Wriothesley's Chronicle 1538. 24 Feb 538. This yeare, the 24th daie of Februarie, beinge the Soundaie of Sexagesima and Sainct Mathias daie, the image of the roode that pouie was at the Abbey of Bexley [Map], a in Kent, called the Roode of Grace, and their was brought to Poules Crosse, and their, at the sermon made by the Bishopp of Rochester,^b the abuses of the graces^c and engines,^d used in old tyme in the said image, was declared, which image was made of paper and cloutes from the legges upward; ech legges and armes were of timber; and so the people had bene eluded and caused to doe great adolatrie by the said image, of long contynuance, to the derogation of Godes honor and great blasphamie of the name of God, as he substancially declared in his said sermon by scripture, and also how other images in the Church, used for great pilgrimages, hath caused great idolatrie to be used in this realme, and shewed how he thincketh that the idolatrie will neaver be left till the said images be taken awaie; and that the boxes that they have to gather the devotions of the people were taken awaye first, so that they should have nothing used to putt the charitie of the people in; but if their were any persons that would ofFree to such images, that the said offring might be geaven incontynent to poore people, and that the people, should be shewed howe they should ofFree no more to the said images, he doubted not butt then in short tyme they would grant that the said images might be taken awaie; also, he said, how he confessed a woman twentie yeares agoe in Oxford, which woman was the miller s wief, by the Abbey of Hailes, and how she shewed him how the abbott of the same place had given her manye Jewells that had bene offred ther at the holie bloode,^a and how he would have geaven her one Jewell which she knewe verie well hanged about the said holie bloode, and said to the said abbott that she would not have that "bloude,"^b2 because she was afraid because it hanged by the holie bloud, and the abbott said tush! thou art a foole, it is but a duckes bloode; and this the said bishopp shewed that it was true, as he besought God he might be damned if it were not so as he said; and also how he had shewed the King and the Counsell of the same, and that it should be knowen more openlie afterward; also, after the sermon was done, the bishopp tooke the said image of the roode into the pulpitt and brooke the vice of the same, and after gave it to the people againe, and then the rude people and boyes brake the said image in peeces, so that they left not one peece whole.

Note b. Bishop John Hilsey.

Note c. Probably a clerical error for vices, as in another place we read "the bishop broke the vice."

Note d. This rood or automaton, besides rolling its eyes and moving its lips, was so constructed that, by means of springs or vices, it could be made to bow, and shake its head, hands, and feet. See Herbert, p. 213, and Stow, ed. 1G31, p. 575.

Note a. Another great imposture was at Hales in Gloucestershire, where the blood of Christ brought from Jerusalem was showed in a chrystal vial, and was said to have this property: That if a man was in a mortal sin, and not absolved, he could not see it. Therefore, every man that came to behold this miracle was forced to continue to make presents till he bribed Heaven to give him the sight of so blessed a relic. This was now discovered to be the blood of a duck renewed every week, and one side of the vial was so thick that there was no seeing through it, but the other was trans parent. It was so placed near the altar that anyone in a secret place behind could turn which side he pleased outward. Lord Herbert in Kennett, vol. ii. p. 213.

b2. A clerical mistake for "jewel.";

Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII Volume 1. 24 Feb 1516. Sebastian Giustinian. To the Most Excellent Council of Ten.

On the 21st instant, this most serene King had his daughter christened, and the sponsors were the right reverend cardinal and the duchess of Norfolk (age 39)¹, the consort of the Lord High Treasurer; and thus was it done, I think, by reason of the Imperial, and French, and Spanish ambassadors, and of myself; the King not choosing to make any distinction, and I am of opinion that the consideration was prudent. To-day, I went to his Majesty and congratulated him in the name of your Highness on the birth of his daughter, and on the well-being of her most serene mother, adding that your Serenity would have experienced greater satisfaction had it been a son, for the contentment moreover of his Majesty, who should resign himself to the will of the Lord God, who distributes his favours as he pleases; with other words suited to the subject. His Majesty then made me draw nearer, having, however, in the first place returned many thanks to your Highness for this compliment, saying, "We are both young: if it was a daughter this time, by the grace of God the sons will follow," and he then continued, "Domine Orator, I will tell you a very great secret, the which I charge you under the closest confidence not to write to any one, except to your Doge, lest it become known; nor even to your Doge do I choose you to write that I in person told it you, but say that you have heard it from a good source: know that the King of France is negotiating with all earnestness to obtain peace with the Emperor, and to leave you, single-handed, at the mercy of your enemies; I always loved the Venetians, and it grieves me to the heart, the seeing you deceived from too great credulity: I have chosen to tell you his; make such provision as you may think fit." I thanked his Majesty exceedingly for so affectionate a demonstration, and said I should forthwith communicate it to your Highness, who would keep what I might write you most secret. I did not think it advisable to probe the matter farther, for to evince belief in these words, would have been perilous; whilst on the other hand, to let fall an expression implying that I doubted them, must have proved odious, so I let them pass without farther comment.

His Majesty having departed, I remained with Cardinal Wolsey, who (after I had spoken to him, and appointed a conference with his right reverend lordship about the affair of the wines of Candia, according to the injunctions contained in the letters of your Highness dated the 27th of December) said to me, " Domine Orator, I have always loved you, and desired the weal and exaltation of your state; beware in whom you trust, and take care, lest in a moment, through too great confidence, you lose that which you have preserved with so great labour and expense." I showed that I understood his meaning, to avoid the appearance of imagining that what the King had told me was unknown to his lordship, but said to him, that if the faith of your Highness doomed you to destruction, you.could only have recourse to the Almighty, who would avenge it; but, that let this perfidy proceed from whence it may, it is undeserved by your Excellency, as by your confederates you have played the part of a most Christian Republic, and as such, I trusted, would in no case be abandoned. I avoided in every word the possibility of being thought to lean to one side rather than the other, as seems to me expedient in this matter, which I have not chosen to communicate to the French ambassador, deeming it really of so great moment, proceeding as it does ex ore regis that it was my duty, first of all, to announce it to your Highness, who, being acquainted with facts concerning the most Christian King unknown to me, will form such resolves about your affairs as may be thought fit. I see this business getting very embroiled, and perceive that what I prognosticated to your Sublimity in my former letters is coming to pass, namely, that this side is solely intent on detaching your Highness from the most Christian King, and from these negotiations.

Note 1. Agnes Tilney (age 39), daughter of Hugh Tilney, the second wife of Thomas Howard, second Duke of Norfolk. This Duchess Agnes became subsequently involved in the disgrace of her granddaughter, Queen Catharine Howard. The birth of the Princess Mary at the moment of her grandfather's death, and the choice of her godmother, appear evil omens.

Calendars. 24 Feb 1536. Wien, Rep. P. C., Fasc. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

On the day before yesterday Master Cromwell sent me word by his cousin that at he wished particularly to speak to me, and therefore that if I could go to a church of the Austin Friars close to my lodgings, and facing a large house he is now building himself, I should do him a great favor. I politely excused myself on the plea that ever since the Queen's death, expecting that the King would, as it was rumoured, order some sort of funeral service to be performed, and owing also to certain other considerations, I had kept indoors, and was determined not to leave my house on any account without having previously repaired, as was my duty, to the said church of the Austin Friars, and caused masses to be there said for the soul of the good Queen. The earliest day I intended leaving my room was on that of St. Mathias, and therefore, if he was so pressed, and could not himself call on me, he might send me a verbal message as to the nature of the communication he wanted to make to me.

Soon after receiving my answer, Cromwell replied by one of his secretaries, who is in the habit of taking his messages to the King, that he would willingly have called at this embassy, were it for no other purpose than to see how I was; but that under the circumstances it was very inconvenient for him to do so, not only because he might thereby arouse the suspicions of the French, but because what he wished to tell me concerned himself personally. It was not (he sent word) by command of the King, who would not be pleased to hear that he (Cromwell) had come to me for the affair of which he intended to treat, but entirely of his own accord, that he wanted to hold a conversation with me, and therefore that he requested that I would choose a place of meeting less open to suspicion, where he might disclose matters highly important alike for Your Majesty's service and that of the King, his master.

Perceiving his pressing solicitations and the honest excuses alleged,—I mean the latter of them, for as to the former, as 1 sent him word, it could equally serve us both, and. I might just as well as himself make use of it, were it not that I wished to be agreeable to his master in all matters, as I had told him on previous occasions,—I sent him word that next morning early, that is yesterday, the 23rd, I would be at the Austin Friars, and that after the funeral service and mass, which I intended to have said for the Queen's repose, I would return home by the building he himself is now erecting in that spot, which seemed to me my shortest road home.

Yesterday, before my departure for church, Cromwell was already on the spot, which in nearly half a league distant from the house he now inhabits. Thither, after hearing Divine service, I myself went, and met Cromwell, who, having first thanked me for the honour of my visit, as well as for the favorable reports I had from time to time made to Your Majesty concerning his doings and good intentions—as the English ambassador had lately heard from Mr. de Granvelle —began reciting his customary preface to all our conferences of late, namely, the great advantages of a closer friendship between Your Majesty and the King, his master, through which, he said, you could easily achieve all your undertakings against the Turk and elsewhere; for (said he) on Your Majesty, and the King, his master, being closely united, and with a good natural understanding, no prince in Christendom would dare show hostility (gronder). He, himself, thought of nothing else day and night than of the proper means of bringing about and insuring that in dissoluble friendship. For that reason he (Cromwell) had always tried to abstain from any negociation with the French likely to be injurious to Your Majesty, or prove an obstacle to the said closer alliance and friendship. I might well recollect, Cromwell added, that on the departure for Calais of the Royal Commissioners to meet the admiral of France (Chabot) and other French notables, he had assured me that nothing injurious to Your Majesty would be discussed therein; and this had been strictly observed, as he could prove by showing me a copy of the instructions delivered to the bishop of Winchester (Gardiner), in which an article had been inserted expressly forbidding any discussion to your prejudice. He could, moreover, show me letters of king Francis continually importuning the King, his master, to declare war against Your Majesty and invade Flanders; but, king Francis, observed Cromwell, is very much mistaken if he thinks that my master will ever join in such a dance. You may be well assured of that, said he, "for there is nothing the King desires so much as the Emperor s friend- ship, to which, besides being himself greatly inclined, he is " daily assiduously urged by the members of his Privy Council, not only by those, who, like the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and the Treasurer, are pensioners of France, but also by those who, he said, belonged to the opposite party and faction, namely the earl of Wiltshire (age 59) and others." The above-named councillors, he added, considering the incredible ingratitude, inconstancy, deceit, and malignity of the French people—which are such as to cause general horror and detestation throughout Europe—at the same time bearing in mind the extreme benevolence and innumerable virtues of Your Majesty, whose worldly affairs seem guided and conducted by Divine grace and clemency—to judge from the care, help, and success constantly granted to you by God—had for some time back been in favour of a closer alliance. Neither the King nor his councillors could doubt for a moment of Your Majesty's favourable disposition, judging from the reciprocal good-will by which they themselves were animated, the more so after the very gracious and amiable words continually addressed by Mr. de Grandvelle to their ambassador at your Imperial Court; considering also that, according to letters received from Rome, up to this day Your Majesty had not allowed the Pope to fulminate against this King those tremendous censures which, after the execution of the bishop of Rochester and the cardinal, His Holiness had been strongly solicited by the Sacred College to launch Therefore as the Privy Councillors and himself were sure of Your Majesty's good will towards this King and kingdom, he (Cromwell) and all of them imagined that if Your Majesty had only for them the tenth part of the love and affection which all the English profess for you, that benevolence and kindness which you have hitherto shown could not fail to increase in such a ratio as to render it quite impossible for the Pope,—who, by the way, was no great friend of Your Majesty,—or for any other person in the world, to induce you to harm or in anywise molest them. And that since it had pleased God to remove from this world that which was the sole and unique impediment to the true and perfect friendship between Your Majesty and the King, his master, this seemed the fit time and season for the servants of both princes to think earnestly of the best means for bringing about the renewal, confirmation, and increase of the said friendship and good understanding. As to himself, in particular, knowing, as he did, my disposition to favour such views, he trusted that I would exert myself thoroughly to further this cause, since, besides the profit I might have in acting thus, I should thereby acquire immortal glory and fame. Cromwell ended by praying me to write in haste to Your Majesty, and communicate the above and anything else I might consider to be for the favourable issue of the matter, begging me to solicit Your Majesty in the most humble and affectionate terms possible not to let the present opportunity pass of consolidating and increasing that friendship, now that the door was wide open to attain so desirable an object.

Hearing such language, after praising Cromwell for his wisdom and good will, I replied that up to this moment I had known no other sentiment on Your Majesty's part than a most sincere wish of maintaining, nay increasing, that very friendship with the King, his master. It was not Your Majesty's fault if things had not sooner come to the state of which he had spoken. There, was no need, for me to produce evidence in favour of that assertion; he himself was a good witness of that. Yet that to write to Your Majesty, and report the conversation we had just had in general terms, without coming to particulars, or making fresh overtures thereupon, would be but lost time and labour, for it was the same song over and over again, and that, to cut the matter short, and show that he, was in earnest, and spoke sincerely, and without his usual dissimulation, it was necessary that he should make at once some further declarations.

Cromwell's answer was that I might be sure there was no feint, mystery, or dissimulation whatever in what he had, just told me. It would have been foolish on his part to hold such language should it bring neither advantage to his master, nor honour to himself. He would not, for anything in this world, be held as a liar or dissembler. But as what he had just said proceeded entirely from himself, without any mandate from his master, I could easily believe that he had no power to make overtures, which, in his opinion, ought to come from Your Majesty. And upon my replying to him that no categorical answer had yet been received to the first proposal, which I had made by Your Majesty's order, he said that there could be no question as to that, inasmuch as the Queen, who was the principal foundation on which those overtures rested, had since died. I would not on this occasion make further observations on that subject, save to hint, in passing, that perchance the article on the validity of the Papal sentence with regard to the Queen's marriage required now a fuller explanation than before. Cromwell asked me why but I declined to answer, only saying that I had not spoken positively, and would not insist thereon.

After this, Cromwell began to praise the bishop of Winchester's sound judgment and superior tact in discovering the ruses (tromperies) of the French, as well as in wisely advising this King not to trust in them, but to look out for the means of again making alliance with Your Majesty, in doing which the Bishop had, as he asserted, given the King immense pleasure, for he was tired of negociating with the French, and hearing people talk about them; whereas, on the other hand, whenever there was a question of treating with Your Majesty, his heart jumped for joy. At this point of the conversation, Cromwell, in a passion,—so much so that he could hardly utter his words,—exclaimed, that the French had played such tricks on the King, his master, that he would much prefer being hanged from the highest belfry in London than to have said or thought one half of what they had said or maliciously surmised on the subject; and, besides that, in order to make their profit by it, they had given Mr. de Likerke to understand that the King, his master, had offered to send an army against Flanders, and against the kingdom of Denmark, which was untrue.

Cromwell also told me incidentally that there was a rumor afloat of the marriage of the duke of Angoulême (Charles) to the [dowager] duchess of Milan, and that Your Majesty wished to give him the investiture of that duchy. But I apprehend that this and other things Cromwell told me on the occasion tend to interrupt and impede any alliance of Your Majesty with the French. What makes me suspect as much is that the Secretary requested me particularly to write to Mr. de Likerke on the subject at the same time as to Your Majesty.

Perceiving that Cromwell took no notice whatever of my observations, and seemed disinclined to proceed any further with the subject in question, and, moreover, that it was already time for him to go and attend to his business at Court, I ventured to suggest, as originating with myself, that in order to bring about again the good understanding and friendship of which he had spoken, four conditions were required. The first was that it seemed to me that Your Majesty, as a very Catholic prince and protector of the Church, could not do less than ask the King, his master, to return before all things to Apostolic obedience, and reconcile himself with the Church. Secondly, I thought that if you were to establish also as a condition that the Princess should be declared legitimate and reinstated in her rank, it would not be too much to ask. Thirdly, that, those conditions being fulfilled, Your Majesty should solicit and obtain his master's help against the Turk and make alliance with you. Germany having already offered to assist most efficiently, provided the rest of the Christian princes joined in the undertaking, there could not be any difficulty in that country joining the league against the Turk. Fourthly, were Your Majesty to request the king of England to make besides a defensive and offensive league against whomsoever might act wrongly towards one of the parties, what would the King do I wished (I said) to know what answer his master was disposed to make upon the whole.

Cromwell's answer was, that concerning the last point he thought that the King, his master, would do anything that might be desired. With regard to the third, he had no doubt that he would contribute much more efficiently than you perhaps expected; his only regret was that he was not more powerful, and better situated to lead the undertaking in person. He could not employ his treasure in a better cause.

With regard to the Princess, Cromwell observed this was the fit opportunity to treat of her prospects, and of the settlement of her affairs in future, in a manner to please Your Majesty; the door was already open for negociation.

Respecting the first point, which was the most difficult of all, after some preliminary discussion and a good deal of hesitation, Cromwell said he thought the King, his master, would readily accede to what might be agreed upon between the deputies of both parties. To this I objected that the deputies named could scarcely know of what to treat, and that it was necessary for the King first to put the Pope in possession of all his rights in England, and then submit to the determination of the Council; and I then went on explaining my views on the subject. "For (said I) the Kings allegation so often repeated that the convocation of the Council belongs by right to the Emperor, and not to His Holiness, is, to my mind, a manifest proof that your master, the King, does not wish for the celebration of the Council, whilst the rest of the Christian princes all believe it to be necessary for God's service and the repose of Christendom."

Cromwell's answer was, that I might be right in my views, and yet it was necessary to begin by one of the two ends. I ought to try and have myself appointed as one of the commissioners, with such articles as Your Majesty would approve of, or else a declaration should come from Your Majesty purporting that, should the King, his master, send ambassadors to treat of that matter, they would be well received at the Imperial Court; this being done the King would prepare a most honourable and numerous embassy, and, once the negociation on foot, I was to let him act, and he would pull the strings. (fn. n9)

After this, we both kept silence for two or three minutes, until Cromwell repeated to me what he had formerly said concerning the Princess, adding that at any rate I was to hope for the amicable settlement of all pending matters. I ought to consider what wonderful things he had achieved ever since he had had the administration of the King's affairs; whereby he seemed to imply that it was in his power to undo part of what he had already done, even as regards the Princess, for whose service he offered to work as much as was in his power.

Having had occasion to allude to the King's late practices in Germany and Denmark, Cromwell assured me that there had been none at all, and that he would willingly lose his head if it could be discovered that there or elsewhere any thing had been treated of to Your Majesty's injury or disadvantage. On the contrary, he protested that, were the understanding between Your Majesty and his master to become such as he (Cromwell) wished it to be, your affairs abroad, and even in Denmark, would get on much better than they actually do. That the reason for sending to Germany the bishop of Harfort was that they wished to get the opinion of several men in that country respecting their own affairs, and hear how the people governed themselves, and for no other motive. I might have told him that, to attain the object he spoke of, there was no necessity of remitting to the said Bishop, besides a large sum which he had received on his departure, no less than 20,000 ducats; but I would not say so for fear of betraying the merchant, who only two days before had positively assured me that Cromwell had requested him to make out the bill of exchange payable at Neurenberghe (Nuremburgh), and that he (the merchant) had refused until he heard from Jehan Carlo de Affaictatis, the banker, whom he should consult on the subject.

There has been no change yet in the Princess' state. She wrote to me yesterday to say she intended to apply again to Your Majesty for help and assistance.

Some courtiers tell me that for the three last months this King has not spoken ten times to his concubine, and that when the news of her miscarriage was brought to him, he only observed, "I see that God will not give me male children;" and that, having gone to visit her, on leaving her room he added by way of farewell, with much ill grace, 'When you are up I will come and speak to you." It seems that the concubine has assigned two causes for her miscarriage; one is the King's fall from his horse some time before; the other the love she bears him, which she says is greater and more vehement than that of the late Queen, so much so that whenever she hears of his loving another woman but her, she is broken-hearted. The King, however, has been much disappointed as well as hurt at Anne's excuses at least he has all the appearance of being much discontented with her, for during these last days of festival and rejoicing he has remained in London, leaving Anne at Greenwich, whereas in former times he could hardly be one hour without her.

I had forgotten to say that among the news which Master Cromwell said he had received from France, was a rumour, originated, as it was said, from Spaniards, to the effect that the late Queen had been poisoned. This Cromwell could not tell me without some visible change of colour and countenance. My reply was that I did not think there could be a Spaniard at the French court capable of spreading such news. That was, no doubt, a saying of the French themselves, who might think so, and have their suspicions. Perhaps the more discreet among them did purposely attribute the rumour to Spaniards in order to give greater authority to the report. Cromwell agreed with me, and said he would write to the English ambassador in France.

Having told Cromwell that the shortest way to arrive at the friendship of which he spoke was to refrain from persecuting the Church and the Clergy, he answered that no further proceedings would be instituted against them.

Just at this moment I am in receipt of a message from the Princess to say that after leaving me Cromwell had, by the King's command and in his name, sent for a cross which the Queen, her mother, had bequeathed to her. I fancy that the cross is not set with precious stones, and that the gold of it is not worth 10 crs., but that there is inside a piece of the true cross,—an object of great devotion and consolation to the Princess. By which act Your Majesty may well calculate what faith and reliance can be placed in these people's words. I apprehend that God will never grant them His grace that they may acknowledge their error, and avoid the punishment of their execrable crimes and misdeeds.—London, on the prosperous and happy day of the glorious St. Matthias, 1536.

Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."

Addressed: "To the Emperor."

French. Original. Entirely in cipher. pp.

Pepy's Diary. 24 Feb 1667. By and by comes Sir Robert Viner (age 36) and my Lord Mayor to ask the King's directions about measuring out the streets according to the new Act for building of the City, wherein the King (age 36) is to be pleased¹. But he says that the way proposed in Parliament, by Colonel Birch (age 51), would have been the best, to have chosen some persons in trust, and sold the whole ground, and let it be sold again by them, with preference to the old owner, which would have certainly caused the City to be built where these Trustees pleased; whereas now, great differences will be, and the streets built by fits, and not entire till all differences be decided. This, as he tells it, I think would have been the best way. I enquired about the Frenchman² that was said to fire the City, and was hanged for it, by his own confession, that he was hired for it by a Frenchman of Roane, and that he did with a stick reach in a fire-ball in at a window of the house: whereas the master of the house, who is the King's baker, and his son, and daughter, do all swear there was no such window, and that the fire did not begin thereabouts. Yet the fellow, who, though a mopish besotted fellow, did not speak like a madman, did swear that he did fire it: and did not this like a madman; for, being tried on purpose, and landed with his keeper at the Tower Wharfe [Map], he could carry the keeper to the very house. Asking Sir R. Viner (age 36) what he thought was the cause of the fire, he tells me, that the baker, son, and his daughter, did all swear again and again, that their oven was drawn by ten o'clock at night; that, having occasion to light a candle about twelve, there was not so much fire in the bakehouse as to light a match for a candle, so that they were fain to go into another place to light it; that about two in the morning they felt themselves almost choked with smoke, and rising, did find the fire coming upstairs; so they rose to save themselves; but that, at that time, the bavins³ were not on fire in the yard. So that they are, as they swear, in absolute ignorance how this fire should come; which is a strange thing, that so horrid an effect should have so mean and uncertain a beginning.

Note 1. See Sir Christopher Wren's (age 43) "Proposals for rebuilding the City of London after the great fire, with an engraved Plan of the principal Streets and Public Buildings", in Elmes's "Memoirs of Sir Christopher Wren", Appendix, p.61. The originals are in All Souls' College Library, Oxford. B.

Note 2. "One Hubert, a French papist, was seized in Essex, as he was getting out of the way in great confusion. He confessed he had begun the fire, and persisted in his confession to his death, for he was hanged upon no other evidence but that of his own confession. It is true he gave so broken an account of the whole matter that he was thought mad. Yet he was blindfolded, and carried to several places of the city, and then his eyes being opened, he was asked if that was the place, and he being carried to wrong places, after he looked round about for some time, he said that was not the place, but when he was brought to the place where it first broke out, he affirmed that was the true place. "Burnet's Own Time", book ii. Archbishop Tillotson (age 36), according to Burnet, believed that London was burnt by design.

Note 3. brushwood, or faggots used for lighting fires.

Pepy's Diary. 24 Feb 1668. Home, and there to dinner alone, and after dinner I took them to the Nursery¹, where none of us ever were before; where the house is better and the musique better than we looked for, and the acting not much worse, because I expected as bad as could be: and I was not much mistaken, for it was so. However, I was pleased well to see it once, it being worth a man's seeing to discover the different ability and understanding of people, and the different growth of people's abilities by practise. Their play was a bad one, called "Jeronimo is Mad Again", a tragedy. Here was some good company by us, who did make mighty sport at the folly of their acting, which I could not neither refrain from sometimes, though I was sorry for it. So away hence home, where to the office to do business a while, and then home to supper and to read, and then to bed. I was prettily served this day at the playhouse-door, where, giving six shillings into the fellow's hand for us three, the fellow by legerdemain did convey one away, and with so much grace faced me down that I did give him but five, that, though I knew the contrary, yet I was overpowered by his so grave and serious demanding the other shilling, that I could not deny him, but was forced by myself to give it him. After I come home this evening comes a letter to me from Captain Allen (age 56), formerly Clerk of the Ropeyard [Map] at Chatham, Kent [Map], and whom I was kind to in those days, who in recompense of my favour to him then do give me notice that he hears of an accusation likely to be exhibited against me of my receiving £50 of Mason, the timber merchant, and that his wife hath spoke it. I am mightily beholden to Captain Allen (age 56) for this, though the thing is to the best of my memory utterly false, and I do believe it to be wholly so, but yet it troubles me to have my name mentioned in this business, and more to consider how I may be liable to be accused where I have indeed taken presents, and therefore puts me on an enquiry, into my actings in this kind and prepare against a day of accusation.

Note 1. Theatre company of young actors in training.

Greville Memoirs. 24 Feb 1832. In the evening went to Lord Holland's, when he and she asked me about the letter. Somebody had given abstracts of it, with the object of proving to Lord Grey that Harrowby had been uncandid, or something like it, and had held out to the Tories that if they would adopt his line they would turn out the Government. Holland and the rest fancied the letter had been written since the interview, but I told them it was three weeks before, and I endeavoured to explain that the abstracts must be taken in connection not only with the rest of the text, but with the argument. Holland said Lord Grey meant to ask Harrowby for the letter. From thence I went to Harrowby, and told him this. He said he would not show it, that Grey had no right to ask for a private letter written by him weeks before to one of his friends, and it was beneath him to answer for and explain anything he had thought fit to say. But he has done what will probably answer as well, for he has given Ebrington (age 78) a copy of it for the express purpose of going to Lord Grey and explaining anything that appears ambiguous to him. As the business develops itself, and the time approaches, communication becomes more open and frequent; the Tories talk with great confidence of their majority, and the ultra-Whigs are quite ready to believe them; the two extreme ends are furious. Our list up to this day presents a result of forty-three votes to thirty-seven doubtful, out of which it is hard if a majority cannot be got. I have no doubt now that they will take a very early opportunity of making a declaration. Peel, in the other House, is doing what he can to inflame and divide, and repress any spirit of conciliation. Nothing is sure in his policy but that it revolves round himself as the centre, and is influenced by some view which he takes of his own future advantage, probably the rallying of the Conservative party (as they call themselves, though they are throwing away everything into confusion and sinking everything by their obstinacy) and his being at the head of it. He made a most furious and mischievous speech.