Calendars. 21 Apr 1536. Wien. Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229½, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

In fulfilment of the commands and instructions contained in the latter, I at once wrote to the Princess what seemed to me most advisable under the circumstances; but, as Your Majesty must since have received several despatches of mine, giving an account of the situation of affairs here, and as nothing, moreover, has happened since that time to alter my views concerning the negociations now pending, I will not trouble Your Majesty with a repetition of my own sentiments in that respect There only remains for me to give my opinion as to what ought and might be stipulated in favour of the Princess in case of Your Majesty coming to treat with the French; yet as in the event of the latter agreeing to some of the articles specified in Your Majesty's letter of the 11th my own opinion and advice would hardly be required, I will also abstain from giving it here until I hear what the real intentions of the French are.

The night of the day on which Your Majesty's letter of the 28th came to hand, was entirely spent in deciphering its contents, which being done, on Easter Day, after dinner, I went to call on Master Cromwell at a very fine house, which the King has presented him with, completely furnished, three leagues from this city. Before communicating the news received from Your Majesty, or showing the letters I had for him, I reminded him of our frequent conversations with respect to mutual friendship and amity, and especially of our conference on the eve of St. Mathias. Finding him as firm and constant as ever in his purpose, and as determined to bring the negotiation to an issue; hearing from his own lips, and without any allusion on my part, that his indignation at French behaviour had lately increased, I did not hesitate to hand over to him Your Majesty's letter, which he kissed and received most reverently, assuring me over and over again that he really knew not how to acknowledge the immense favour and honour you did him by deigning to write to such an insignificant person as he was.

Having thus fully declared to him what Your Majesty's views and intentions were respecting the four points, as contained in your last letter, I found the secretary more opposed than ever he was on the first point, and raising much greater difficulties, objecting, among other things, that the offence given to his master, the King, by the Apostolic See was so fresh, and the statutes promulgated against him so recent, that it would be very difficult, not to say impossible, to undo suddenly what had been done so deliberately; but that, nevertheless the friendship between Your Majesty and this King once consolidated, you might in time have greater authority and credit to persuade his master to a reconciliation with the Apostolic See. On the other hand, observed Cromwell, "the Pope is doing all he can to bring about that reconciliation. Not many days ago his son (fn. n2) requested a great personage of the Roman Court to write me a letter, to say that for the honor of God he (Farnese) intended to take the affair in hand, and that should the King, my master, feel inclined, to treat, he would find the Pope disposed to gratify and please him as much as he possibly could. The, Pope's son further said to him, that should the King refuse to listen to his proposals, His Holiness would be obliged to give up altogether the friendship of France." After these words, Cromwell sent for the secretary, who had the said letter in his keeping, that he might show it to me. The secretary, however, happened not to be in the office, at which Cromwell was much displeased and disappointed, telling me, as he again did the day after, which was the 10th, that he wished me above all things to see and read the letters he had received from Rome, which would he sent to me for inspection. However, having asked him what the writer of that letter meant by saying that should king Henry refuse to listen to his overtures, he (the Pope) would be obliged to forsake the friendship of France, Cromwell at first gave some sort of evasive answer. I insisted and said that it seemed to me highly improbable that the Pope, having already lost the obedience of the, English, should be so careless of French friendship as to run the risk not only of alienating that kingdom, but also of losing its co-operation in any plan he might have conceived for the restoration of his authority. This I said to Cromwell for fear this king, who is credulous enough in all matters that are agreeable to him, should attach faith to the words of the letter, and incline to the said reconciliation under the impression that were the Pope to lose the friendship of the French, he himself might prevail on Francis to adhere to his opinion on religious matters, and make use of him at will. To this last argument of mine Cromwell made no reply, save say to that he really could not understand what was meant by those words; and yet, said he, they were in the letter, as I should soon have occasion to see. My own interpretation of this curious enigma is that the Pope's son, as I fancy, wishes to imply tacitly that His Holiness has hitherto abstained from making a league with Your Majesty, and has rather shown partiality towards Francis through the latterhinting to him that it was in his power to make king Henry return to the obedience of the Holy Apostolic See.

I did not fail on this occasion to appear exceedingly glad that such gracious, humane, and honourable offers had been made. I told Cromwell that it seemed to me as if the King, his master, could not expect more, after their doing his pleasure in all matters, than to be kindly solicited and requested by those very parties whom he had mostly offended—namely, His Holiness and Your Majesty—to acquiesce in so just and necessary a demand for the discharge of his (the Kings) conscience, and the tranquillity, not only of his own kingdom, but of all Christendom at large. By which means the troubles and commotions now afflicting Christendom would be appeased, and its forces turned against the infidel, in doing which, I added, the King could really boast of being pater patriæ et pacis, and the conqueror both of His Holiness and of Your Majesty, since they had actually come to beg and entreat him for a reconciliation.

After these and other similar representations, which Cromwell confessed were quite true, he added that he sincerely hoped all would be set right in time, and that for the present he would continue to work strenuously in promoting the said affair, and would not let any opportunity slip of bringing it before his master.

Respecting the second point, which related exclusively to the Princess, Cromwell said that there could be no doubt that the King would behave towards her as the virtuous and magnanimous prince and father that he was; but that being a thing which depended entirely upon the King's own good feeling, it was not an article to be included in the treaty, nor one to which the King ought to be compelled to agree; it should be left entirely to his own discretion. The King, he said, was only waiting for some opportunity to show the affection he bore to the Princess; he (Cromwell) had made, and was still making, every possible and fit representation to him on the subject, and what could not be done immediately would be accomplished whenever the said friendship was fairly established.

With regard to the third point, Cromwell answered as fully and liberally as he had done on a former occasion.

He assured me, with regard to the fourth, that the King, his master, disapproved highly of Francis' inhuman behavior towards Monseigneur de Savoie, and described his undertaking against Milan, in spite of sworn treaties, as highly inconsiderate and wild. The conduct of the French in Italy, the King had remarked, would bring shame and discredit upon them, besides alarming all the princes and powers in Christendom. The King, his master, Cromwell assured me, had written this much to Francis. Notwithstanding the secretary's last asseveration, I do not know what to believe of all this, for happening to speak twice to the King on the subject, praising him on both occasions for his views of the affair, and for the letter he had written to Francis, I found him rather vacillating and irresolute, telling me, in the first instance, that he had actually written blaming the conduct of the Most Christian, and then again that those were matters with which he did not intend to meddle. And as Cromwell himself now said that, if I desired it, the King, his master, would dispatch a personage of his court to France, to tell the Most Christian to desist at once from his enterprises in Italy and elsewhere, against the letter of existing treaties, as otherwise he (Henry) would be obliged to adhere closely to those he had with Your Majesty, I had very good reasons to disbelieve Cromwell's former statement. However this may be, I took no notice of it, accepted gladly the offer made, and earnestly requested Cromwell to do his utmost towards gaining that point, and preparing the King for my next interview with him, which he faithfully promised.

This being settled, Cromwell began again to descant on the determination of the members of the Privy Council, without a single exception, to establish the said friendship, as well as on the little affection they professed for France, so much so, he said, that for some days past all and each of them in particular have been unanimous in telling the King that not one of them is now in favour of the French, but would openly declare against them were they not aware that he (the King) still clings to their King. Were it not for that consideration the Privy Councillors (added Cromwell) would not hesitate to declare that they cared more for one single hair of Your Majesty's head than for king Francis and all his people put together. Cromwell then hinted that the King, his master, already considered the French army as defeated and broken up, owing to Your Majesty's superior military power, and that if he (the King) were in your place, he would remain longer in the neighbourhood of Rome and dissemble, thus allowing the French to penetrate further into Italy with their armies, and then and there fall suddenly upon them and prevent their doing further mischief.

Among other opprobrious things which Cromwell said of the French on this occasion, one was that king Francis has now an ambassador residing at the court of the Grand Turk. As a proof thereof he said to me:—"I am not in the habit of concealing from you news tending to increase our mutual confidence, and therefore I will disclose to you a wickedness (merchanterie) of the French, such as you yourself have no idea of" Upon which he went into his private chamber and brought out a letter, which he showed to me, stating that the Turk at Constantinople had feasted and entertained very handsomely the French ambassador, who had already concluded in his master's name a treaty of defensive and offensive alliance with him. "If the report be true" added Cromwell, "the King, my master, will not cease to incite, or make war against the king of France until his total ruin;" for since he has so cruelly and unjustly attacked his own uncle, Monseigneur de Savoie, what can be expected of him with regard to those princes of whom he might better make his profit, especially if he knew that they could, if they chose, invade his kingdom (fn. n5) In saying which, Cromwell no doubt meant that had the French as much power of doing harm to England, as the English now have of harming France, they would not leave them alone, but that seeing the house of their neighbour on fire they wished to take care of their own first. He then added that certainly this was the time, as I had told him, before the effects of French alliance with the Turk were felt [in Europe], to apply a remedy to the evil. "The King, my master (Cromwell said), ought on no account to let the opportunity slip of rendering such a signal service to God and Christendom, and such a pleasure to so good, a friend of En gland as the Emperor is. That opportunity, I fancy, the King, my master, will not let pass; all Francis' pretensions are evidently centred on Milan, to obtain which he would readily grant anything that was demanded of him, without refusing any of the conditions imposed." To avoid prolixity, I will say nothing about the means and suggestions of which I have made use to engage Cromwell to work on the above lines; suffice it to say that I am confident that he cannot take any unfair advantage of what I have told him.

Upon the whole, Cromwell repeated to me many a time that the news I had imparted could not be more agreeable than they were; I could not have afforded him greater pleasure by giving him 25,000 crs. in money than by communicating the said information. It had arrived just at the fit time, before the arrival of the gentleman who was shortly to return from France, and that, although he himself had determined not to go to Court for the next three days, he would certainly go as early as he could for the purpose of announcing the news to his master.

At the end of our interview I informed him of the answer that the queen regent of Flanders had sent respecting the release of the two Germans detained there; but scarcely would he attend to my excuses, saying that it was an affair of no importance at all, and that there was no need for mixing it up with the principal one, on which all the others depended; although it must be said that only three days before he had spoken to one of my men in very haughty and irritating terms.

I was hardly in the saddle to return home than Cromwell sent one of his clerks to inform the King in all haste that I was the bearer of wonderfully pleasing news. Next day, which was Easter Monday, Cromwell himself went to Court, before the King's levee, and in the afternoon of that day sent me word that he had shown Your Majesty's letter to the King, and literally recited all our conversation. The King had heard the account with pleasure, and desired that I should appear at Court on the following Tuesday, at about 10 o'clock in the morning, where I should be welcome, and get such an answer as would greatly please me.

Calendars. 21 Apr 1536. Wien. Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229½, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

Accordingly, on Tuesday morning, I left for a house which I hire between London and Greenwich, and where Cromwell, coming from one he has in the neighbourhood, met me, and fully confirmed the message he had sent me on the previous day. Among other things I said to him, one was that I again prayed him, as I had done the day before, not only to work with me for the success of the affair, but likewise to instruct and guide me as to what I ought to say to the King, what I ought to do and solicit, and against whom. I said that Your Majesty trusted in him fully, and that he ought to consider what honour it would be for himself to contribute to the good issue of the affair in hand, so important to public welfare. Cromwell's answer was, that although he thought I had no need of such advice, he would, nevertheless, tell me his opinion, for me to make such use of it as my discretion might dictate.

At Court I had from the Privy Councillors and other lords such a cordial and honourable reception that nothing better could be wished for, all and every one of them coming up to congratulate one upon the prosperous news just received, praising, above all things, the good offices which they presumed I had rendered, for the accomplishment of so desirable a work. The concubine's brother, lord Rochefort (age 33), among the rest, signalised himself most particularly by his hearty congratulations. I could not help hinting to him that I had no doubt he was as much pleased as any other of the King's courtiers at the favorable prospect of affairs, and believed he would co-operate as well as the rest to ensure the success of one which could not fail to be beneficial to the community at large, and especially to himself and family. Rochefort (age 33) seemed particularly pleased at this hint of mine, and I myself dissembled as 'much as I could, avoiding all occasion of entering into conversation with him or discussing his Lutheran principles, of which he is so proud that he cannot abstain from boasting of them in public.

Letters 1536. 21 Apr 1536. Vienna Archives. 699. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

One of the greatest disappointments I have suffered has been not being able to effect (exploicter) in this matter what your Majesty desires. Greater vigilance and dexterity could not have been used than has been done. I have forborne to write it all, fearing that what I write is already too long, and I beg you to excuse me that I have not been able to do better.—Suggests that if the Emperor, weary of pursuing matters with the English, thinks it expedient to treat with the French, the whole matter should be brought forward by means of the Pope, as they have to do with men of little faith, and that the king of France should promise to obey the commands of the Holy See, especially about the matrimonial sentence and its consequences; and it should be said that if, in consequence of this King's obstinacy, it be necessary to proceed to the promulgation of the bull depriving him of his kingdom, that the right to the kingdom is entirely reserved to the Princess, so that she may not lose the pension and claim of France; and it would be necessary, to give greater occasion to see to the preservation of her life, to arrange something in favor of the lawful successors, or the assistance to your Majesty in the pursuit of her quarrels; and though I think your Majesty would not listen to it, it should be expressly said that neither you nor the said King shall regard as lawful any issue that this King may have of his concubine (age 35), nor of any other wife during her life; which agreement is in conformity with the sentence and with law, unless the Pope dispenses with it, and it would be necessary at once to constrain the Pope not to give such a dispensation; and I think that if this King heard that a part of this had been arranged he would suddenly come to his senses without waiting for the said force to be applied. If your Majesty thinks the matter should be pursued here, it could not but do good to thank the Chancellor and the Duke of Norfolk (age 63) by letter for their good will, begging them to continue.

Letters 1536. 21 Apr 1536. Vienna Archives. 699. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Hereupon, without having given him any occasion except [that I desired] he would take with extreme gentleness and patience what I showed him, he began to be somewhat angry, and reproached your Majesty with great ingratitude, saying that without him you would not have acquired the Empire or enjoyed Spain, and that after you had been elected you had not only treated him with neglect, but had tried to get him declared schismatic and deprived of his kingdom, and that you ("quil," qu "quelle"? i.e. vre. Majesté) had not kept your promise to him not to make peace with the king of France till you had obtained for him the crown of France, and that when Francis was your prisoner you had replied you would not make war on your prisoner. He concealed the other article of the reply, viz., that he had already made a compact with the Chancellor of Alençon, as I showed him, telling him, as to the declarations he spoke of, that he himself had affirmed to me, (and I had not since spoken to him), that he knew well it was the Pope who solicited his (qu. your?) Majesty about it, but that if he was well informed he would find that immediately after the Admiral had left ill content with the last meeting at Calais there were others who solicited the same declarations. I did not cease to beg the King to put all this aside, urging that if there had been in the past any ill understanding so much the more earnest should be the good offices; and I quoted certain authorities and histories serving to this purpose. I afterwards told the King that since he would not give me a more formal answer I begged him to write to his ambassador with your Majesty. He remained some time without knowing what to reply, but afterwards said that if I wished it he was willing to do it, but in that case he held the said reply as not given; and then immediately afterwards said to me that his ambassador was not fit for this, and that I must have the honor since I had made the beginning. The Chancellor and Cromwell appeared to regret these answers, and in spite of the King's gestures (bonnes mynes) to them that they should applaud him, neither of them would say three words. The conclusion was that he would next day look over the treaties he had with your Majesty, and inform me of what they determined. At this slender and provoking reply, after compliments to the Duke of Norfolk (age 63) and others of the Council, I left the Court, and went to wait on Cromwell at the place where we met in the morning, and there we expressed our mutual regret, which was great on both sides, especially on that of Cromwell, who was hardly able to speak for sorrow, and had never been more mortified in his life than with the said reply. I suggested to him that we should suspend the other matters, and consider what could be done about the fourth point, and as to marrying the Princess;—at which he recovered his spirits, and said he had still hope of a good result. Next day, Wednesday of Easter week, the King's whole Council were assembled for three or four hours; and, as Cromwell informed me, there was not one of them but remained long on his knees before the King to beg him, for the honor of God, not to lose so good an opportunity of establishing a friendship so necessary and advantageous; but they had not been able to change his opinion, and that he would sooner suffer all the ills in the world than confess tacitly or expressly that he had done you any injury, or that he desired this friendship, but that if asked for it in good form, as he had said, he would be content. Today, Thursday, Cromwell reported the above to me, and thanked me on the part of the King for the good office I had done, begging me on his part also to continue till the establishment of this friendship was achieved, and that afterwards all the other points would be disposed of to your Majesty's satisfaction; and begged, for the honor of God, that I would at least obtain a letter of credence addressed to the King, saying that the King would liberally acknowledge my trouble. Moreover, he has given me to understand that he told the King his master that if he had known what has taken place in this affair, he would not have meddled with it for all the gold in England, and that henceforth he would not treat with ambassadors without having a colleagne; telling me also that although he had always pretended that what he said to me was of his own suggestion, yet he had neither said nor done anything without express command from the King. On my asking him what could have made this variation in the King's will, he said he could not imagine what spirit it was, and that at least I had given him no occasion, for the King himself was satisfied with the moderate language I had used; and he concluded that princes have spirits or properties which are hidden and unknown to all others. By which conversations Cromwell showed covertly his dissatisfaction at the strange contradictions of his master. He also told me that the King was writing to his ambassadors in France to desire the French king to desist from his enterprises, and that he had spoken of it yesterday also to the French ambassador, who, as the said Cromwell told me, came back yesterday from Court as mortified as I was the day before.

Letters 1536. 21 Apr 1536. Vienna Archives. 699. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Perceiving by this conversation that the King's affection was not sincere, I did not enter further into business, but only asked him if the king of France were to break or attempt to break any other article touching the duke of Gueldres or other matters, whether he would not aid your Majesty according to the treaties. He replied that, so far as he found himself bound, he would acquit himself better than several others had done towards him; and as to the rest, in which he was not bound, he would give satisfaction as occasion was given to him. Returning to the subject of the war against the duke of Savoy, he wished me to understand, notwithstanding that I had told him what you had written to me, that the said war was not against the will of your Majesty, and also that the duke of Savoy had lately offered to come to the court of France, "sur quoy ne resta a luy donner assez raisons a lopposite." After this he called the Chancellor and Cromwell, and made me repeat before them what I had said to him, which I did succinctly, without interruption from him or the others. After which they talked together, while I conversed and made some acquaintance with the brother (age 36) of the young lady [Jane Seymour (age 27)] to whom the King is now attached, always keeping an eye upon the gestures of the King and those with him. There seemed to be some dispute and considerable anger, as I thought, between the King and Cromwell; and after a considerable time Cromwell grumbling (recomplant (?) et grondissant) left the conference in the window where the King was, excusing himself that he was so very thirsty (altere) that he was quite exhausted, as he really was with pure vexation (de pur enuyt), and sat down upon a coffer out of sight of the King, where he sent for something to drink. Shortly afterwards the King came out of the conclave, I know not whether to come near me, or to see where Cromwell was. He told me that the matters proposed were so important that without having my propositions in writing he could not communicate them to his Council or make me any reply. I told him that I was not forbidden to do so, but I could not venture, for several reasons, and I thought it a new thing, seeing that hitherto he had not asked anything of me by way of writing, and had never found me variable or vacillating, either now or before, and that I had learned from his ambassadors whom he sent to Bologna to your Majesty to make such refusal, although they had not such good reason for it as I; also I had taken example of Cromwell, who had never given me anything in writing; and if he wished such writing to be assured that there was no dissimulation on your Majesty's part, I would offer my ears, which I would give far more unwillingly than all the writings in the world, if there should be any deceit on the side of your Majesty;—with which conversation, as Cromwell told me afterwards, the King was far better assured than before, taking this offer in good part. Nevertheless, he insisted wonderfully on having the said writing, and said several times very obstinately that he would give no reply. Nevertheless, he did reply, confusedly and in anger, to the following effect:—(1.) The affair of the Pope did not concern your Majesty, if you did not wish to meddle with it to vindicate your authority over the whole world, and if he wished to treat with His Holiness he has means and friends without needing your intercession. (2.) Concerning the Princess she was his daughter, and he would treat her according as she obeyed him or not, and no one else had a right to interfere. (3.) As to the subvention against the Turk, it was necessary first to re-establish old friendship before putting people to expense. (4.) As to the fourth, which was most urgent, and which I have chiefly pressed, he said he would not violate any promise he has made, or refuse the friendship of any one who desired it, provided it was such as was becoming, but that he was no longer a child, and that they must not give him the stick, and then caress him, appealing to him and begging him. In saying this, to show how he was experienced in business, he began playing with his fingers on his knees, and doing as if he were calling a child to pacify it, [and said] that before asking an injured person for favor and aid it was necessary to acknowledge old favors. And on my saying that we had been so long treating of this re-establishment, and I had pressed for an overture of what he wished to be done, but to no purpose, he answered that it was not for him to make an overture, but for those who sought him. I replied that if he who was hurt did not show his wound it was impossible to heal it. He then said he wished your Majesty would write to him, [desiring] that if there had been in the past any ingratitude or error on your part towards him, he would forget it, [and] requesting him to show that the root of old amity is not disturbed. I told him this was not reasonable, and he moderated the proposal, suggesting that you should request him not to speak any more of the past. I said no other letter was needed, because I asked it of him in the name of your Majesty; but he persisted that he must have letters, and it was no use reminding him of what he has several times said to me before, that delay is the ruin of all good works.

Letters 1536. 21 Apr 1536. Vienna Archives. 699. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

On coming to Court I was most cordially received by all the Lords of the Council, who congratulated me on the happy news, praising greatly the good service they presumed that I had done,—especially Lord Rochford (age 33), the Concubine's (age 35) brother, to whom I said that I did not doubt that he had as great pleasure in what was taking place as any other, and that he would assist as in a matter for the benefit of the whole world, but especially of himself and his friends. He showed me "fort grosse chiere," and I dissembled in the same way with him, avoiding all occasions of entering into Lutheran discussions, from which he could not refrain.

Before the King went out to mass Cromwell came to me on his part to ask if I would not go and visit and kiss the Concubine (age 35), which would be doing a pleasure to this King; nevertheless, he left it to me. I told him that for a long time my will had been slave to that of the King, and that to serve him it was enough to command me; but that I thought, for several reasons, which I would tell the King another time, such a visit would not be advisable, and I begged Cromwell to excuse it, and dissuade the said visit in order not to spoil matters. Immediately afterwards Cromwell came to tell me that the King had taken it all in good part, hoping that hereafter "lon y supplyeroit assez," and he immediately added that after dinner I should speak with the King at leisure, and that on leaving him, agreeably to their custom, I ought to see those of the Council and explain my charge. I told him that I thought things were so honorable and reasonable, and had been foreseen so long, that I thought the King would make up his mind immediately; and if not, he to whom my credence was addressed would make a far better report to the Council than I could; nevertheless, that till I had heard part of the King's will, I could neither promise to go, nor not to go, to the said Council, though I meant to speak particularly to all, and do all that they would counsel me. Just after this the King came out and gave me a very kind reception, holding for some time his bonnet in his hand, and not allowing me to be uncovered longer than himself; and after asking how I was, and telling me that I was very welcome, he inquired of the good health of your Majesty and showed himself very glad to hear good news. He then asked where you were, and on my telling him that the courier had left you near Rome, he said that by the date of your Majesty's letters to his Secretary it appeared that you were at Gaeta when the courier left. Hereupon he asked if you would stay long at Rome, and on my telling him that I thought not, unless your Majesty could gratify him by a long delay, for which purpose I was sure you would make no difficulty either in remaining or doing anything else that you could on his account, he said he thought it would have been better for your interests not to have come so soon to Rome, but to have staid in Naples, so as to afford a bait to those who needed it to involve themselves further in the meshes. I said that there was still time enough to use such dissimulation, and that I was sure you would in this and other matters be glad to follow his counsel as that of a very old friend, good brother, and, as it were, a father, as he might understand by what I should tell him hereafter more at leisure. On this he said, Well, we should have leisure to discuss all matters. I was conducted to mass by Lord Rochford (age 33), the concubine's brother, and when the King came to the offering there was a great concourse of people partly to see how the concubine and I behaved to each other. She was courteous enough, for when I was behind the door by which she entered, she returned, merely to do me reverence as I did to her. After mass the King went to dine at the concubine's lodging, whither everybody accompanied him except myself, who was conducted by Rochford (age 33) to the King's Chamber of Presence, and dined there with all the principal men of the Court. I am told the concubine (age 35) asked the King why I did not enter there as the other ambassadors did, and the King replied that it was not without good reason. Nevertheless, I am told by one who heard her, the said concubine after dinner said that it was a great shame in the king of France to treat his uncle, the duke of Savoy, as he did, and to make war against Milan so as to break the enterprise against the Turks; and that it really seemed that the king of France, weary of his life on account of his illnesses, wished by war to put an end to his days. As soon as the King had dined, he, in passing by where I was, made me the same caress as in the morning, and, taking me by the hand, led me into his chamber, whither only the Chancellor and Cromwell followed. He took me apart to a window. I reminded him of several conversations which Cromwell and I had had, and also of those of your ambassador in France with Wallop, and also of the old affection your Majesty had borne him, and began to declare your will touching the four points, taking the utmost care to speak as gently as possible, that he might not find grounds of quarrel or irritation. He heard me patiently and without interruption, till at last, on my saying that your Majesty, desirous above all things of the peace of Christendom, had forborne your claim to Burgundy, which you might demand by a much better title than the invaders of Savoy and Milan, he answered that Milan belonged to the king of France, and the duchy of Burgundy also, for you had renounced it by the treaty of Cambray, which qualified the unreasonable conditions of that of Madrid, and that even if Milan had now come to your hands the defensive treaties comprehended only the lordships possessed at the time they were passed. I showed him, but not without difficulty, that he was illinformed about your rights to Milan and Burgundy, and also that when those treaties were made you were the lawful Lord of Milan, and he who held it was only feudatory, after whose death the duchy was not newly acquired by your Majesty, but had only been consolidated; which argument, as Cromwell informs me, has since been weighed and approved by the King and his Council.

Letters 1536. 21 Apr 1536. Vienna Archives. 699. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

As to the third point, he replied fully and liberally as he had done before. When we came to the fourth, he declared the King his master was very much disgusted at the inhumanity the French king had shown to the duke of Savoy, and blamed the enterprise Francis made upon Milan as rash and illconsidered, and in violation of treaties. He said the King had written to this effect to Francis; but I do not know how to believe it, for when I spoke with the King himself, praising him for having done such a good office, I found him vacillate, telling me at one time that he had warned the king of France, and at another that it was not a matter for him to trouble himself with. And Cromwell told me that if I wished it his master would send some good personage to the king of France to warn him to desist from the said enterprise, otherwise he would consider himself bound to fulfil his treaties with your Majesty. I accepted the offer at once, and begged him as earnestly as possible to pre-occupy this point before I talked with the King about it; which he promised to do. Hereupon Cromwell began to repeat the great inclination which all the Council without exception had to the establishment of this friendship, and the little affection they bear to France, insomuch that only a few days ago they unanimously told the King he must not suppose there was any of them who had the slightest affection to France, except so far as they saw him inclined that way, and that, except out of regard for him, they had more esteem for the least hair of your Majesty's head than for Francis and all his people.

Cromwell gave me to understand that the King his master held the French army as broken, seeing the great power of your Majesty, and that if he were in your place he would stay some time about Rome and dissemble matters, so as to give the Frenchmen an opportunity of entering Italy further with their power and riches, in order to give them the more effectual beating. Cromwell, then, among other reproaches which he threw at the French, touched upon the ambassador Francis had with the Turks; and, from one thing to another, getting warm upon the subject, he said he was not accustomed to conceal anything, and would tell me of a wickedness as great as could be conceived; and, entering his chamber, he produced a letter stating that the Turk had given a great reception to La Forestz, the ambassador of France, and a treaty had already been made between the Turk and him in his master's name, and that if this were so Henry would not cease to make or procure war against Francis, even to his total destruction; and since Francis so inhumanly made war against the duke of Savoy, his own uncle, without any just title, what would he not do against them from whom he could obtain much more profit, if only they had power to invade them? And Cromwell was convinced that if the French had as much power to injure England as as the English have to injure France they would not let them rest, and now that they saw their neighbour's house burning they ought to have some fear for their own; and assuredly, as I told him, it was time, before the effects of the understanding with the Turk proceeded further, to apply a remedy, and the King his master ought not to lose such an opportunity of doing at once a great service to God, a service to Christendom, and a pleasure to such a friend as your Majesty. Cromwell also thought he would not, and has no doubt that Francis only aims at Milan, to obtain which he would refuse no conditions your Majesty would demand. I do not write the means and observations by which I drew him to say these things, only he could not make profit out of anything I said to him. He replied to me several times that he never heard more agreeable news, and that I could not have done him so great pleasure by giving him 20 (sic), for the news had come in good time before the arrival of any man from France, and that although he had not intended to go to Court for three days, he would go there as early as possible. In the end, I informed him of the answer the Queen had made to me about the release of the two Germans¹ detained in Flanders, but he would hardly listen to it, saying it was a matter of no moment, and that it must not be mixed up with this, on which depended all other things. Nevertheless, three days before he had spoken of it haughtily enough to a servant of mine.

Note 1. See Nos. 541 and 718.

Letters 1536. 21 Apr 1536. Vienna Archives. 699. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Having sat up all night on Easter Eve to decipher the said letters of the 28th ult., I went to Cromwell on Easter Day after dinner at a very fine house the King has given him well furnished, three leagues from here; and before mentioning the news I had received from your Majesty, or the letters addressed to himself, I reminded him of the communications we had several times had upon the establishment of peace and amity, especially on the eve of St. Matthias; and finding him firm, and as determined as ever to complete things begun, declaring also, of himself, the indignation he felt against the French, I presented to him the letters of your Majesty, which he kissed and received with great reverence, replying several times that he knew not how he could deserve your Majesty's great kindness in having deigued to write to him who was only "un petit compagnon." I then declared to Cromwell your intention upon the four points contained in the letters. As to the first, he made greater difficulty than before, saying the injury done to his master by the Holy See was so recent, and the constitutions having just been made which the King had promulgated against the said See, it would be very difficult to bring the King back, but that if the amity between your Majesty and the King were consolidated you would have in process of time greater influence to persuade his master to this reconciliation. He said further that the Pope on his side, with inconstancy enough, solicited the King's friendship, and that very lately the Pope's son had requested some great personage of the Court of Rome to write to Cromwell that, for the honor of God, he would take the matter in hand, and that this King would find the Pope very willing to satisfy him as far as possible. The Pope's son had also said that if the King would not listen to this, his Holiness would be compelled to abandon the friendship of the king of France. And hereupon Cromwell sent for the secretary who had the letters to this effect, to show me them; but he was not at home; at which Cromwell was very much displeased, telling me, as he did five days later, that he wished by all means that I should see the said letters. Hereupon I asked Cromwell how he understood that the Pope, failing of the reconciliation of the King his master, would leave the friendship of the king of France; saying that did not appear to me probable, but, on the contrary, His Holiness having lost the obedience here ought to be the more anxious to preserve the friendship of France, both to avoid alienating that kingdom, and to obtain assistance from it for the remedy of affairs here. This I said to him, fearing that this King, who is credulous enough in matters agreeable to himself, would give faith to the said words, and show himself less inclined to the said reconciliation, supposing that if the Pope abandoned France he would get the French king to support his new opinions, and would make use of him as he pleased. Cromwell only answered that he did not know how these words were to be understood, but so the letters contained, which I should see. I fancy the Pope's son intended to hint that his Holiness forbore to make a league with your Majesty, and was showing himself partial to France, upon an intimation given to him by France that it was in their power to bring back this King into obedience to the Apostolic See. I expressed myself very glad that such honorable offers had been made to the King his master, and said the King could not wish for anything more honorable than that, after having done what pleased himself in despite of those whom he need not name, he should now be so humanely desired by his Holiness and your Majesty for a thing so just and necessary for the discharge of his conscience and the tranquillity not only of this kingdom but of all Christendom. By this means, the troubles of Christendom would be appeased, and its forces directed elsewhere, and the King might boast of being father of his country, and even of having triumphed over his Holiness and your Majesty, who came to him half as suppliants for the said reconciliation. Cromwell confessed it was all true, and hoped every thing would be settled in time, and meanwhile he would promote the matter to the utmost of his power. As to the second point, touching the Princess, he said the King would certainly act like a good father and a virtuous prince, but as it was a matter that depended upon the King's honor it was not a subject for express stipulation; the King was only waiting for an opportunity to show the affection he bore the Princess; nevertheless he would not forbear to make all suitable representations to the King his master, and what could not be done at present could be easily achieved when the amity was established.

Calendars. 21 Apr 1536. Wien. Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229½, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

Before the King left his apartments to go to Chapel and hear mass, Cromwell came to me, and asked in the King's name whether I did not wish to visit the concubine (age 35) in her rooms, and kiss her hand; the King would be particularly pleased by my doing so, yet if I had the least objection, he referred entirely to my will. My answer was that for a long time back I had professed to be the King's slave, and had no other wish than to execute his commands; but that it seemed to me that for many reasons, which I would tell the King himself the very first time I had an audience from him, my visit to the lady (age 35) under present circumstances would be highly inconvenient. I begged Cromwell to make my excuses, as though from himself and try to dissuade the King therefrom, as, in my opinion, it could only be detrimental to the negociation in hand. Cromwell went away, and soon after returned, saying that the King had taken my excuses in good part, and hoped that very shortly all matters would be speedily settled to the satisfaction of the parties. He then said to me that after dinner I could speak with the King at leisure, and that on leaving him, I should, according to custom, go into the Council room, and explain my charge. I replied that it seemed to me as if the matters under discussion were so honest and reasonable, and had been so long ago anticipated, that the King might take at once a resolution upon them; or else he (Cromwell), to whom Your Majesty's credentials had been addressed, could report to the Council much better than I myself could. I added that until I had heard what the King's intentions and will were respecting the whole or part of the proposed negociation I strongly objected to appear before the Privy Council, though I purposed addressing each of them in particular, and doing anything else they might advise.

Soon after this I saw the King pass; he made me a most gracious bow, holding his cap in his hand, and not allowing me to remain longer uncovered. He asked me how I was, and how I had passed my time since the last time he had seen me. He added that I was welcome, asked for news of Your Majesty, and seemed delighted to hear you were in good health. After that he asked where Your Majesty was, and on my answering that the courier stated that at his departure from Rome he had left you close to that city, he replied that to judge from the date of Your Majesty's letter to his secretary it would appear that on the departure of the courier from Rome you were at Gaeta. He then asked me whether Your Majesty intended making a long stay at Rome, and on my answering that I did not think so, unless thereby you could be of use to him and do his pleasure —sure as I was that for such a purpose and end Your Majesty would have no difficulty in making a longer stay, or doing other things for Ids honor and for love of him— he smiled and made another bow. He then said that he imagined it would have been far better for Your Majesty's plans and interests not to have gone so soon to Rome, but to have remained longer in the kingdom of Naples, in order to throw the bait to those who wanted it, and catch them more securely within your nets. (fn. n8) My answer was that there was still plenty of time left for dissimulation, thereby meaning that I was sure Your Majesty in this, as well as in other matters, would act conformably with his advice, as that of his oldest friend, brother, and almost father, as he would gather by what I should have the honor to tell him more at leisure. "Certainly" replied the King, "We will talk of that and other matters." I was conducted to the Chapel by lord Rochefort (age 33), the concubines brother, and when the offering came a great many people flocked round the King, out of curiosity, and wishing no doubt to know what sort of a mien the concubine (age 35) and I should put on; yet I must say that she was affable and, courteous enough on the occasion, for on my bring placed behind the door by which she entered the chapel, she turned round to return the reverence which I made her when she passed.

After mass the King went to dine with the concubine (age 35) in her apartments, all the courtiers accompanying him except myself who was conducted by lord Rochefort (age 33) to the Royal presence chamber, where I dined with the principal courtiers. As I afterwards learned from a distinguished officer of the Royal household, who was there present, the concubine asked the King during dinner why I had not come as the other ambassadors had done, and that the King had answered that there were good reasons for it. Nevertheless, another courtier affirms that he heard the concubine say to the King after dinner, that it was a great shame for the king of France to treat his own uncle, the duke of Savoy, as he was doing, and make preparations for the invasion of Milan for no other purpose, as she said, than to prevent and mar the enterprise against the Turk, and that it seemed as if the Most Christian, weary of life owing to his sufferings and bad health, wished to put an end to his days as soon as possible.

Calendars. 21 Apr 1536. Wien. Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229½, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

All this Cromwell has come to tell one this very morning, Thursday. Yet at the same time he has thanked me in the King's name for my good offices in the matter, begging me to go on striving for the accomplishment of the said friendship, also declaring to me in his master's name that this point once gained all others would be settled to Your Majesty's satisfaction. That he earnestly requested me, for the honor of God, to obtain from Your Majesty at least a letter of credence in my favour addressed to this King, who, he said, would, largely reward me for my trouble. He, moreover, gave one to understand that he had told the King, his master, that had he known what was going to happen in the business, he certainly would not have been any party to it, not for all the gold in England, and that in future he would not treat with foreign ambassadors unless he had with him one of his colleagues [in the Privy Council]. He went still further. He declared to me that although he had all the time dissembled and made me believe that what he said to me was his own private view of the affair, not the King's, he could assert—nay swear—that he had done or said nothing without his master's express commands. And upon my asking him what could be the cause of such radical change in the King's mind, he answered that he did not know in the least, nor had the King said anything to him to enable him to form a conjecture. On the contrary he had been much pleased with the modest terms in which I had addressed him. Cromwell ended by observing that princes were endowed with qualities of mind and peculiarities unknown to all other people, by which assertion and many others of the same kind, he (Cromwell) openly manifested his discontent at the strange nature of the King's character, adding that not only had he written to his ambassadors in France to represent to the Most Christian the necessity of at once desisting from his enterprises in Italy and elsewhere, but had, no later than yesterday, spoken in that sense to the French ambassador, who, as Cromwell himself informs me, returned from Court as disappointed and sad as I myself was the day before.

At last, seeing no other remedy, and upon Cromwell's positive assurance that all remonstrances before the Privy Council would be time lost, I have, for the sake of temporizing, and not giving these people occasion for negociating in another quarter, put the best possible construction on the King's conditional refusal and Cromwell's explanation of it, (fn. n12) accepted them and promised to employ all my efforts and those of my freinds at Court to obtain from Your Majesty the desired letter of credence. Upon which Cromwell rather doubtfully remarked: "whoever trusts in the words of princes who one day say one thing and on the next retract it, relies on them, or expects the fulfilment of their promises, is not a wise man, as I myself experienced last Tuesday." (fn. n13) After which, with many recommendations and prayers, prayers that I myself would do my utmost to promote the affair, and the positive assurance on his part that no favorable opportunity should be lost of bringing it before his master, I took my departure and left him.

Since then Cromwell has sent me word that he had received letters from France, which made him, suspect that there is now some sort of treaty being negociated between Your Majesty and king Francis, and requesting me, if I happened to know anything about it, to inform him thereof confidentially. Should the report turn out true, said the message, I was to advise him how to act in order to prevent the suspension or falling off of the negotiations on, foot here. My answer was that I knew nothing about it; my own impression was that if Your Majesty wished to gratify the French in any wise, a settlement of your differences would soon be made; yet I saw no signs of it at present, for, although matters might be very much advanced, there was no probability of anything being concluded before the return of this courier, whom I was about to despatch to [Italy]. As to the advice he asked for, he was too wise a politician to require it; he knew very well how to act without it, and that I could not tell him more on the subject than I had said at our last interview. He has since sent me another message to the effect that, owing to the sudden and hasty arrival of the French courier, he had no time to prepare the letters which his master was to send. He, therefore, begged me to delay, as long as I could, the departure of mine. At first I made some difficulty about complying with his request; but on his sending me a second message with the same prayer, I acceded to it on consideration, as Cromwell hinted to me, that after the news brought by the French courier, the King might feel inclined to return a different auswer to my proposals.

I beg Your Majesty to believe that one of the greatest annoyances I have experienced in this country has been my total inability to treat of this matter according to Your Majesty's wishes. I could not have used more vigilance, care, and dexterity than I have done, and have purposely refrained from entering into minute particulars for fear of being over prolix; I humbly beg Your Majesty to pardon me if I have not done what may seem best.

Calendars. 21 Apr 1536. Wien. Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229½, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

Immediately after his dinner the King, passing through the presence chamber, where I was, showed me the same marked attention as in the morning, and, taking me by the hand, conducted me to his private room, followed only by the High Chancellor and Master Cromwell. Once inside, he took me apart to the window, where I failed not to remind him of the many conferences I had held with his secretary, as well as of those which Your Majesty's ambassador in France had had with master Waloup (Wallop) there residing for him. After which, the King having also reminded me of the old friendship and affection which Your Majesty had once borne him, I commenced to explain what your wishes were respecting the four points under discussion, taking care, of course, to express myself as mildly and courteously as possible, so as not to irritate him or give the least ground for altercation. I must say the King listened to me calmly, and without giving the least sign of impatience or interrupting me until I ended my speech by saying that in your desire for the peace and tranquillity of Christendom Your Majesty had purposely waived all claims to the county of Bourgoyne, which in point of fact belonged to you, as you could prove, not to those who were now invading the duchies of Savoy and Milan. Hearing this, the King burst out laughing, and said that Milan belonged to Francis, and the duchy of Burgundy also, inasmuch as Your Majesty had formally renounced both by the treaty of Cambray, which load superseded that of Madrid, which he described as a most unreasonable and cruel convention. "Had Milan," he said, "fallen into the hands of the Emperor, that would in no manner invalidate Francis' right to it, since treaties of defensive alliance refer only to those possessions and territories which the contracting parties hold at the time." My reply was directed to make the King feel that he was misinformed concerning the rights of Your Majesty to the duchies of Milan and Burgundy, and that at the date of that treaty Your Majesty was the real and true owner of the duchy of Milan, since he who then held it was only a feudal lord, after whose death the duchy had not been acquired by you afresh, but merely consolidated in your former possession of it, making, as it were, a direct and useful whole of the dominion. Which reasoning of mine, as Master Cromwell himself has since told me, was afterwards weighed and maturely considered, so as to obtain the approbation of the King and of his Privy Council.

Perceiving by the above words that the affection this King professes to have for Your Majesty is neither sincere nor disinterested, I did not insist further on the subject, and contented myself with asking whether in case of the king of France infringing any other articles, such as those relating to the duke of Ghelders and others, he himself would not take part and act in conformity with the treaties made with Your Majesty. He answered that if those treaties imposed any obligations upon him, he should certainly fulfil them much better than many other princes had done with respect to himself, and that in all other matters not obligatory, he should naturally lean to the side of those who should show him the greater affection. Coming then to the subject of the war against the duke of Savoy, he tried to persuade me, notwithstanding my previous explanation of its motives, as instructed, that the invasion of that duchy by the French was not entirely against your wish, and that the Duke (Carlo) had formerly offered to go personally to the French Court, an argument, of course, which I did my utmost to defeat.

After this the King sent for the Chancellor and for Master Cromwell, and begged me to repeat before them what I had said to him. That I did as summarily as I could, and having accomplished my task without interruption or contradiction from him and the other two, all three conferred for some time together in a corner of the room. During this time I made the acquaintance of, and conversed with the brother of the damsel whom this King is now courting, all the time keeping my eye fixed on the King and those who were with him. There was no doubt much altercation, and angry words seemed to be passing between the King and Cromwell, for after a considerable interval of time the latter came out of the embrasure of the window whereat the King was standing, on the excuse that he was so thirsty that he could go on no longer, and this he really was from sheer annoyance, for he went to sit on a chest out of the King's sight, and asked for something to drink. (fn. n9) Shortly after the King came out of the recess,—whether to approach the place where I was, or to look for Cromwell, I cannot say,—but the fact is that he came up to me, and said that the matters proposed were so important that unless I wrote them down it would be impossible for him to communicate them to his Privy Council and make an answer thereon. I replied that though I had no positive orders on that point, I dared not comply with his wish on many accounts; first of all because it was an innovation to which I had never before been subjected. No one had ever asked me to put down in writing, much less found me vacillating in, my sentiments or opinions, so as to suspect that I could suddenly change my line of conduct. I had learnt from his own ambassadors, who went once to Bologna, to make such a refusal, although they by no means had such an excuse as I myself now had. I had likewise taken pattern by Cromwell himself who had never given me anything in writing. If he (the King) wished to have my proposals in writing in order to guard against any dissimulation on the part of Your Majesty, he might have my ears cut off, if he liked, but I would certainly cause greater annoyance than all the writings in the world put together. Which speech of mine, "than all the writings in the world put together, should there be any accusation of insincerity on the part of Your Majesty," (fn. n10) as Cromwell afterwards assured me, had the effect of inspiring the King with confidence, and leading him to take my offer seriously. Yet I must say that at the time the King insisted most pertinaciously on having my statement in writing, repeating several times, in the most obstinate manner, that unless I did so I should get no answer.

At last, notwithstanding his obstinate refusal to take any notice of what I had previously said to him, the King proceeded from one thing to another to make some sort of an answer, though vague, confused, and rather passionate, the substance of which was: Respecting the first point and the Pope, that affair, he said, did not concern Your Majesty in the least; you ought not to meddle with it unless you wanted to revindicate authority over all the world. Should he (the King) feel inclined to treat with His Holiness, he had plenty of means at hand and friends who would help him thereto, without having recourse to Your Majesty's intercession.

With regard to the Princess, the King said that site was his daughter, and that accordingly as she was obedient or disobedient he would treat her; nobody had anything to do with that.

On the third point, namely the subvention towards the Turkish war, it was necessary (he said) before he himself took any engagements, that there should be a renewal of the old friendship, for it would not do to entail unreasonable expense upon those who had scarcely anything to do with the affair.

Concerning the fourth,—which under present circumstances I consider as the most important, and as requiring a speedy settlement—the King answered that he was not at all inclined to break through promises he had or might have made, or refuse his friendship to those who desired it, provided it were on convenient terms; but that he was no longer a child to be whipped in the first instance, and then caressed and, petted, and urged to come back and called all manner of sweet names. Saying which., and in order to show me practically what he meant, the King began to play with his fingers on his knees, and do as people who want to appease and call back a crying child. (fn. n11) Before asking favor and help, continued the King, from one who has received injury, it was necessary that the past should be acknowledged. And upon my observing that for a long time back I had been treating of the re-establishment of friendship between Your Majesty and him, and that I had many a time pressed in vain for an answer as well as for his decision respecting Your Majesty's proposals, he replied that it was not for him to make overtures, but rather for those who sought his friendship; and on my replying that unless the wounded man exhibited his wound to the surgeon it was imposible to apply a remedy to it, he suggested that Your Majesty ought to write him a letter requesting him, in case there had been in past times an appearance of ingratitude, or any failing towards him on your part, to forget and forgive the same, thus proving to the World and to him that the root of the old friendship was not entirely dead; there might be then the chance of a settlement. I told him that the request was unreasonable, upon which he became more moderate, and said, "Let at any rate the Emperor write me a letter asking that no further mention be made of the past." My answer was, that no letter to that effect was needed, since I myself had made such a request in Your Majesty's name; but the King still insisted that such a letter was wanted; it was of no use reminding him of what he himself had told me many a time, namely that delay is the ruin of every good work.

After this, without my giving any cause or occasion, unless he himself purposely made it (since I had all the time spoken in the mildest possible way, and listened most patiently to his arguments), the King got very excited, and began to speak of what he called Your Majesty's ungrateful behaviour towards him, asserting that without him you would never have become Emperor, nor peaceably enjoyed your Spanish kingdom, and that the very moment that Your Majesty had been elected to the Empire, not only had you forsaken him altogether, but had tried, to have him declared contumacious by Pope Clement, and deprived of his kingdom. Not only that, Your Majesty had not fulfilled the promise you once made, never to make peace with France until you had helped him (Henry) to get possession of the French crown. Nay, when the most Christian king Francis was in Your Majesty's power, you had told him that you could not make war on your own prisoner. In saying so, the King intentionally omitted the second part of the answer, namely, that when his message came to Spain, Your Majesty had already capitulated with the chancellor of Alençon, as I failed not to remind him. As to the declarations of which he spoke, I said that he knew very well it was the Pope himself who had advised, nay proposed to you, the aforesaid measure and declaration. If he took the trouble to inquire, he would find that, when the Admiral of France [Chabot] departed in disgust at the bad issue of the Calais conferences, other parties solicited from the Pope that same declaration. I went on in this way entreating the King to put all that on one side, saying that if there had been in times past misunderstanding or error, the greater ought now to be our care for the preservation of peace, and re-establishment of the old friendship. In confirmation of which argument I alleged certain authorities, and made quotations from ancient history. I afterwards told the King that if he declined to give a formal and cathegorical answer to my proposals, he had better write to his ambassador near Your Majesty to say so. He remained some time in suspense, and then said: "If you wish it, I have no objection; I will write to that effect, but then my verbal answer must be considered as not given at all." Then, he added, "my ambassador with the Emperor is unfit for that task (trop inepte), and you yourself had better. nay, ought to undertake it, You began the negociation your's ought to be the honour of bringing it to a close."

During the above dialogue the High Chancellor and Cromwell looked sad and dejected; whatever signs the King made encouraging them, as it were, to support his reasoning and applaud his arguments, neither of them said three words to the purpose. In conclusion the King said that on the following day he would cause the old treaties between Your Majesty and himself to be again examined, and that I should be informed of his resolutions.

After this meagre and unsatisfactory answer from the King's own lips, and having particularly recommended the affair to the duke of Norfolk and the other councillors, I left the royal palace and repaired to meet Cromwell at the very place where I had seen him in the morning. There we mutually condoled and, communicated our sorrow and disappointment, which was very great, especially on the side of Cromwell, who seemed so affected that he could hardly say one word. Never in his life (said he) had he been so much taken aback as on hearing the said answer. I suggested to him the idea of dropping the business altogether, or else delaying it for an indefinite time, attending only to what could be done respecting the fourth point, and the marriage of the Princess. Hearing which, Cromwell suddenly recovered his wits, and said that the game was not entirely lost, and that he had still hopes of success.

Next day, which was Easter Wednesday, the King's Privy Council met again and sat for upwards of three or four hours, and, as I am informed by Cromwell, there was not one among the councillors who did not go on his knees to the King, and, remain long in that position praying and entreating him for the honor of God not to lose so good an opportunity of establishing this desirable and close friendship between Your Majesty and himself; yet, Cromwell said: "We have been unable to make him change his opinion; he said that he would rather suffer all the evils of this world than have to confess tacitly, much less expressly, that he had offended Your Majesty in any way, or consent to ask for the said friendship. Should, however, the application be made in the manner he (the King) had pointed out to me, he would be glad to accept it."

Calendars. 21 Apr 1536. Wien. Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229½, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

As it might well happen that, setting aside all further negociations with these people, Your Majesty considered it expedient to treat with the French, I will, come what may of it, and in obedience to Your Majesty's commands, state in two words my own private opinion concerning the Princess' business, and what we ought to ask in her favour. With all due deference to Your Majesty's consummate prudence and innate wisdom, I think, under correction, that having to treat with such a faithless nation as the French are, and with people who wish to make their own profit out of everything, if would be advisable that the entire negotiation should be put into the hands of the Pope, or of his ministers, or else conducted through their intermediate agency. It ought to be stipulated that Your Majesty and the king of France are to promise to obey implicitly the provisions and commands of His Holiness and, of the Apostolic See, principally those emanating from, arising out of, or consequent on the matrimonial sentence. It ought also to be stipulated that in the event of this King obstinately refusing, as he has done hitherto, to obey the Papal injunctions, the sentence of deprivation shall be absolutely proceeded with, and the right to the crown of England entirely reserved to the Princess without prejudice, title, or pretence of anyone whomsoever; and that with a view to prevent her claims being hereafter frustrated, or damnified by the pretensions of France. (fn. n14) In order to afford better opportunity to provide for the careful preservation of the Princess' life, some, stipulation ought also to be made in favour of her legitimate successors, as well as concerning the assistance to be given to Your Majesty in the pursuit of quarrels originating in injuries done to her and others, though I fancy that Your Majesty will perhaps not hear of that. (fn. n15) There ought to be in the treaty a clause expressly stipulating that neither Your Majesty nor ling Francis is to consider as legitimate any descendants of this king by his concubine (Anne) or any other woman he may have during the Princess life, the said clause being in conformity with the words of the Papal sentence and civil law, unless the Pope himself chose to grant a dispensation, which, however, it would be necessary to warn the Pope not to grant. I do firmly believe that should this king know that a treaty of this sort had been concluded, he would immediately, without waiting for further pressure, be brought to reason; and if peradventure it was Your Majesty's pleasure to pursue the affair here, it would be useful to write letters to this king's chancellor, and to the duke of Norfolk, thanking them for their good will, and begging them to persevere. (fn. n16)

The French ambassador, as I have hinted above, went to Court the day after me, without being called, when this king, after complaining of the various grievances specified in the former part of this despatch, spoke seriously to him of certain "galeaces" newly built in France, which had lately come to the English coast to watch, and if possible capture, a Venetian ship. The said "galeaces" had touched at certain harbours of this kingdom; inquiries had been made as to the merchandize stored in them, &c. At which this king was by no means pleased. He was still less so at the answer which the French ambassador returned to him on the occasion, for he said that the fustes and galeaces above alluded to had not come for the purpose of reconnoitring vessels within the English harbours, but merely to ascertain if any English ones had brought corn from France in contravention of the ordinance prohibiting its exportation. The ambassador, as Cromwell afterwards told me, did not gain much credit by the answer, and on the other hand seemed highly displeased at my having gone to Court on the preceding day, and been well received there.

A, bill has passed in Parliament ordering the sequestration of all the personal property of the bishop of Norwich, and confirming the grant which the King made of it to the earl of Wiltshire, to whom two of the suppressed abbeys have likewise been allotted. Parliament, which, owing to various prorogations, had sat ever since I myself first came to this country, has now been dissolved, to the great cost and annoyance of its members and of the English in general; and what is worse, though all the lords of the kingdom, both ecclesiastics and laymen, besides upwards of 300 gentlemen representing the Commons sat in it, yet the whole of its authority and power has by statute been transferred to a body of 32 personages to be chosen and elected by the Crown, which is one of the points which this king has most desired to accomplish. (fn. n17)

The ambassador of Scotland tells me that nothing has yet been decided respecting the interview of the two kings, and that he himself had come purposely to learn the cause why this one did desire so much to see his master. Having made the inquiry, the answer wan that king Henry would not declare his reasons to any living soul except to James himself. It appears, moreover, that immediately after this ambassador's arrival at Court, Cromwell intimated to him that on no account was he to take the liberty of asking for the Princess' hand for his master, nor to bring forward religious matters at the projected conference. Therefore the ambassador himself thinks the interview will not take place at all, though this king seems still very desirous of it, and has lately sent to Scotland the brother (fn. n18) of the duke of Norfolk to promote and hasten the meeting in London.—21 April 1536.

Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."

Addressed: "To the Emperor."

French. Original. Entirely ciphered. pp. 8.

Diary of Edward VI. 21 Apr 1550. The marquis du Means (age 31), the duc d'Anguien, and the constable's sone (deceased) arrived at Dover.²

Note 2. On the 17th letters had been addressed "to the lord Cobham (age 53) in answer to his, that the coming over of the French hostages remaining at Callays be referred to themselves to come or tarry. If they come before the receipt of the cc m¹ crownes, that then the lords appoint some to have the charge of them; if after, that then they may come at theire libertie; howbeit that in both cases they be provided of good shipps and of some of good behaviour to conduct, and that the lords of the councell be advertised beforehand of their comming, to th'end order may be given in that behalf accordingly."

"April XX., A letter to sir Thomas Cheyney knight, lord wardeigne of the Cinque Ports, to repaire to Dover, there to meet iij of the French hostaiges, that is to weete mouns^r. Denghuyen, le marques du Mayne, and mouns^r. Montemorencye eldest son to the conestable of France, who for the French parte, in lieu of the duke of Suffolk, th'erle of Hertford, and the lorde Matraverse with others for th'Englishe part, are delivered for performance of the covenants mentioned in the treatie of this last peace concluded at Boloigne: which iij hostaiges shall retoume home upon the retourne of all our hostaiges laied for the delivery of Boloigne, the first payment being made by the French. For the suretie of whose second payment iij other hostaiges, mouns^r. Tremoyle (age 29), mouns^r. vidame de Chartiers, and mouns^r. Hanniball D'oy th'admirall's only sonne, shall remayne here.

"And forasmuche as these iij French hostaiges are of the principall nobihtie of France, it was also agreed that the lorde marques of Northampton (age 38) high chamberlain of England, with an honorable companie, that is to wete, th'erle of Rutland (age 23), the lorde Lisle, the lorde Russell, the lord Graye, the lord William Howarde, the lord Braye, sir Anthony SeUenger, sir William Stafforde, sir John Cuttes, sir Peter Mewtas, and certain other gentlemen, shulde encounter them by the waye between Dover and London, to conduct them the more honorablie according to their estates." (Council Book.)

Pepy's Diary. 21 Apr 1667. Lord's Day. Up, and John, a Hackney coachman whom of late I have much used, as being formerly Sir W. Pen's (age 45) coachman, coming to me by my direction to see whether I would use him to-day or no, I took him to our backgate to look upon the ground which is to be let there, where I have a mind to buy enough to build a coach-house and stable; for I have had it much in my thoughts lately that it is not too much for me now, in degree or cost, to keep a coach, but contrarily, that I am almost ashamed to be seen in a Hackney, and therefore if I can have the conveniency, I will secure the ground at least till peace comes, that I do receive encouragement to keep a coach, or else that I may part with the ground again. The place I like very well, being close to my owne house, and so resolve to go about it, and so home and with my wife to church, and then to dinner, Mercer with us, with design to go to Hackney to church in the afternoon. So after dinner she and I sung "Suo Moro", which is one of the best pieces of musique to my thinking that ever I did hear in my life; then took coach and to Hackney church, where very full, and found much difficulty to get pews, I offering the sexton money, and he could not help me. So my wife and Mercer ventured into a pew, and I into another. A knight and his lady very civil to me when they come, and the like to my wife in hers, being Sir G. Viner (age 28) and his lady - rich in jewells, but most in beauty - almost the finest woman that ever I saw. That which we went chiefly to see was the young ladies of the schools¹, whereof there is great store, very pretty; and also the organ, which is handsome, and tunes the psalm, and plays with the people; which is mighty pretty, and makes me mighty earnest to have a pair at our church, I having almost a mind to give them a pair, if they would settle a maintenance on them for it. I am mightily taken with them.

Note 1. Hackney was long famous for its boarding schools.

The Times. 21 Apr 1899. Marriage of Lord Crewe and Lady Peggy Primrose.

The marriage of Lady Margaret (Peggy) Primrose (age 18), younger daughter of the Earl of Rosebery (age 51), with the Earl of Crews (age 41), which took place at Westminster Abbey [Map] yesterday, was remarkable, not only as a brilliant spectacle, bat also on account of the extraordinary degree of public interest which the event evoked, and the testimony thus afforded to the popularity of the late Prime Minister. It was an ideal day for a wedding, the sun shining brilliantly. Parliament Square and the approaches to the Abbey early in the day presented a gay and animated spectacle. An hour or more before the time announced for the opening of the Abbey doors, and a couple of hours before the bridal party were expected, people began to collect in the Abbey precincts, and in a short time great crowds were stretching right away to the railings of the Houses of Parliament. As time wore on and the vast concourse grew into extraordinary dimensions the police on duty had the utmost difficulty in regulating the living mass. Taffic became congested, and the constables in some cases were swept off their feet by the surging and panting multitude, but everywhere the best of good humour seemed to prevail in the streets.

Meanwhile the interior of the Abbey was also the centre of much life and movement. The wedding was fixed for 1:30, aud the doors, at each of which a long queue of ticket-holders and others had long been patiently waiting, were opened three-quarters of an hour earlier. Immediately the throngs, in which the bright costumes of the ladies were conspicuous, wwept into the Abbey. None-ticket holders were admitted by the north door only. This entrance was literally besieged, and a quarter of an hour after it was opened it had to be closed, for in that brief space the northern transept-the porLion of the Abbey allotted to the general public-had become so densely packed that it would not hold another spectator. Those privileged visitors who held permits either for tue nave or the south transept seemed none the less eager to secure advantageous places, for every one came early. Many of the ladies stood upon the seats in their eagerness to obtain a good view. As the guests arrived Sir Frederick Bridge played an appropriate selection of music upon the grand organ.

The rare spectacle of floral decorations in the Abbey attracted general attention. At each end of the alter rails there was a towering palm with a collection of Lilium Harrisii and marguerites grouped at the base, while blooms of Liliam Harrisii also adorned the altar itself. Specimen palms with foliage and flowering plants were placed against the organ screen facing the western entrance, by which the bridal party were shortly to enter.

The arrival of the specially invited guests also proved a source of much interest. These privileged persons, numbering some 500 or 600, friends of the contracting parties and including men distinguished in politics, diplomacy, literature, and art, were escorted to seats in the choir and under the lantern. The Earl of Crewe (age 41), with his best man, the Earl of Chesterfield (age 45), arrived about ten minutes past 1. Each of them wore a marguerite in his buttonhole. They joined the Duke and Duchess of Devonshire under the lantern. The Prince of Wales (age 4) arrived about 25 minutes past 1. His Royal Highness, attended by the Hon. Seymour Fortescue (age 43), was received by Lord Rosebery's sons, Lord Dalmeny (age 17) and the Hon. Neil Primrose (age 16), by whom he was conducted to the Jerusalem Chamber. The Duke of Cambridge (age 80), who quickly followed, attended by Colonel FitzgGeorge, was met at the same door by the Hon. Neil Primrose, under whose escort he joined the Prince of Wales, after which their Royal Highnesses went to the choir and took the seats which had been specially reserved for then.

Among the others present were: The Duchess of Buckingham and Chandos, the Marquis and Marchioness of Breadalbane, the Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch. Mr. Balfour M.P., the Duke (age 52) and Duchess (age 46) of Somerset, the Marquis of Lansdowne (age 54), Mr. Asquith, M.P., and Mrs. Asquith, the Austrian Ambassador, the Earl and Countess of Harewood, the Duchess of Cleveland. the Earl of Kirnberley and Lady Constance Wodehouse, Lady Jeune and Miles Stanley, the Marquis of Dufferin, Sir R. Campbell-Bannerman, M.P., and Lady Campbell-Bauneiman, Mr. Bryce, M.P., and Mrs. Biyce, Mr. J. B Balfour, H.P., and Mrs. Balfour, Mir. H Gladstone, the Earl aud Countess of Corck, the Lord Chief Justice (Lord Russell of Killoren) and the Hon. Mliss Russell, Sir H. Fowler, f.P., and Lady Fowler, Earl and Countess De Grey, Mr. Munro-Fergrsca, M.P., and Lady Helen Munro-Ferguison, Sir Henry Irving, ir. Morley, M.P., S,r John and lady Puleston, the Marquig and Marehioness of Ripon, Lord and Lady Recay, Lord and Lady Rothschild, and all the Londoa representatives of the Rothschild family, Sir Charles aild Lady Tennant, Lord Wandsworth. Lord and Baroness Wenlock, Lord Leconfdeld, the Earl of Verulamn, Mr. aud Mrs. George Alexander idiss Mundella, Sir E. Sassoon, H.P., General and Mrs. Wauchope, Sir E. Lawson, Mr. Harmswortl, Sir Lewis Morris. Lord James of Hereford and Miss James the Hon. P. Stanhope, H.P., and Countess Tolstoy, the Earl and Countess of Aberdeen, Mr. Shaw Lefevre, Sir Charles Dalry,uiple MP. Mr. Sydney Buxton, M.P.,hr. George Russell, Tr. G. E. Buckle, Georgina, Countess A! Dudley, Sir Humphrey and Lady De Trafford, Sir Edgar and Lady Helen Vincent, Sir John Lubbock, hLP., and Lady Lubbock, Lord Hamilton of Dalzell' Sir Henry Primrose, Lord and Lady St. Oswald, Eara and Countess Stanbope, Mr. Rochfort Maguire. M.P., and Mrs. Maguire, Lady Emily Peel, Loid E. Pitzmaurice. HI.P., Earl and Countess Carrington, Lord and Lady Bnrgheiere, Loud and Lady Battersea, Lord and Lady Henry Bentnek, Lord and Lady Poltimure, the Earl of Essex, and Viscount Curzon,.p., and Viscountess Ctu-zon.

Note B. the time that the whole of the company bad assembled the transepts and choir were densely packed. The attendants had the greatest difficulty in keeping many of the spectators within the specified bounds, and owing to the crushing and crowding several ladies fainted. At half-past 1 Lord Rosebery arrived with the bride at the western entrance, having had a very heartv reception as they passed through the streets. This cordial greeting was repeated again and again as Lord wRosebery handed his daughter out of the carriage. She appeared relf-possessed and smiled upon those around her. Lady Peggy Primirose was attired in a dress of white satin of the new shape, with a very long train (not separate from the dress as in the old style). It was profusely embroidered with clusters of diamonds designed as primroses. The front of the skirt opened over a petticoat of exquisite point d'Alengon laco, which was formerly tn the possession of Marie Antoinette, and was a present from the bride's aunt, Miss Lucy Cohen. The bodice was embroidered and trimmed with similar lace aud its sleeves were of transparent mausselijt I soic. The veil was of tulle, and in nlace of the nsual coronet of orange blossom the bride wore a smart Louis XVI bow of real orange flowers. Jewelry was scarcely at all employed. Lady Peggy carried a magnificent bouquet composed mainly of orchids, white roses, lilies, and marguerites.

The bride (age 18) was received at the door of the Abbey by her ten bridesmaids. They were Lady Sybil Primrose (age 20), elder sister of the bride; the Ladies Annabel (age 18), Celia (age 15), and Cynthia (age 14) (Crewe-Milnes, daughters of the bridegroom; the Hon. Maud and the Hon. Margaret Wyndham, daughters of Lord Leaconfield; the Hon. Evelina Rothschild, daughter of Lord Rothschild; Miss Louise Wirsch; Lady Juliet Lowther (age 18), daughter of the late Earl of Lonsdale and Countess de Grey; and Miss Muriel White, daughter of Mr. Blenry White, of the United States Embassy. They were all dressed alike, in white embroidered moseline de rois over white silk. The skirts were made with shaped flounces with cream lace insertion, and upon the bodices were fichns edged with lace. The sashes were of primrose chiffon, and the hats of primrose tulle with white ostrich feathers, one side being turned up with Lady de Rothschild roses. The bouquets were of the same roses, tied with long tLreamers of the primrose chiffon. Each of the bridesmaids wore a gold curb bracelet with the initials of the bride and bridegroom in enamel, the gifts of the bridegroom.

The formation of the bridal proession was a very picturesque feature of the ceremonial. Schubert's "Grand March" was played, and the,vast congregation rose to their feet as the choir advanced, followed along the nave by the clergy, after whom caine the bride leaning upon the arm of her father, who wore a bunch of primroses in his coat, and attended by her bridesmaids. All eyes were naturally turned to the bride, but she did not lose her composare during the long and trying walk up the nave to the choir.

The procession approached the choir, Lord Crewe who with his best man had been standing a few yards from the Prince of Wales advanced to meet the bride, and the party ha1ted at a point between the choir and the lantern, where the first part of the wedding service was taken, in full view of the choir stalls, where the principal guests were seated. The hymn "O perfect Love" having been sung, the marriage service began. The officiating clergy were the Rev. Dr. Butler (Master of Tririty), the Dean of Westminster Abbey, Canon Blackburne, vicar of Crewe-green, Crewe, Canon Armitage Robinson, and the Precentor of Westminster. Dr. Butler, who took the principal part of the service, read the words in a very impressive manner. The bride made the responses in a perfectly audible voice. Upon the conclusion of the first part of the ceremony the procession of the clergy and the bride and bridegroom, followed by the bridesmaids, moved towards the east. They passed, while the psalm was sung to a chant by Beethoven, through the sacrarrum to the altar, where the concluding portion of the service was said by the Dean and other clergy. Next came the hymn "Now thank we all otr God," after which the blessing was pronounced and the service was brought to a close, to the actompaniment of a merry peal from the bells of St. Margaret's Church. As the procession moved down the Abbey to the Jerusalem Chamber to sign the register Mendelssohn's "Wedding March" was played, and the great majority of the congreation prepared to take their departure. 'ihs Prince of Wales and the Duke of Cambridge were among those who accompanied the bridal party and their relatives to the Jerusalem Chamber and appended their names to the register. Lord and Baroness Crewe, with their friends, left the Abbey amid a renewal of those enthusiastic demonstrations which had marked Lady Peggy Primrose's arrival as a bride. A reception and luncheon was given at Lord Rosebery's town house attended by the Prince of Wales; the Duke of Cambridge, and about 600 other guests, most of whom had attended the ceremony in theAbbey. Later in the day the Earl and Countess of Crewe left town for Welbeek Abbey,'placed at their disposal by the Duke and Duchess of Portland for the early part of the honeymoon. The bride wore a travelling dress of green cloth, the skirt being stitched with gold, the bodice and sleeves being embroidered in natural colour silk and gold with primroses She vwore a large wzhite hat w,ith feathers to match. THE WEDDING PRES IU& After the departure of the bride and bride-groom the numerous wedding presents displayed at Lord Rosebery's house were inspected with much interest by those of the guests who had not previously seen them.

Soon after 7 o'clock last evening the train conveying Lord and Baroness Crewe arrived at Worksop Station. The platform was thronged with people, who gave a most cordial, though quiet, reception to the newly-married pair. On their arrival at Welbeck Abbey [Map] the visitors were received with every honour, and a bouquet was presented to Baroness Crewe. The employes on the estate of Dalmeny dined together last night in celebration of the marriage of Lady Peggy Primrose. Mr. Drysdale, the chamberlain, presided over a company of about 300. After dinner there was a dance, and a display of fireworks was given in the grounds. The burgh of Queensferry, which adjoins Lord Rosebery's Dalmeny estate, was decorated yesterday in honour of the wedding. A banquet was held in the council chambers, at which the health of the bride and bridegroom was honoured, and a congratulatory telegram forwarded to Baroness Crewe.