before it was believed-my general charge and instructions being to maintain by all best means the peace and friendship between Your Majesty and him, and especially to watch over the Queen's (age 47) affairs, since from them depended in a great measure that very friendship-the King (age 41) replied that you yourself had nothing to do with the laws, statutes, and constitutions of his kingdom, and that in spite of all opposition he would pass such laws and ordinances in his dominions as he thought proper, adding many other things in the same strain. My reply was that Your Majesty neither could nor would hinder any such legislative measures, but on the contrary would, if necessary, help him in them unless they personally affected the Queen (age 47), whom he wanted to compel to renounce her appeal [to Rome] and submit entirely to the judgment of the prelates of his kingdom who, either won by promises or threatened with that punishment which had already attained those who upheld the Queen's (age 47) right, could not fail to decide in his favour and against her. After this I repeated what I had told him on previous occasions in Your Majesty's name, that is to say: that the fact of the case being determined here, in England, as he wished, would in nowise remove hereafter the doubts about the succession for the reasons above explained, He, himself, considering how unreasonable and illegal it would be to have the case tried and decided in England, when the authority of the Holy Apostolic See was concerned, had from the beginning of the suit asked the Papal permission for the two cardinals (Campeggio (age 58) and York) to take cognizance of the case here. Even after that he had allowed the Queen (age 47) to appeal to Rome, and in the course of time not satisfied with that had himself, and through others, solicited the Queen (age 47) to consent to the case being tried out of Rome, not here in England, for he knew that to be a most unreasonable demand, but in a neutral place. For these reasons I said the Queen (age 47) cannot and ought not to be tied by laws and statutes to which no one hardly had consented, and which had been carried by compulsion. To this remark of mine the King (age 41) replied half in a passion (demy appassione): "All persuasions and remonstrances are absolutely in vain. Had I known that the audience you applied for had no other object than to speak to me of these things I certainly should have found some excuse to break through the established rule, and escape from such objurgations." But on my representing to him the object of my calling, and telling him that he was positively bound to listen not only to what an ambassador of Your Majesty, but the commonest mortal, had to say to him in a case of this sort, and the courteous and humane manner in which you had always treated his ambassadors, he was obliged to retract, and said that as regarded the commission granted to the two cardinals he could not deny that he himself had applied for it, but that was, he said, under a promise made by the Pope that the cause should never be revoked [from England]; but since His Holiness withdrew all the commissions he had previously given, he (the King) did likewise reject the offer to have the case tried and sentenced in a neutral place, for he wished it to be determined here and not elsewhere. As to his consent to the Queen's (age 47) appeal he had only given it conditionally, and provided the statutes and constitutions of the kingdom allowed of it, not otherwise, and said that lately a prohibitive one had been made in Parliament which the Queen (age 47) herself, as an English subject, was bound to obey. Hearing this I could not help observing that laws and constitutions had no retroactive power, and that they could only be enforced in the future. As to the Queen (age 47) being an English subject I owned that she being his legitimate wife was really and truly such, and that consequently all debate about constitutions and appeals was not only superfluous but out of the question; but that if the Queen (age 47), however, was, as he asserted, not his wife, she could not be called an English subject, for she only resided in this country in virtue of her marriage, not otherwise, and Common Law establishes that the claimant is to bring his action before the tribunal of the country whereof the defendant is a native. The Queen (age 47) might as well ask to have her case tried in Spain, but this she had never attempted, contenting herself that the court to which he himself had firstly applied as claimant should take cognizance of the affair, that being the only true and irrefragable tribunal in her case. And upon his replying that he had not sent for her, and that his brother, the prince of Wales, had first taken her to wife and consummated marriage, I remarked that if he himself had not sent for her he had after his brother's demise kept her by him, and prevented her from going away at the request of her father, the Catholic king of Spain, through his ambassador at this court, Hernand Duque de Estrada, as I could prove by his letters. These, however, the King (age 41) refused to peruse, and again repeated: "She must have patience and obey the laws of this kingdom." Then he added that Your Majesty in return for so many services and favours had done him the greatest possible injury by hindering his new marriage, and preventing his having male succession. That the Queen (age 47) was no more his wife than she was mine, and that he would act in this business just as he pleased, in spite of all opposition and grumbling, and that if Your Majesty capriciously attempted to cause him annoyance he would try to defend himself with the help of his friends.

Catherine Aragon Demoted to Princess

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

The name and title which the [her husband] King (age 41) wishes the Queen (age 47) to take, and by which he orders the people to call her, is the old dowager princess (la vielle et vefve princesse). As to [her daughter] princess Mary (age 17) no title has yet been given to her, and I fancy they will wait to settle that until the Lady (age 32) has been confined (que la dame aye faict lenfant).

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

On Wednesday the said Duke (age 60), and the others of whom I wrote to Your Majesty in my last despatch, called upon the Queen (age 47) and delivered their message, which was in substance as follows: "She was to renounce her title of Queen, and allow her case to be decided here, in England. If she did, she would confer a great boon on the kingdom and prevent much effusion of blood, and besides the [her husband] King (age 41) would treat her in future much better than she could possibly expect." Perceiving that there was no chance of the Queen's (age 47) agreeing to such terms, the deputies further told her that they came in the King's name to inform her that resistance was useless (quelle se rompist plus la teste), since his marriage with the other Lady had been effected more than two months ago in the presence of several persons, without any one of them having been summoned for that purpose. Upon which, with much bowing and ceremony, and many excuses for having in obedience to the king's commands fulfilled so disagreeable a duty, the deputies withdrew. After whose departure the lord Mountjoy (age 55), the Queen's (age 47) chamberlain, came to notify to her the King's intention that in future she should not be called Queen, and that from one month after Easter the King (age 41) would no longer provide for her personal expenses or the wages of her servants. He intended her to retire to some private house of her own, and there live on the small allowance assigned to her, and which, I am told, will scarcely be sufficient to cover the expenses of her household for the first quarter of next year. The Queen (age 47) resolutely said that as long as she lived she would entitle herself Queen; as to keeping house herself, she cared not to begin that duty so late in life. If the King (age 41) thought that her expenses were too great, he might, if he chose, take her own personal property and place her wherever he chose, with a confessor, a physician, an apothecary, and two maids for the service of her chamber; if that even seemed too much to ask, and there was nothing left for her and her servants to live upon, she would willingly go about the world begging alms for the love of God.

Though the King (age 41) is by nature kind and generously inclined, this Anne has so perverted him that he does not seem the same man. It is, therefore, to be feared that unless Your Majesty applies a prompt remedy to this evil, the Lady (age 32) will not relent in her persecution until she actually finishes with Queen Catharine (age 47), as she did once with cardinal Wolsey, whom she did not hate half as much. The Queen (age 47), however, is not afraid for herself; what she cares most for is the [her daughter] Princess (age 17).

On 16 Apr 1533, Wednesday, Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England (age 47) was demoted from Queen to Princess.

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

On Saturday, the eve of Easter, Lady Anne (age 32) went to mass in truly Royal state, loaded with diamonds and other precious stones, and dressed in a gorgeous suit of tissue, the train of which was carried by the daughter (age 14) of the duke of Norfolk (age 60), betrothed to the Duke of Richmond (age 13). She was followed by numerous damsels, and conducted to and from the church [Map] with the same or perhaps greater ceremonies and solemnities than those used with former Queens on such occasions. She has now changed her title of marchioness for that of Queen, and preachers specially name her so in their church prayers. At which all people here are perfectly astonished, for the whole thing seems a dream, and even those who support her party do not know whether to laugh or cry at it. The [her husband] King (age 41) is watching what sort of mien the people put on at this, and solicits his nobles to visit and pay their court to his new Queen, whom he purposes to have crowned after Easter in the most solemn manner, and it is said that there will be banqueting and tournaments on the occasion. Indeed some think that Clarence, the king-at-arms who left for France four days ago, is gone for the purpose of inviting knights for the tournament in imitation of the Most Christian King when he celebrated his own nuptials. I cannot say whether the coronation will take place before or after these festivities, but I am told that this King (age 41) has secretly arranged with the archbishop of Canterbury (age 43), that in virtue of his office, and without application from anyone he is to summon him before his court as having two wives, upon which, without sending for the Queen (age 47), he (the Archbishop) will declare that the King (age 41) can lawfully marry again, as he has done, without waiting for a dispensation, for a sentence from the Pope, or any other declaration whatever.

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

On Tuesday the 7th inst., having been informed of the strange and outrageous conduct and proceedings of this [her husband] king (age 41) against the Queen (age 47), whereof I have written to Your Majesty, I went to Court at the hour appointed for the King's audience, that I might there duly remonstrate against the Queen's treatment. I took with me Mr. Hesdin, who by the consent of the Queen [of Hungary] is now here to claim the arrears of his pension, in order that he might be present, and hear the remonstrances I had to address the King (age 41), hoping also that if I had to use threatening language the King (age 41) might not be so much offended if uttered in the presence of the said Hesdin. On my arrival at Greenwich [Map] the earl of Vulchier (age 56) (Wiltshire) came to meet me, and leading me to the apartments of the duke of Norfolk (age 60), who had just gone to see the Queen (age 47), said to me that the King (age 41) being very much engaged at that hour had deputed him to listen to what I had to say, and report thereupon. My answer was that my communication was of such a nature and so important that I could not possibly make it to anyone but to the King (age 41) in person. Until now he had never refused me audience, or put me off, and I could not think that he would now break through the custom without my having given him any occasion for it, especially as the King (age 41) knew that Your Majesty most willingly received the English ambassadors at all hours, whatever might be their errand or business. The Earl (age 56) repeated his excuses, and seemed at first disinclined to take my answer back to the King (age 41), until at last, perceiving my firm determination, he went in and came back saying the King (age 41) would see me immediately, though he still tried to ascertain what my business was, and advised me to put off my communication until after the festivals. It was settled at last that I should see the King (age 41) on Thursday in Holy Week, on which day having about me a copy of my last despatch [to Your Majesty], I took again the road to Court, accompanied as before by the said Master Hesdin, and was introduced to the Royal presence by the same earl of Wiltshire (age 56). The King (age 41) received us graciously enough. After the usual salutations and inquiries about Your Majesty's health, the King (age 41) asked me what news I had of your movements. I answered that the letters I had received last were rather old, but that I had reason to believe you had already embarked to return to Spain at the beginning of this present month. This statement the King (age 41) easily believed, and was rejoiced to hear (such is his wish to see you fairly out of Italy). I added that the weather for the last days could not have been more favourable, and therefore that it was to be hoped Your Majesty had reached Spain in safety. Having then asked me whether I had other news to communicate, I told him that your brother, the king of the Romans (age 30), had made his peace with the Turk, and that the latter had sent an embassy, at which piece of intelligence the King (age 41) remained for some time in silent astonishment as if he did not know what to answer.

Cranmer declares Henry and Catherine's Marriage Invalid

Ellis' Letters S1 V2 Letter CXIV. 08 May 1533. Nevertheless the viij th daye of Maye, accordyng to the said appoyntment, I came vnto Dunstable, my Lorde of Lyncoln (age 60) beyng assistante vnto me, and my Lorde of Wyncehester (age 50), Doctour Bell, Doctour Claybroke, Doctour Trygonnel, Doctour Hewis, Doctour Olyver, Doctour Brytten, Mr. Bedell, with diuerse other lernyd in the Lawe beyng councellours in the Lawe for the King's parte: and soo there at our commyng kepte a Courte for the apperance of the said Lady Kateren (age 47), where were examyned certeyn witnes whiche testified that she was lawfully cited and called to appere, whome for fawte of apperance was declared contumax; procedyng in the said cause agaynste her in pænam contumaciam as the processe of the Lawe thereunto belongeth; whiche contynewed xv. dayes after our cummyng thither. And the morow after Assension daye I gave finall Sentance therin, howe that it was indispensable for the Pope to lycense any suche marieges.

This donne, and after our reiornynga1 home agayne, the Kings Highnes prepared al thyngs convenient for the Coronacion of the Queene, whiche also was after suche a maner as foloweth.

On 23 May 1533 Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury (age 43) declared the marriage of [her husband] Henry VIII (age 41) and Catherine of Aragon (age 47) invalid.

Letters and Papers 1533. 29 May 1533. Vienna Archives. 556. Chapuys to Charles V.

The duke of Norfolk (age 60), who was to have left on the 26th, the date of my last letters, has, by the King's command, remained two days longer; and this, I think, partly to negotiate with me on matters I shall report hereafter. The day before yesterday he sent to me, early in the morning, an honest man to desire that I would immediately send my most confidential servant to communicate with him on some matters; and considering that on every account my own going would be better than sending any of my servants, I repaired to him immediately, but in disguise and secretly, for the consideration which, as I wrote, prevented me from going to bid him adieu.

After thanking me for the trouble I had taken in coming to him, he said he was going to this meeting of two as great princes as there were in Christendom, where, if it had pleased God that your Majesty had been present, he was sure it would not have been your fault if a most perfect peace and amity were not concluded; of which matter he said your Majesty held the keys, and everything depended upon it, and that since there was no hope of your being personally present, the greatest good that could come would be by your sending ministers well inclined to union. And, either for a joke, or as an acknowledgment of my trouble, or, as the phrase goes, to offer a candle to the enemy, he was pleased to say that he would like much that I were one of the said ministers; wishing also, but with better cause, that the Nuncio here were with his Holiness. To this I replied that it never was owing to your Majesty, nor would be, that Christendom was not perfectly united, declaring the intolerable labors and expenses you had sustained for that end, and that your Majesty desired nothing more than to increase the amity with the King his master, as all the world could easily see. And as it appeared that the union of which he spoke depended on the matter of this cursed marriage, he must not say that your Majesty held the key, but if the King his master would allow it to be determined by an impartial tribunal like the Pope [that would be sufficient]. For this cause he ought to desire that his master should be present at the interview in order that they might urge him to act in this manner, which was all that your Majesty demanded, and which could not be refused to the least person in the world. As to the ministers of your Majesty with his Holiness and the most Christian King, after I had declared their sufficiency, he was satisfied; praying me, nevertheless, that I would write to them by all means to show themselves tractable and do their duty at the said meeting. He added, that he wished your Majesty would send again plenty of ambassadors thither, of whom some should be men of authority, as his master was sending thither many persons, and not among the least persons of the kingdom, and it would be necessary that some one should be there who knew the importance of the common interests of your Majesty's countries and this kingdom. The end of his talk was, that no one was more fit than De Praet, whose appointment he begged me to solicit; and on my saying I did not think you would send more ambassadors without being desired by the Pope, and that I was astonished he had been so long in giving me notice, he answered as to the first that he fully believed that your Majesty had been long ago apprised by the Pope, who would not have dared to treat of this without your consent; and as to not having informed me sooner, it was because the French king had requested his master to keep it as secret as possible, and to disclose it to no one but him and one other. This was about three months ago; since which time the French king had renewed his request several times, that an ambassador should be nominated to go to the said meeting, which charge he desired to perform even at the loss of one of his fingers. He told me afterwards that the King his master had taken in very good part the warnings I had given to Cromwell to avoid occasions of irritating your Majesty; that he had been very much grieved that the arms of the Queen had been not only taken from her barge, but also rather shamefully mutilated; and that he had rather roughly rebuked the Lady's chamberlain, not only for having taken away the said arms, but for having seized the barge, which belonged only to the Queen, especially as there are in the river many others quite as suitable. I praised the King's goodwill touching the arms, and for the rest I said there was no need of excuse, for what belonged to the Queen was the King's still more; adding that I was now encouraged to hope that the King would see to the honorable treatment of the Queen and Princess; for, as I said to Cromwell, the pretence of a scruple of conscience could not extend to their treatment; and if they were ill-used, besides the displeasure of God, he would incur blame from all the world, and greatly irritate your Majesty. On this he spoke as highly of both of them as could be, and said he was very sure your Majesty loved the Princess naturally, but that he thought he loved her more. He mentioned, among other virtues of the Queen, the great modesty and patience she had shown, not only during these troubles, but also before them, the King being continually inclined to amours. And as to the said treatment, he was sure the King would not diminish her dower, of about 24,000 ducats, assigned to her in the time of prince Arthur, if she would content herself with the state a widow princess ought to keep. To this I said I thought the King so wise and humane that, in consideration of the virtue of the Queen, the long and good service she had done him, and also of her kindred, he would not diminish anything of what she had had till then, and I begged him to use his influence to that effect. He swore by his faith "quil avoit bachier (?) plus de 10,000 escuz" that I had spoken to him on this subject; for unless I had opened this door to him, he would not have dared to moot the question for all the gold in the world, but after our communications he would urge the affair to the end, and do his very best, in accordance with my suggestions to Cromwell. He said the King had also taken very well my suggestion that he should write a letter to your Majesty in defence of what he has done in this matter. I protested to him, as I had done to Cromwell, that what I had said was not as ambassador, but as one devoted to the service of the King, and anxious for peace; and as to the said letter, if it did not produce all the effect that the King desired, I hoped he would not reproach me for having solicited it, as it pleased him once to tell me touching the mission of the earl of Wiltshire. Norfolk said there was no fear of this, and begged that I would communicate (fere tenir) the said letter to his Majesty's ambassador, which would be in a packet which he would send me for the said ambassador. This I promised. Nevertheless, I have not yet received the packet.

On this, not wishing to wait dinner, though he desired me, I returned with the intention of sending to him later a servant of mine, which I did. By him and also by Brian Tuke he sent to me to say that he had determined to come to me tomorrow early at my lodging; but as his departure was to be so abrupt, the King would not let him move a step further from him in order to discuss the affairs of his charge, and therefore he begged me very urgently that I would go there, and that he hoped that we should do or at least begin some good work. Next morning I went secretly to see him in his chamber, when he replied to me, as to writing for the despatch of the persons above mentioned, that if your Majesty desired the peace and union to be accomplished, there was no excuse from the shortness of time, for you could receive my letters in 15 days; and as the meeting was not to begin till about the 5th July people could leave Barcelona in time for it, and be there quite as soon as he. He therefore begged me diligently to write, although I put before him the reasons already alleged, and also to see that the King's packet for his ambassador should go along with mine. As to the treatment of the Queen (age 47), he said that the King by their laws was no longer bound to the Queen with respect to the dower she had by Prince Arthur; and moreover that by virtue of the Act passed in this last Parliament, as the Queen would not obey it, the King might use rigour and diminish even the dower she has. Nevertheless, for the reasons which I had mentioned on the previous day and for others, the King would treat her honorably, not indeed so liberally as when she was Queen, unless she would submit to the sentence of divorce which the archbishop of Canterbury [had given]; and he thought I had so much influence with her that I might induce her to do so, by which I should acquire inestimable glory, and be the cause of as great a benefit as could be done not only to this kingdom but to Christendom, which remained disunited simply on this account; also that this way would be more effectual than any other, for if your Majesty would enter into war on this account, it would be the greatest calamity to Christendom. Moreover that it was impossible to fly into this kingdom (que lon ne peult vouler dans ce royaulme), and that, being there, they would find people to talk to, and very difficult to subdue or even to injure; and as to making war upon them by the sea, they, having the aid of France, of which they were as much assured as of their own people, would fear no power whatever. Further he ventured to affirm that if you attempted to make war upon this kingdom you would not be without anxiety to guard your own countries from their friends and allies, who were neither few nor unimportant. For, besides the king of France, who was most constant to them, they had the king of Scotland entirely at their command; who, since the one year's truce made with the King, was anxious for nothing but the conclusion of a peace; and he dared affirm that the Scotch king would come here before 10 months, when a marriage would be concluded between him and the daughter of the king of France. Moreover, they had the friendship of a great part of Germany, and Italy was not so well affected to your Majesty as you might think. He doubted not that the Spaniards, for their courage, and the sake of their reputation, and for the glory of previous victories, would stimulate your Majesty to war; but he trusted your Majesty was too prudent and regardful of ancient friendship and good offices done to you and your predecessors to lend an ear to such advisers, especially considering the arrogance of the Spaniards, who for want of payment have lately mutinied against you.

I answered as to this last, that I knew nothing of it, and, if true, it was not of much importance, for it had happened to many valiant commanders. As to the rest, although there were sufficiently apparent reasons by which to answer him, and also about the injustice done to the Queen, yet as I had come to hear something else, and in order to let him understand that I did not make very much of the terrors which he wished to raise up, I said as little as possible, merely remarking by way of joke that your Majesty was much bound to those who had greater consideration for your injuries than for their own, and that all the world knew your Majesty would not make war, even against those from whom you had received no favor, without being compelled by a very just quarrel; and that in such a case, with the help of God, in whom you placed your trust, you could manage your own affairs; and, moreover, there was no prince in the world who, in my opinion, had better means of obtaining friendships. With this reply I should have left him in a sweat without going further, but I begged him that we might not speak as if war would take place, but rather how to avoid occasion of it; which would never be given on the part of your Majesty. As to what he said of the justice of the Queen, since argument was to no purpose, I made no reply to him; but as to the first point, if he wished me to induce the Queen to submit to the sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury, I denied that I had any influence over her; and, to speak frankly, if I had I would not use it to that effect for all the gold in the world, unless your Majesty should command me; and though I was sure you would never consent to anything except what justice would ordain, yet, to gratify the King, I would write to you about all this, and if perhaps I received your commandment to enter upon such a course, which I did not expect, I would show the King the desire I had to do him service, and help in the preservation of amity. On this the Duke swore by the faith he owed to God that I spoke like an honest man, and that he could not press me further, but begged me to do in this and all else the best I could. Your Majesty will see to what they are reduced when they address themselves to me, when they know very well, as the King once told me, and as I have written to your Majesty, that I have always been and am most devoted to the right of the Queen; so that it must be said either that they are in very great fear, or think me mad, or are themselves altogether blind. And in order to play the part of a corsair among corsairs (pour jouer avec eulx de courssaire a courssaires), I have a little dissembled with the Duke about the treatment of the said ladies, in accordance with your Majesty's commands, awaiting your determination for the remedy of this matter. I have written the said conversations of the Duke in plain writing, because he uttered them in order that I might inform your Majesty; and if, perhaps, he spoke them of himself without command of the King or his Council, I might have given greater faith to what he said to me of their friendships and intelligences, because by nature he is no great dissembler or inventer. And not to speak of the rest, as to the Scots, whatever confidence they have here to have the said Scots at their command, I know for certain that since the date the truce is said to have been concluded, the said Scots have taken several ships at different times, the last being not ten days ago, when they took seven very rich vessels. The Duke, as to what I had said, that the presence of his master would be very desirable at the said meeting, answered that it would be of no use; for if the Pope, the king of France, and all the world were to attempt it, they could not persuade the King to take back the Queen,—such was the scruple of his conscience, joined to the despair of having issue by her; and that it was in vain for the Pope to give sentence, for they will make no account of it or of his censures. No doubt it would give them some trouble, but for that they cared not; and if, perhaps, by reason of the said censures, Spain and Flanders would cease intercourse with the English, the others would share in the injury, and they would send part of their merchandize to Flanders and the rest to Calais, where your subjects to their great inconvenience would be compelled to get their wools, which were indispensable to them, as he said. To this I made no reply, but smiled. After this he began to excuse himself that he had not been a promoter of this marriage, but had always dissuaded it; and had it not been for him and her father, who pretended to be mad to have better means of opposing this marriage, it would have been done secretly a year ago; on which account the Lady was very indignant against both of them. In confirmation of this, I have learned from a very good authority, and from one who was present, that eight days since, the Lady having put in a piece to enlarge her gown, as ladies do when in the family way, her father told her she ought to take it away, and thank God to find herself in such condition; and she, in presence of Norfolk, Suffolk, and the treasurer of the household, replied by way of announcement, that she was in better condition than he would have desired. On departure, the Duke made me many gracious offers of his person and goods, recommending the sending of the said packet, and great care in writing to send personages to the said meeting, and above all to make his recommendations to your Majesty, to whom, after the King his master, he desires most to do service. This he said several times in the presence of the whole Council. I have not been with them since.

Ellis' Letters S1 V2 Letter CXIV. IN my most hartie wise I commende me unto you and even so woulde be right gladd to here of your welfare, &c. Thes be to advertise you that inasmoche as you nowe and than take some paynes in writyng vnto me, I woulde be lothe you shuld thynke your Labour utterly lost and forgotten for lake of wrytyng agayne; therefore and by cause I reken you be somedele desirous of suche newis as hathe byn here with us of late in the Kyngis Graces matters, I entend to enforme you a parte therof accordyng to the tenure and purporte vsyd in that behalf.

Ande fyrste as towchyng the small determynacion and concludyng of the matter of devorse betwene my Lady Kateren and the Kyngs Grace, whiche said matter after the Convocacion in that behalf hadde determyned and aggreed accordyng to the former consent of the Vniversites, yt was thowght convenient by the Kyng and his lernyd Councell that I shuld repayre unto Dunstable, which ys within iiij. myles vnto Amptell [Map], where the said Lady Kateren (age 47) kepeth her howse, and there to call her before me, to here the fynall Sentance in this said mateir. Notwithstandyng she would not att all obey therunto, for whan she was by doctour Lee cited to appear by a daye, she utterly refused the same, sayinge that inasmoche as her cause was before the Pope she would have none other judge; and therfore woulde not take me for her judge.

In 1535 Catherine of Aragon (age 49) was imprisoned at Kimbolton Castle [Map].

Letters and Papers 1535. 25 Feb 1535. Vienna Archives. 263. Chapuys to Charles V.

About eight days ago the Queen (age 49) your aunt wrote me a letter requesting me to beg the King to send her the Princess her daughter, to have her cured of her illness, which she thought would be easy with the aid of God and of her physician and apothecary. joined with the care which she herself would have of her. for she meant to be her nurse. with several honorable proposals (propoz) too long to write. Immediately on receipt of the said letter I sent to Cromwell for an audience of the King, which was assigned me for next morning. Then, after reading the Queen's letter to the King. I made several representations on the subject. reserving, however, the principal reasons (les principales). e.g., the report made to me by the physicians. both that I might use them another time, and also not to provoke him too much the first time, and thirdly, because I thought it best to keep a part of my reasons for Cromwell, who would know best how to urge them. The King heard me patiently and graciously. and, instead of answering as usual that he knew better than anyone else how to provide for his daughter, he very gently answered he wished to do his utmost to procure his daughter's health, and would proceed with the same diligence about it as he had begun, and that, since the Queen's physician could not assist, he would find others. But. on the other hand, while seeing to the health of his daughter, he must not forget what was due to his own honor, which would be injured if, by bad keeping, the Princess were taken out of this kingdom, or if she herself escaped, as she might easily do by night if she were with the Queen her mother: for he perceived some indication that your Majesty would be glad to withdraw the said Princess somehow, and that I knew well what had been put forward touching the marriage of his said daughter between your Majesty and the king of France, which put him all the more in doubt, and made him consider how to prevent this. I remarked that there was no probability that your Majesty would attempt to steal away the said Princess, for several reasons that I alleged, and that, during the five years these matters had lasted, there had not been the slightest indication of it. He then said there was no great occasion to put the Princess again in the Queen's hands, for it was she who had put it into her head to show such obstinacy and disobedience, as all the world knew; and although sons and daughters were bound to some obedience towards their mothers, their chief duty was to their fathers, and since the Princess could not have much help of the Queen, and it was clear the whole matter proceeded from the latter, she must submit to his pleasure. I did not wish to dispute with him on the subject, but asked that he would at least put the Princess under the care of her old gouvernante, the countess of Salisbury (age 61), whom she regarded as her second mother. He replied that the Countess was a fool, of no experience, and that if his daughter had been under her care during this illness she would have died, for she would not have known what to do, whereas her present governess is an expert lady even in such female complaints. Seeing that nothing could be done at that time, I said that besides the causes which I had told him moved me to press this subject, my principal object was to avoid the perplexity in which I saw him on Sunday before Shrovetide; and I begged he would believe it was mainly owing to the great desire I had to do him service. He thanked me, and showed himself very glad, especially when I took leave without "rencharge." He was so glad to get quit of the matter that he did not dare to ask my news until I was at the door of the room, when he begged also that I would communicate any intelligence as I received it. As it was not a holiday I had no thought of dining there, but I was unable to excuse myself. All the lords were in Council, and dined at Cromwell's house, except the duke of Richmond, who remained to entertain me. My men were also retained to dine, and great cheer shown them. All which was done merely to increase the jealousy of the French.

Letters and Papers 1535. 01 Sep 1535. Add. MS. 28, 588, f. 12. B. M. 249. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.

Is glad to hear of the Emperor's safe arrival in Sicily. Yesterday, Aug. 31, a chamberlain of the king of England, named Thomas Petiple, left Rome to go to the Emperor with letters from the King and Chapuis. He said that before his departure he spoke to the Queen (age 49), and that she was very well at Bugden1, and that she had liberty and much service, for which the King paid, although she is only called Princess of Wales (Cales), because, according to the King's statutes, everyone, though unwillingly, calls "la Ana (age 34)" Queen. The latter is said to be very ugly. All the people are frightened because they do not know from what side God's judgment will fall upon them.

Note 1. Apparently a mistake of the writer, as Katharine certainly had been removed from Bugden to Kimbolton, u a house belonging to the heirs of Sir Richard Wingfield, "as early as May 1534. See Vol. VII., p. 254.

Letters and Papers 1535. 13 Oct 1535. 594. Cromwell having several times written to me that on his return from Court we should discuss matters of the Queen and Princess, I have waited two days since his return to see what show he would make of doing so, and finding none, I sent to him to ask at what hour I might speak with him. He excused himself for two days on account of business, and did so again yesterday, the third day, saying, however, to my messenger, that he would be here this morning; as he really was. After congratulation of the Emperor on his glorious victory and his arrival in Sicily, and thanking me on the part of the King and himself for the news I had sent them from time to time he replied about the Princess according to what he had written to me, which was to the effect that the King, his master, was good and wise, and that he would take good care, and better than any other, to treat his daughter well; that it was unnecessary to remind him of his duty, whether it were to change her gouvernante (age 59), to get her better companions, or to place her again with the Queen (age 49), her mother. As to the arrears due to the Queen, it was true he had several times promised to get her prompt payment, and if it was only a question of presenting her with the sum due he would do it at once very willingly; but he knew the disposition of the King, his master, was such that if he meddled with it he fell under suspicion of taking the Queen's part, which might cost him his head, and said the King might well give the Queen any sum she could demand, if she would undertake to maintain her own household; and on doing so, he would give her perfect liberty to keep what servants she pleased. This bargain, I think, she will never accept, as it would in some degree prejudice her position; moreover, I think Cromwell threw out the suggestion more by way of compliment than otherwise. After this, Cromwell mentioned that the King was informed from France, Italy, and elsewhere, that your Majesty intended to prepare an army against him and his countries in favour of the Pope, whom he sometimes called bishop of Rome and sometimes idol, but not without begging me to pardon him, and that to stir the fire, some bishop and legate had already come to Flanders; and that the King, his master, notwithstanding the said rumours, which might have been propagated by ill-disposed people, could not well believe that your Majesty, considering the great friendship and repeated alliances between you so solemnly ratified and sworn, would attempt any such thing, especially when there was no cause; for, as regards disobedience to the Pope, the King did not think he had said or done anything to any Christian prince inconsistent with the law of God, and he believed that the Christian religion was not better regulated and reformed in any country in the world than in this kingdom; and the King requested that I would add to the other good offices I had done by notifying this to your Majesty. Cromwell added that, perhaps the King might send you a very honorable embassy, provided he thought that you would give favorable audience to it, both to represent these and other matters, and to promote amities and confederations; on which subject the King wished to have my advice. I replied that I was not so rash as to put myself forward in giving counsel to such a Prince lest I should give him occasion justly to reproach me, as was done without occasion when the earl of Wiltshire was at Bologna with your Majesty; but I fully believed that if such an embassy were sent to your Majesty it would not only be kindly received and heard, but would obtain what it asked for, provided it were a thing that your Majesty could rightly grant according to reason and conscience; and otherwise I would neither advise nor dissuade its despatch, for the above reason. He made no reply to this, and I think, from the way he spoke of the said embassy, there has been no suggestion of it among them, and that he spoke only of himself. He then said I must be already informed that the bishop of Winchester (age 52) was going to France, and the bishop of Atfort (Hereford), formerly the King's almoner, into Germany. He told me nothing more, and I asked if he, who was going into Germany, was to go further than Saxony? He said he did not know where he was going to; and he said the same to a merchant of whom he desired a letter of exchange of 1,000 crs. for the said Bishop, in case he should have need of them, which he did not expect, because he was taking plenty of money with him, and Cromwell wished the said letters to be general for the principal cities of Germany. Cromwell has confessed that the bailly of Troyes had made request for the marriage of the Princess with the Dauphin, and also that he brought the brief of which I before wrote.

Letters and Papers 1535. 24 Oct 1535. Add. MS. 28, 588, f. 31. B. M. 681. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.

Wrote last on the 8th. The Imperial Ambassador in London wrote on the 25th Sept., that the Queen (age 49) and [her daughter] Princess (age 19) were in good health. On the 14th he had written that the Princess (age 19) had been ill and was getting better, and that the governess (age 59) of her household, la Ana's (age 34) aunt (age 59), had concealed her illness for 12 days, so that he could not provide her with physicians. Neither the Ambassador nor his servant are allowed to visit her, which shows the Queen (age 49) and Princess (age 19) have special need of God's protection. The state of England is getting more and more disorderly. It is publicly said that mass is a great abuse; that Our Lord is not in the Sacrament of the Eucharist, and only was so when He consecrated it; that saying the Ave Maria is folly; and that Our Lady cannot help those who pray to her and invoke her aid, for she is only a woman like others. Blasphemous words are said of images. The rents of many churches are taken away, and it is said that they will take away images, shrines (templos), and the principal temporalities of the Church. Is much grieved at the danger to the lives of the Queen and Princess, and begs the Empress to have continual prayer made on their behalf. Sees no remedy if nuestro Señor does not take them out of the kingdom.

In Dec 1535 Catherine of Aragon (age 49) made her will at Kimbolton Castle [Map].

Letters and Papers 1535. 13 Dec 1535. Vatican Archives. 970. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.

* * * Understands that they have not the last resolutions which they expected from England. Mons. Brien, who is still here, is about to depart. The old queen of England has been very near death, but now recovered. Understands from the English ambassador (age 45) here, who is a good man though he serves the King, hostile to all that pleases the new Queen, and a good servant of the old Queen (age 49), whose "creatura" his wife is, that she cannot live more than six months or a little longer, which he has heard from her physician, a Spaniard, who has told her in secret of it. Believes it to be true, because it grieves the ambassador to the heart. Conjectures, from what the French king and his lords have said, that her condition is known to them, and they hope that at her death the King will leave his present Queen, return to the obedience of the Church, and marry Francis' eldest daughter, whom they would not give to the Scotch king, nor any other, and that the Dauphin should have the King's legitimate daughter. These, however, are conjectures, and he may be mistaken. Sora, 13 Dec. 1535.

Ital., p. 1,from a modern copy.

There is another modern copy in M.S. Add. 8715, f. 161 b., B.M.

1535 Sweating Sickness Outbreak

Letters and Papers 1535. 16 Dec 1535. Add. MS. 28,588, f. 87. B. M. 983. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.

Wrote last on Nov. 22. Is glad to hear the good news that the Turk has been defeated by the Sophi, with a loss of 40,000 horse (de acaballo) and 40 great pieces of artillery, his army having been 70,000.

In the cause of the Queen of England (age 50), the Consistory has ordered of itself a monitory to be issued, fixing a space of two months for the King to turn from his heresy and schism and public adultery, and then he will not be declared deprived of his kingdom.

The Imperial ambassador writes that he has not leave to visit or send any person to see the Queen and Princess. Those with the Queen are guards and spies, not servants, for they have sworn in favor of Anne (age 34), not to call her highness Queen, nor serve her with royal state. So, not to give them cause to sin, the Queen has not left her chamber for two years; and perhaps if she wished to, it would not be allowed, "y que no manda un ducado," nor has she any of her old servants except her confessor, physician, and apothecary. The King always asks those who wish to join him (se quisieren juntar con el) to renounce obedience to the Apostolic See, and he who formerly appealed to a Council now wishes it not to be held.

Letters and Papers 1535. 29 Dec 1535. Vienna Archives. 1035. Charles V. to [Chapuys].

Received, on the 24th inst., his letters of 21 Nov. The ill will of the king of England to the Queen and Princess (age 50) is cruel and horrible. It is impossible to believe that he would be so unnatural as to put them to death, considering his ties to them, their descent, their virtues and long sufferings. He probably intends by threats to make them swear to and approve his statutes. There are two reasons against their taking the oath:—One, that it would alienate and discourage the good people of England, and be a means for the King and his concubine gaining the good will of all. The other is, that the King would perhaps take it as a further reason for revenging himself on them for having so long refused, and would assume that their taking the oath was an acknowledgment of the fault of disobedience, and therefore deserving the same punishment. He would suppose that the oath was taken by the Emperor's advice. Chapuys must do what he can to avoid their taking the oath without letting them run an irremediable risk. Hopes to do something for them at the approaching interview with the Pope, from his Holiness's desire to chastise the King for his daily insults to him and the Holy See. Will wait also to see whether the enterprise for which his man was sent can be carried out. He must, however, advise them to take the oath rather than lose their lives, protesting that they do it from fear. It cannot then prejudice their rights. Protestation to this effect shall be made by their proctor at Rome. Chapuys must assure them that the Emperor will take care of their interests when at Rome. Naples, 29 Dec. 1535.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2.

Letters and Papers 1535. 30 Dec 1535. 1036. After I had taken leave of the King he recalled me by the Duke of Suffolk (age 51) to tell me news had just come that the Queen (age 50) was in extremis, and that I should hardly find her alive; moreover, that this would take away all the difficulties between your Majesty and him. I think the danger cannot be so great, because the physician did not represent the case to me as so urgent; nevertheless I took horse at once. I asked leave that the [her daughter] Princess (age 19) might see the Queen (age 50) her mother,—which he at first refused, and on my making some remonstrance he said he would take advice on the subject.

The Princess had advised me to make this request. London, 30 Dec. 1535.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 6.

Letters and Papers 1535. 31 Dec 1535. R. O. St. P. i. 451. 1050. Sir Edmund Bedyngfeld to Cromwell.

Received his letters between 7 and 8 o'clock p.m., stating that the King hears from the Imperial ambassador that the Princess Dowager (age 50) is in great danger of life. Had written to Cromwell before receiving his letter. Trusts it is apparent in what great trust Master Chamberlain and he are, both with her and such as be about her, that the ambassador should have knowledge before them who daily continue in the house. Sent as soon as he was made privy to it. The doctor's report is "non multum pejus quam erat, neque longe melius1." She continues in pain in her stomach, and can take little rest. Considering her weakness, she cannot long continue, if the sickness remains. The doctor moved her to take other advice, but she answered that she would in no wise have any other physician, but only commit herself to the pleasure of God. Will send further news with all speed. Kymbaltun, 31 Dec. Signed.

P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.: Rec. 1 Jan.

Note 1. not much worse than it was, nor much better.

Death of Catherine of Aragon

Letters 1536. 07 Jan 1536. R. O. St. P. I. 452. 37. Sir Edward Chamberleyn (age 52) and Sir Edm. Bedyngfeld (age 57) to Cromwell (age 51).

This 7th Jan., about 10 a.m., the Lady Dowager (age 50) was annealed with the Holy ointment, Chamberleyn and Bedyngfeld being summoned, and before 2 p.m. she died. Wishes1 to know the King's (age 44) pleasure concerning the house, servants, and other things. The groom of the Chamber here can cere her. Will send for a plumber to close the body in lead.

Note 1. The letter, though signed by two, is written throughout in the first person singular,— apparently by Bedingfield, who was steward of Catharine's household, though he signs second.

On 07 Jan 1536 Catherine of Aragon (age 50) died at Kimbolton Castle [Map] in the arms of her great friend Maria de Salinas Baroness Willoughby (age 46).

Wriothesley's Chronicle. 07 Jan 1536. This yeare, the morrowe after twelve daie being Fridaie and the 7th daie of Januarieb, 1536 the honorable and noble Princes, Queene Katherin (age 50), former wife to [her husband] King Henrie the VIII (age 44), departed from her worldlie lief at Bugden [Map], in Huntingdonshire, about tenne of the clocke at nightb, and...

Note. Stow and Hall, with other authorities, state that Queen Katharine died on the 8th Jannary, but the correctness of our text as to the day is placed beyond a doubt by the original letter of Sir Edward Chamberleyn (age 52) and Sir Edmund Bedyngfeld (age 57) transmitting this intelligence to Cromwell (age 51), still extant in the Public Record Office, and which runs thus:

"Pleaseth yt yower honorable Maystershipp to be advertysed, that this 7th day of January, abowt 10 of the clock before none, the Lady Dowager was aneled with the Holy Oyntment, Mayster Chamberlein (age 57) and I called to the same; and before 2 of the clock at aftenone she departed to God. Besechyng yow that the Kyng may be advertyscd of the same, and furder to know yower pleasour yn every thyng aperteynyng to that purpose; and, furder, in all other causes concernyng the hows, the servantes, and all other thynges, as shall stand wyth the Kynge's pleasour and yowers."

Note b. This would appear to be an error for 2 o'clock in the afternoon. See preceding note.

Hall's Chronicle 1536. 08 Jan 1536. And the eighth day of January following died the Princess Dowager (deceased) at Kimbolton and was buried at Peterborough. Queen Anne (age 35) wore yellow for the mourning.

Letters 1536. 09 Jan 1536. Vienna Archives. 59. Chapuys to Charles V.

Just after having finished my last letter of 30 Dec. I mounted horse to go with all possible haste "selon la grande compagnie que menvoie" to see the Queen (deceased). On my arrival she called roe at once, and that it might not be supposed her sickness was feigned and also because there was a friend of Cromwell's whom the King had sent to accompany me, or rather to spy and note all that was said and done, the Queen thought best, with my consent, that my conductor and the principal persons of the house, such as the chamberlain and steward, who had not seen her for more than a year, and several others, should be at our first interview. After I had kissed hands she took occasion to thank me for the numerous services I had done her hitherto and the trouble I had taken to come and see her, a thing that she had very ardently desired, thinking that my coming would be salutary for her, and, at all events, if it pleased God to take her, it would be a consolation to her to die under my guidance (entre mes braz) and not unprepared, like a beast. I gave her every hope, both of her health and otherwise, informing her of the offers the King had made me of what houses she would, and to cause her to be paid the remainder of certain arrears, adding, for her further consolation, that the King was very sorry for her illness; and on this I begged her to take heart and get well, if for no other consideration, because the union and peace of Christendom depended upon her life. To show this I used many arguments, as had been prearranged with another person between the Queen and me, in order that my conductor and some of the bystanders might make report of it, so that by this means they might have the greater care of her life. After some other conversation, the Queen bade me rest after the fatigue of the journey, and meanwhile she thought she could sleep a little, which she had not done for two hours altogether during the six days previous. Shortly afterwards she sent for me again, and I spent full two hours in conversation with her, and though I several times wished to leave her for fear of wearying her, I could not do so, she said it was so great a pleasure and consolation. I spent the same period of time with her every day of the four days I staid there. She inquired about the health of your Majesty and the state of your affairs, and regretted her misfortune and that of the Princess, and the delay of remedy by which all good men had suffered in person and in goods, and so many ladies were going to perdition. But, on my showing her that your Majesty could not have done better than you had done hitherto, considering the great affairs which had hindered you, and also that the delay had not been without advantages (for, besides there being some hope that the French, who formerly solicited the favour of this King, would now turn their backs, there was this, that the Pope, by reason of the death of the cardinal of Rochester, and other disorders, intended to seek a remedy in the name of the Holy See, and thus, preparations being made at the instance of the Holy See, the King could not blame her as the cause), she was quite satisfied and thought the delay had been for the best. And as to the heresies here [I said] she knew well that God said there must of necessity be heresies and slanders for the exaltation of the good and confusion of the wicked, and that she must consider that the heresies were not so rooted here that they would not soon be remedied, and that it was to be hoped that those who had been deluded would afterwards be the most firm, like St. Peter after he had tripped. of these words she showed herself very glad, for she had previously had some scruple of conscience because [the heresies] had arisen from her affair.

Having staid there four days, and seeing that she began to take a little sleep, and also that her stomach retained her food, and that she was better than she had been, she thought, and her physician agreed with her (considering her out of danger), that I should return, so as not to abuse the licence the King had given me, and also to request the King to give her a more convenient house, as he had promised me at my departure. I therefore took leave of her on Tuesday evening, leaving her very cheerful; and that evening I saw her laugh two or three times, and about half an hour after I left her she desired to have some pastime (soy recreer) with one of my men "que fait du plaisant." On Wednesday morning one of her chamber told me that she had slept better. Her physician confirmed to me again his good hope of her health, and said I need not fear to leave, for, if any new danger arose, he would inform me with all diligence. Thereupon I started, and took my journey at leisure, lest any further news should overtake me on the road; but none came. This morning I sent to Cromwell to know when I could have audience of the King his master to thank him for the good cheer he had caused to be shown me in my journey, and also to speak about the said house. He sent to inform me of the lamentable news of the death of the most virtuous Queen, which took place on Friday the morrow of the Kings, about 2 p.m. This has been the most cruel news that could come to me, especially as I fear the good Princess will die of grief, or that the concubine (age 35) will hasten what she has long threatened to do, viz., to kill her; and it is to be feared that there is little help for it. I will do my best to comfort her, in which a letter from your Majesty would help greatly. I cannot relate in detail the circumstances of the Queen's decease, nor how she has disposed of her affairs, for none of her servants has yet come. I know not if they have been detained.

This evening, on sending to tell (qu. ask?) Cromwell what they had determined to do, that I might for my part do my duty, he told my man that just as he was entering the gate he had dispatched one of his own to inform me, on the part of the King and Council, that it was determined to give her a very solemn and honorable funeral both on account of her virtue and as having been wife of Prince Arthur, and, moreover, for her lineage and relationship to your Majesty, and that, if I wished to be present, the King would send me some black cloth for myself and my servants, but that the time and place had not yet been arranged. I replied that, presuming that everything would be done duly, I agreed to be present, and that, as to the cloth, the King need not trouble himself about it, for I was provided. It is certain that they will not perform her exequies as Queen, but only as Princess, and for this reason I despatch in haste to Flanders one of my servants who will have time to go and come, that I may know how to conduct myself, for nothing will be done for 18 or 20 days. The Queen's illness began about five weeks ago, as I then wrote to your Majesty, and the attack was renewed on the morrow of Christmas day. It was a pain in the stomach, so violent that she could retain no food. I asked her physician several times if there was any suspicion of poison. He said he was afraid it was so, for after she had drunk some Welsh beer she had been worse, and that it must have been a slow and subtle poison1 for he could not discover evidences of simple and pure poison; but on opening her, indications will be seen. London, 9 Jan. 1535. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 4.

Note 1. "Poison aterminec (qu. atermoiee ?) et artificieuse."

Calendars. 21 Jan 1536. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 35).

The good Queen (deceased) breathed her last at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. Eight hours afterwards, by the [her former husband] King's (age 44) express commands, the inspection of her body was made, without her confessor or physician or any other officer of her household being present, save the fire-lighter in the house, a servant of his, and a companion of the latter, who proceeded at once to open the body. Neither of them had practised chirurgy, and yet they had often performed the same operation, especially the principal or head of them, who, after making the examination, went to the Bishop of Llandaff, the Queen's confessor, and declared to him in great secrecy, and as if his life depended on it, that he had found the Queen's (deceased) body and the intestines perfectly sound and healthy, as if nothing had happened, with the single exception of the heart, which was completely black, and of a most hideous aspect; after washing it in three different waters, and finding that it did not change colour, he cut it in two, and found that it was the same inside, so much so that after being washed several times it never changed colour. The man also said that he found inside the heart something black and round, which adhered strongly to the concavities. And moreover, after this spontaneous declaration on the part of the man, my secretary having asked the Queen's physician whether he thought the Queen (deceased) had died of poison, the latter answered that in his opinion there was no doubt about it, for the bishop had been told so under confession, and besides that, had not the secret been revealed, the symptoms, the course, and the fatal end of her illness were a proof of that.

No words can describe the joy and delight which this King (age 44) and the promoters of his concubinate (age 35) have felt at the demise of the good Queen (deceased), especially the earl of Vulcher (age 59), and his son (age 33), who must have said to themselves, What a pity it was that the [her daughter] Princess (age 19) had not kept her mother (deceased) company. The King (age 44) himself on Saturday, when he received the news, was heard to exclaim, "Thank God, we are now free from any fear of war, and the time has come for dealing with the French much more to our advantage than heretofore, for if they once suspect my becoming the Emperor's friend and ally now that the real cause of our enmity no longer exists I shall be able to do anything I like with them." On the following day, which was Sunday, the King (age 44) dressed entirely in yellow from head to foot, with the single exception of a white feather in his cap. His bastard daughter (age 2) was triumphantly taken to church to the sound of trumpets and with great display. Then, after dinner, the King (age 44) went to the hall, where the ladies were dancing, and there made great demonstration of joy, and at last went into his own apartments, took the little bastard (age 2), carried her in his (age 44) arms, and began to show her first to one, then to another, and did the same on the following days. Since then his joy has somewhat subsided; he has no longer made such demonstrations, but to make up for it, as it were, has been tilting and running lances at Grinduys [Map]. On the other hand, if I am to believe the reports that come to me from every quarter, I must say that the displeasure and grief generally felt at the Queen's (deceased) demise is really incredible, as well as the indignation of the people against the King (age 44). All charge him with being the cause of the Queen's (deceased) death, which I imagine has been produced partly by poison and partly by despondency and grief; besides which, the joy which the King (age 44) himself, as abovesaid, manifested upon hearing the news, has considerably confirmed people in that belief.

Great preparations are being made for the burial of the good Queen (deceased), and according to a message received from Master Cromwell (age 51) the funeral is to be conducted with such a pomp and magnificence that those present will scarcely believe their eyes. It is to take place on the 1st of February; the chief mourner to be the King's own niece (age 18), that is to say, the daughter of the duke of Suffolk (age 52); next to her will go the Duchess, her mother; then the wife of the duke of Norfolk (age 39), and several other ladies in great numbers. And from what I hear, it is intended to distribute mourning apparel to no less than 600 women of a lower class. As to the lords and gentlemen, nothing has yet transpired as to who they are to be, nor how many. Master Cromwell (age 51) himself, as I have written to Your Majesty (age 35), pressed me on two different occasions to accept the mourning cloth, which this King (age 44) offered for the purpose no doubt of securing my attendance at the funeral, which is what he greatly desires; but by the advice of the Queen Regent of Flanders (Mary), of the Princess herself, and of many other worthy personages, I have declined, and, refused the cloth proffered; alleging as an excuse that I was already prepared, and had some of it at home, but in reality because I was unwilling to attend a funeral, which, however costly and magnificent, is not that befitting a Queen of England.

The King (age 44), or his Privy Council, thought at first that very solemn obsequies ought to be performed at the cathedral church of this city. Numerous carpenters and other artizans had already set to work, but since then the order has been revoked, and there is no talk of it now. Whether they meant it in earnest, and then changed their mind, or whether it was merely a feint to keep people contented and remove suspicion, I cannot say for certain.

Letters 1536. 21 Jan 1536. The Queen (deceased) died two hours after midday, and eight hours afterwards she was opened by command of those who had charge of it on the part of the King, and no one was allowed to be present, not even her confessor or physician, but only the candle-maker of the house and one servant and a "compagnon," who opened her, and although it was not their business, and they were no surgeons, yet they have often done such a duty, at least the principal, who on coming out told the Bishop of Llandaff, her confessor, but in great secrecy as a thing which would cost his life, that he had found the body and all the internal organs as sound as possible except the heart, which was quite black and hideous, and even after he had washed it three times it did not change color. He divided it through the middle and found the interior of the same color, which also would not change on being washed, and also some black round thing which clung closely to the outside of the heart. On my man asking the physician if she had died of poison he replied that the thing was too evident by what had been said to the Bishop her confessor, and if that had not been disclosed the thing was sufficiently clear from the report and circumstances of the illness.

Letters 1536. Vienna Archives. 142. Chapuys to Granvelle.

Thanks him for 3,000 ducats. Expresses his great obligations to Granvelle, who has made him what he is. Excuses himself for not having written lately, which was owing to haste, a slight indisposition, and the trouble occasioned by the death of the Queen, who certainly was very grateful to Granvelle for his good services. Among the last words she said, she made her excuse to his Majesty and you, and also to the comendador mayor, that she had not been able to write, and that I should beg his Majesty and request you too on her part one way or other to finish her business; for the slowness of the remedy and the gentleness shown to those here would destroy her and her daughter, and throw all the kingdom into confusion. The said Queen has not been able to give you proof of her good will, but the Princess, if she lives, will accomplish it, being well informed of your good services to her mother and her.

I have just been told there was some rumour that this King and the king of Scots were to have an interview on the frontiers about Easter. I do not attach much importance to it, because if it were so, the Scotch ambassador would have told me something of it. I have not been inclined to talk much of late days, and I refer you to my long letters to his Majesty. London, 21 Jan. 1535.

P.S.—I had arranged with the Queen's physician that whenever her life should be in danger she should be reminded to affirm in extremis that she had never been known by Prince Arthur, but he forgot it in his grief and trouble. It is suspected that the poison came from Italy, as I shall write to you shortly, but I do not believe it. Fr. From a modern copy, pp. 2.

Letters 1536. 10 Jan 1536. Halliwell's Letters, i. 352. 65. Henry VIII. to Lady Bedingfield.

Has appointed her to be one of the principal mourners at the conveyance of the Lady Katharine's (deceased) corpse from Kimbolton to Peterborough. She is to be at Kimbolton on the 25th. Sends — yards of black for herself, two gentlewomen, two gentlemen, and eight women. Will send an habiliment of linen for her head and face. Greenwich, 10 Jan.

Letters 1536. 21 Jan 1536. Vienna Archives. 141. Chapuys to Charles V.

My man has sent me from Flanders, where the Queen has kept him some days, your Majesty's letters of the 13th ult., to which I must delay replying till his return. I thank you for writing that I shall not be forgotten when the time of distribution of benefices arrives. Must not omit to say that the enterprise mentioned in the said letters is becoming more difficult every day, especially since the death of the Queen (deceased), as they have kept more company than before ("lon a tenu plus de court et en plus de regard que par avant"). I have also received your Majesty's letters of the 29th, with your most prudent discourse touching the perplexity of the affairs of the late good Queen (deceased) and of the [her daughter] Princess (age 19), the substance of which considerations, though not so well put, has been already at times communicated to the said ladies. Moreover, I added another point, viz., that what was chiefly to be feared, if they were compelled to swear all that the King wished (besides the bad effect mentioned in your Majesty's letters, that so many would lose heart and join the new heresy), the danger would be, not that the King would proceed by law to punish daily disobedience, but that, under color of perfect reconciliation, if he were to treat them well,—I don't suppose the King but the Concubine (age 35) (who has often sworn the death of both, and who will never be at rest till she has gained her end, suspecting that owing to the King's fickleness there is no stability in her position as long as either of the said ladies lives), will have even better means than before of executing her accursed purpose by administering poison, because they would be less on their guard; and, moreover, she might do it without suspicion, for it would be supposed when the said ladies had agreed to everything that the King wished and were reconciled and favorably treated after they had renounced their rights, there could be no fear of their doing any mischief, and thus no suspicion would arise of their having received foul play.

The King and Concubine (age 35), impatient of longer delay, especially as they saw that proceedings were taken at Rome in good earnest, and that when your Majesty goes thither the provisions will be enforced, determined to make an end of the Queen's process, as you will see by what follows. It must have been very convenient for them that she died before the Princess, for several reasons, and, among others, because it was at her instance that proceedings were taken at Rome, and because they had less hope of being able to bring her over to their opinions, reckoning more upon her constancy by reason of age than on that of her daughter, especially because, not being naturally subject to their laws, they could not constrain her by justice as they could her daughter. Further, I think the cupidity which governs them has led them more to anticipate the death of the mother, as they will not be obliged to restore the dowry.

Henry VIII Tournament Accident

On 24 Jan 1536 [her former husband] Henry VIII (age 44) held a tournament at the Palace of Placentia, Greenwich [Map] some two weeks after Catherine of Aragon's (deceased) death.

Funeral of Catherine of Aragon

On 29 Jan 1536 Catherine of Aragon (deceased) was buried at Peterborough Cathedral [Map] at a service for a Princess rather than Queen.

Bishop John Hilsey preached, alleging that, in the hour of death, she had acknowledged that she had never been Queen of England.

Eleanor Brandon Countess Cumberland (age 17) was Chief Mourner. [her former husband] Henry VIII (age 44) refused their daughter [her daughter] Mary (age 19) permission to attend. On the same day Queen Anne Boleyn of England (age 35) miscarried a child.

William Harvey (age 26) attended; the only officer of arms to do so.

Letters 1536. Vienna Archives. 284. Death and Burial of Katharine of Arragon.

The good Queen (deceased) died in a few days, of God knows what illness, on Friday, 7 Jan. 1536. Next day her body was taken into the Privy Chamber and placed under the canopy of State (sous le dhoussier et drapt destat), where it rested seven days, without any other solemnity than four flambeaux continually burning. During this time a leaden coffin was prepared, in which the body was enclosed on Saturday, the 15th, and borne to the chapel. The vigils of the dead were said the same day, and next day one mass and no more, without any other light than six torches of rosin. On Sunday, the 16th, the body was removed again into the Privy Chamber, where it remained till Saturday following. Meanwhile an "estalage," which we call a chapelle ardente, was arranged, with 56 wax candles in all, and the house hung with two breadths of the lesser frieze of the country. On Saturday, the 22nd, it was again brought to the chapel, and remained until the masses of Thursday following, during which time solemn masses were said in the manner of the country, at which there assisted by turns as principals the Duchess of Suffolk (age 16), the Countess of Worcester (age 34), the young Countess of Oxford (age 18), the Countess of Surrey (age 19), and Baronesses Howard (age 21), Willoughby (age 24), Bray, and Gascon (sic).

25 Jan 1536. On Tuesday1 following, as they were beginning mass, four banners of crimson taffeta were brought, two of which bore the arms of the Queen, one those of England, with three "lambeaulx blancs," which they say are of Prince Arthur; the fourth had the two, viz., of Spain and England, together. There were also four great golden [standards]. On one was painted the Trinity, on the second Our Lady, on the third St. Katharine, and on the fourth St. George; and by the side of these representations the said arms were depicted in the above order; and in like manner the said arms were simply, and without gilding (? dourance), painted and set over all the house, and above them a simple crown, distinguished from that of the kingdom which is closed. On Wednesday after the robes of the Queen's 10 ladies were completed, who had not till then made any mourning, except with kerchiefs on their heads and old robes. This day, at dinner, the countess of Surrey held state, who at the vigils after dinner was chief mourner. On Thursday, after mass, which was no less solemn than the vigils of the day before, the body was carried from the chapel and put on a waggon, to be conveyed not to one of the convents of the Observant Friars, as the Queen had desired before her death, but at the pleasure of the King, her husband, to the Benedictine Abbey of Peterborough, and they departed in the following order:—First, 16 priests or clergymen in surplices went on horseback, without saying a word, having a gilded laten cross borne before them; after them several gentlemen, of whom there were only two of the house, "et le demeurant estoient tous emprouvez," and after them followed the maître d'hotel and chamberlain, with their rods of office in their hands; and, to keep them in order, went by their sides 9 or 10 heralds, with mourning hoods and wearing their coats of arms; after them followed 50 servants of the aforesaid gentlemen, bearing torches and "bâtons allumés," which lasted but a short time, and in the middle of them was drawn a waggon, upon which the body was drawn by six horses all covered with black cloth to the ground. The said waggon was covered with black velvet, in the midst of which was a great silver cross; and within, as one looked upon the corpse, was stretched a cloth of gold frieze with a cross of crimson velvet, and before and behind the said waggon stood two gentlemen ushers with mourning hoods looking into the waggon, round which the said four banners were carried by four heralds and the standards with the representations by four gentlemen. Then followed seven ladies, as chief mourners, upon hackneys, that of the first being harnessed with black velvet and the others with black cloth. After which ladies followed the waggon of the Queen's gentlemen; and after them, on hackneys, came nine ladies, wives of knights. Then followed the waggon of the Queen's chambermaids; then her maids to the number of 36, and in their wake followed certain servants on horseback.

In this order the royal corpse was conducted for nine miles of the country, i.e., three French leagues, as far as the abbey of Sautry [Map], where the abbot and his monks received it and placed it under a canopy in the choir of the church, under an "estalage" prepared for it, which contained 408 candles, which burned during the vigils that day and next day at mass. Next day a solemn mass was chanted in the said abbey of Sautry [Map], by the Bishop of Ely, during which in the middle of the church 48 torches of rosin were carried by as many poor men, with mourning hoods and garments. After mass the body was borne in the same order to the abbey of Peterborough, where at the door of the church it was honorably received by the bishops of Lincoln, Ely, and Rochester, the Abbot of the place, and the abbots of Ramsey, Crolain (Crowland), Tournan (Thorney), Walden and Thaem (Tame), who, wearing their mitres and hoods, accompanied it in procession till it was placed under the chapelle ardente which was prepared for it there, upon eight pillars of beautiful fashion and roundness, upon which were placed about 1,000 candles, both little and middle-sized, and round about the said chapel 18 banners waved, of which one bore the arms of the Emperor, a second those of England, with those of the King's mother, prince Arthur, the Queen of Portugal, sister of the deceased, Spain, Arragon, and Sicily, and those of Spain and England with three "lambeaulx," those of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, who married the daughter of Peter the Cruel, viz., "le joux des beufz," the bundle of Abbot of arrows, the pomegranate (granade), the lion and the greyhound. Likewise there were a great number of little pennons, in which were portrayed the devices of king Ferdinand, father of the deceased, and of herself; and round about the said chapel, in great gold letters was written, as the device of the said good lady, "Humble et loyale." Solemn vigils were said that day, and on the morrow the three masses by three bishops: the first by the Bishop of Rochester, with the Abbot of Thame as deacon, and the Abbot of Walden as sub-deacon; the second by the Bishop of Ely, with the Abbot of Tournay (Thorney) as deacon, and the Abbot of Peterborough as sub-deacon; the third by the Bishop of  Lincoln (age 63), with the Bishop of Llandaff as deacon, and that of Ely as sub-deacon; the other bishops and abbots aforesaid assisting at the said masses in their pontificals, so the ceremony was very sumptuous. The chief mourner was lady Eleanor (age 17), daughter of the Duke of Suffolk (age 52) and the French Queen, and niece of King Henry, widower now of the said good Queen. She was conducted to the offering by the Comptroller and Mr. Gust (Gostwick), new receiver of the moneys the King takes from the Church. Immediately after the offering was completed the Bishop of Rochester preached the same as all the preachers of England for two years have not ceased to preach, viz., against the power of the Pope, whom they call Bishop of Rome, and against the marriage of the said good Queen and the King, alleging against all truth that in the hour of death she acknowledged she had not been Queen of England. I say against all truth, because at that hour she ordered a writing to be made in her name addressed to the King as her husband, and to the ambassador of the Emperor, her nephew, which she signed with these words—Katharine, Queen of England—commending her ladies and servants to the favor of the said ambassador. At the end of the mass all the mourning ladies offered in the hands of the heralds each three ells in three pieces of cloth of gold which were upon the body, and of this "accoutrements" will be made for the chapel where the annual service will be performed for her. After the mass the body was buried in a grave at the lowest step of the high altar, over which they put a simple black cloth. In this manner was celebrated the funeral of her who for 27 years has been true Queen of England, whose holy soul, as every one must believe, is in eternal rest, after worldly misery borne by her with such patience that there is little need to pray God for her; to whom, nevertheless, we ought incessantly to address prayers for the weal (salut) of her living image whom she has left to us, the most virtuous Princess her daughter, that He may comfort her in her great and infinite adversities, and give her a husband to his pleasure, &c. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 6.

Note 1. This would be Tuesday, 1 Feb., if the chronology were strict; but the latest Tuesday that can be intended is 25 Jan.

Letters 1536. 10 Feb 1536. Vienna Archives. 282. Chapuys to Charles V.

Wrote on the 29th ult. The same day the Queen (deceased) was buried, and besides the ladies whom I mentioned, there were present four bishops and as many abbots, but no other man of mark except the comptroller of the King's Household. The place where she is buried in the church is far removed from the high altar, and much less honorable than that of certain bishops buried there; and even if they had not taken her for princess dowager as they have done in death and life, but only as simple baroness, they could not have given her a less honorable place, as I am told by men acquainted with those matters. Such are the great miracles and incredible magnificence which they gave me to understand they would put forth in honor of her memory as due alike to her great virtues and to her kindred. Possibly they will repair the fault by making a becoming monument in some suitable place.

Calendars. 17 Feb 1536. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 35).

On that very day the good Queen of England's (deceased) burial took place, which was attended by four bishops and as many abbots, besides the ladies mentioned in my preceding despatches. No other person of rank or name was present except the comptroller of the Royal household. The place where she lies in the cathedral church of Peterborough [Map] is a good way from the high altar, and in a less honourable position than that of several bishops buried in the same church. Had she not been a dowager Princess, as they have held her both in life and death, but simply a Lady, they could not have chosen a less distinguished place of rest for her, as the people who understand this sort of thing tell me. Such have been the wonderful display and incredible magnificence which these people gave me to understand would be lavished in honour and memory of one whose great virtues and royal relationship certainly entitled her to uncommon honours.

Perhaps one of these days they will repair their fault, and erect a suitable. Monument or institute some pious foundation to her memory in some suitable spot or other.

Calendars. 06 Mar 1536. 35. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.

His last letter, announcing the death and martyrdom of the Queen of England, was dated the 30th of January.

Since then he (Ortiz) has received one, dated the 19th of January, [from Chapuys?], informing him that the [her daughter] Princess (age 20) (Mary) was in good health. The Queen before dying showed well what her whole life had been; for not only did she ask for, and receive, all the sacraments ordained by the Church, but answered the questions put by the priest with such ardour and devotion that all present were edified. Some of those who were by her bedside, having suggested that it was not yet time to receive the sacrament of Extreme Unction, she replied that she wished to hear and understand everything that was said, and make fitting answers. She preserved her senses to the last, &c.

They say that when the [her former husband] king of England (age 44) heard of the death of his Queen, dressed in mauve silk as he was at the time, and with a white feather in his cap, he went to solace himself with the ladies of the palace. In fact it may well be said of him and of his kingdom what the Prophet Isaias says, cap. lvii., "Justus periet, et non est qui recogitet in corde suo, et viri misericordia colliguntur quia non est qui intelligat."

Her Highness the Queen was buried with the honors of a Princess [dowager], 18 miles from the place where she died, at an abbey called Yperberu [Map] (Peterborough), the King having only sent thither some ladies of his Court to attend the funeral. The King and the concubine (age 35) were not in London, but at a place on the road called Octinton [Map] (Huntingdon).

Anne Bolans (age 35) is now in fear of the King deserting her one of these days, in order to marry another lady.

The King having sent his ambassadors into Scotland to persuade the king (age 23) of that country to separate from, and refuse obedience to, the Apostolic See, it happened that the very day and moment when the English were delivering their embassy a storm arose, and a most tremendous clap of thunder was heard, at which king James (age 23) horrified rose from his seat, crossed himself, and exclaimed, "I scarcely know which of the two things has caused me most fear and horror, that thunder and lightning we have just heard, or the proposition you have made me." After which, and in the very presence of the English ambassadors, he ordered unconditional obedience to the Church to be proclaimed throughout his dominions.

Here, at Rome, when the news of the good Queen's death arrived, the Papal bull excommunicating king Henry for his iniquitous conduct, and depriving him of his kingdom, was already sealed and closed. Since then nothing further has been done in the matter, but the executory letters (executoriales) in the principal cause have actually been taken out, though with no small trouble.-Rome, 6 March 1536.

Since the above was written I have had a letter from the Imperial ambassador in France, in date of the 15th ultimo, intimating that, according to news received from England, the King wished to marry the Princess to a gentleman of his kingdom, and that king Francis had told the Imperial ambassador that in consequence of a fall from his horse king Henry had been two hours unconscious without speech1; seeing which Ana Bolans (age 35) (Boleyn) was so struck that she actually miscarried of a son. Great news these, for which we are bound to thank God, because, were the Princess to be married as reported, she may at once be considered out of danger; for her marriage may hereafter be dissolved and declared null, as it would effectually be owing to the violence used, and the evident fear the Princess has of her life, should she not consent to it. At any rate, it must be owned that though the King himself was not converted like St. Paul after his fall, at least his adulterous wife (age 35) has miscarried of a son.

Note 1. Que el Rey de Inglaterra auia caitlo con su cavallo, y estado mas de dos horas sin habla, de lo qual la Ana (age 35) tuvo tan grande alteracion que movió un hijo."


Anne Boleyn's Miscarriage

Calendars. On the same day that the Queen (deceased) was buried this King's concubine (age 35) miscarried of a child, who had the appearance of a nude about three months and a half old, at which miscarriage the [her former husband] King (age 44) has certainly shown great disappointment and sorrow. The concubine (age 35) herself has since attempted to throw all the blame on the duke of Norfolk (age 63), whom she hates, pretending that her mishap was entirely owing to the shock she received when, six days before, he (the Duke) came to announce to her the King's fall from his horse. But the King knows very well that it was not that, for his accident was announced to her in a manner not to create alarm; besides which, when she heard of it, she seemed quite indifferent to it. Upon the whole, the general opinion is that the concubine's miscarriage was entirely owing to defective constitution, and her utter inability to bear male children; whilst others imagine that the fear of the King treating her as he treated his late Queen, which is not unlikely, considering his behaviour towards a damsel of the Court, named Miss Seymour (age 27), to whom he has latterly made very valuable presents-is the oral cause of it all. The Princess' governess, her daughters, and a niece of hers, have greatly mourned over the concubines miscarriage, never ceasing to interrogate one of the Princess' most familiar maids in waiting on the subject, and asking whether their mistress had been informed of Anne's miscarriage, for if she had, as was most likely, they still would not for the world that she knew the rest of the affair and its causes, thereby intending to say that there was fear of the King's taking another wife.

Letters 1536. 25 Feb 1536. I forgot to write that among the news brought by Cromwell, he said it was reported in France that the good Queen (deceased) had been poisoned, and that the French alleged the said report came from the Spaniards; which news he could not report to me without some change of colour and bearing. I replied that I did not think there was a Spaniard in the said Court who would presume to publish such news there, and that the French must have spoken it as what they presumed themselves, and that some of the wiser heads among them, in order to speak more freely, had attributed it to the Spaniards. To which he said "que ainsi l'escriproit il." On my saying to Cromwell that to promote the amity which he spoke of, the way was not to persecute the Church and churchmen, he answered that they would proceed no further therein.

Marriage of Henry VIII and Jane Seymour

On 30 May 1536 [her former husband] Henry VIII (age 44) and Jane Seymour (age 27) were married at Whitehall Palace [Map] by Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester (age 53). She by marriage Queen Consort England. He the son of King Henry VII of England and Ireland and Elizabeth York Queen Consort England.

Eleanor Paston Countess Rutland (age 41) and Margaret Dymoke (age 36) were appointed Lady in Waiting to Queen Jane Seymour (age 27).

Jun 1536. The Second Succession Act 1536 28 Hen 8 c7 annulled Henry VIII's marriages to Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England and Queen Anne Boleyn of England (deceased), and removed Princesses [her daughter] Mary (age 20) and Elizabeth (age 2) from the Succession, declaring them both illegitimate.

Marriage of Henry VIII and Anne of Cleves

On 06 Jan 1540 [her former husband] Henry VIII (age 48) and Anne of Cleves (age 24) were married by Archbishop Thomas Cranmer (age 50) at the Palace of Placentia, Greenwich [Map]. Anne of Cleves (age 24) was crowned Queen Consort England. The difference in their ages was 24 years. She the daughter of John La Marck III Duke Cleves and Maria Jülich Berg Duchess Cleves. He the son of King Henry VII of England and Ireland and Elizabeth York Queen Consort England.

Catherine Carey (age 16) and Eleanor Paston Countess Rutland (age 45) were appointed Lady in Waiting to Anne of Cleves Queen Consort England (age 24).

Marriage of Henry VIII and Catherine Howard

On 28 Jul 1540 [her former husband] Henry VIII (age 49) and Catherine Howard (age 17) were married at Oatlands Palace [Map] by Bishop of London Edmund Bonner (age 40). She by marriage Queen Consort England. The difference in their ages was 31 years. He the son of King Henry VII of England and Ireland and Elizabeth York Queen Consort England.

Catherine Carey (age 16) and Eleanor Paston Countess Rutland (age 45) were appointed Lady in Waiting to Queen Catherine Howard of England (age 17).

Marriage of Henry VIII and Catherine Parr

On 12 Jul 1543 [her former husband] Henry VIII (age 52) and Catherine Parr (age 30) were married at Hampton Court Palace [Map]. She was crowned Queen Consort England. His sixth and last marriage, her third marriage; her previous husband had died four months before. The difference in their ages was 21 years. He the son of King Henry VII of England and Ireland and Elizabeth York Queen Consort England. They were third cousin once removed. She a great x 5 granddaughter of King Edward III of England.

Henry's two daughters [her daughter] Mary (age 27) and Elizabeth (age 9) attended, as did his niece Margaret Douglas Countess Lennox (age 27).

Catherine's sister Anne (age 28) attended with her husband William Herbert 1st Earl Pembroke (age 42).

Death of Henry VIII Accession of Edward VI

On 28 Jan 1547 [her former husband] Henry VIII (age 55) died at Whitehall Palace [Map]. His son King Edward VI of England and Ireland (age 9) succeeded VI King England. Earl Chester merged with the Crown.

Thomas Wendy (age 46) attended the King. He was one of the witnesses to the King's last will and testament, for which he received £100.

Evelyn's Diary. 30 Aug 1654. Taking leave of my friends, who had now feasted me more than a month, I, with my wife (age 19), etc., set our faces toward home, and got this evening to Peterborough [Map], passing by a stately palace (Thorpe) of St. John's (one deep in the blood of our good king), built out of the ruins of the Bishop's palace and cloister. The church is exceeding fair, full of. Monuments of great antiquity. Here lies Queen Catherine, the unhappy wife of [her former husband] Henry VIII, and the no less unfortunate Mary, Queen of Scots. On the steeple, we viewed the fens of Lincolnshire, now much inclosed and drained with infinite expense, and by many sluices, cuts, mounds, and ingenious mills, and the like inventions; at which the city and country about it consisting of a poor and very lazy sort of people, were much displeased.

Anne Bourchier Baroness Dacre Gilsland was appointed Lady of the Bedchamber to Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England.

Margaret Bourchier 1st Baroness Bryan was appointed Lady in Waiting to Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England.

Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England 1485-1536 appears on the following Descendants Family Trees:

King Edward III of England 1312-1377

John of Gaunt 1st Duke Lancaster 1340-1399

Philippa of Hainault Queen Consort England 1314-1369

Isabella Queen Castile 1451-1504

Royal Ancestors of Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England 1485-1536

Kings Wessex: Great x 13 Grand Daughter of King Edmund "Ironside" I of England

Kings Gwynedd: Great x 18 Grand Daughter of Maredudd ab Owain King Deheubarth King Powys King Gwynedd

Kings Seisyllwg: Great x 20 Grand Daughter of Hywel "Dda aka Good" King Seisyllwg King Deheubarth

Kings Powys: Great x 18 Grand Daughter of Maredudd ab Owain King Deheubarth King Powys King Gwynedd

Kings England: Great x 3 Grand Daughter of King Edward III of England

Kings Scotland: Great x 11 Grand Daughter of Malcolm III King Scotland

Kings Franks: Great x 9 Grand Daughter of Louis VII King Franks

Kings France: Great x 5 Grand Daughter of Philip "The Fair" IV King France

Royal Descendants of Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England 1485-1536

Queen Mary I of England and Ireland x 1

Ancestors of Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England 1485-1536

Great x 1 Grandfather: Ferdinand I King Aragon 6 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England

GrandFather: John II King Aragon 7 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England

Great x 1 Grandmother: Eleanor of Alberquerque Queen Consort Aragon 6 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England

Father: Ferdinand II King Aragon 8 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England

Great x 1 Grandfather: Fadrique Enríquez Count Melgar Count Rueda 7 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England

GrandMother: Juana Enríquez Queen Consort Aragon 8 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England

Great x 1 Grandmother: Mariana Fernández Countess Melgar

Catherine of Aragon Queen Consort England 3 x Great Grand Daughter of King Edward III of England

Great x 1 Grandfather: Henry III King Castile 6 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England

GrandFather: John II King Castile Great Grand Son of King Edward III of England

Great x 1 Grandmother: Catherine of Lancaster Queen Consort Castile Grand Daughter of King Edward III of England

Mother: Isabella Queen Castile 2 x Great Grand Daughter of King Edward III of England

Great x 1 Grandfather: Prince John Aviz Constable Portugal Great Grand Son of King Edward III of England

GrandMother: Isabella Aviz Queen Consort Castile 2 x Great Grand Daughter of King Edward III of England

Great x 1 Grandmother: Isabella of Braganza 7 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England